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CIHM/ICMH 

Microfiche 

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CIHM/ICMH 
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microfiches. 


Canadian  Instituta  for  Historical  l^^icroraproductions  /  Institut  Canadian  da  microraproductions  historiquas 


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CIHM/ICMH 

Microfiche 

Series. 


CIHM/ICMH 
Collection  de 
microfiches. 


Canadian  Instituta  for  Historical  l\^icroraproductions  /  Institut  Canadian  da  microraproductions  historiquas 


Technical  and  Bibliographic  Notes/Notes  techniques  et  bibliographiques 


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0 

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XX 


28X 


32X 


ire 

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6es 


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-e 


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premidre  page  qui  comporte  une  emprelnte 
d'Impresslon  ou  d'lllustration  ev  en  terminant  par 
la  dernldre  page  qui  comporte  une  telle 
emprelnte. 

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cas:  Ie  symbols  — ►  signifie  "A  SUIVRE",  ie 
symbols  y  signifie  "FIN". 

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■1  %'T:--:,\  ■  ■\^-;y''i:^-:fXm' 


v'? 


\  .  LIVINGSTONE'S  HlSTORY 

V'   \  OF  THE 

Republican  Party. 


.'fi.'S 


AHI8T0RY0FTHE  REPUBLICAN  I^^KT  Y  FROM  1 1  b 
FOUNDATION  TO  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  CAM- 
PAIGN OF  1900,  INCLUDING  INCIDENTS  - 
OF  MICHIGAN  CAMPAIGNS  AND 
BIOGRAPHICAL  SKETCHES. 


v^ 


VOL,  I. 


DETROIT.  MICHIGAN: 
Wm.  Livingstone,  Publisher. 


C/)^ 


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^ 


THE  LIBRARY  OF 
CONQRESS, 

Two  CuPiE»  REOtiveo 

MAP     2    1901 

CoPVRiaHT    INTHV 

CLASS  Cl  XXb.  No 
COPY  A. 


jr 


'.'.*j; 


COPTBIGHX,  laOO. 

Bt  WM.  I.IVINGSTONE. 

BBTROIT.  HICHIOAN. 


of 

Winn  •  Hammonk 
Oetroil.  Mkb. 


"ttiiisifw^' 


L-IBRABYOr 
NQRESS, 

UPiE»    REOtlveD 

2    1901 

RldHT    INTHV 

,  /V,  t9e>t> 
Cl  XXb.  No. 

OPY  A. 


PREFACE. 


Tliere  have  been  many  histoiies  written  recounting  portions  of 
the  life  and  activities  of  the  Republican  party,  but  "0"«that  cover 
the  whole  period  of  its  existence  from  its  foundation  in  1854  to  the 
closing  campaign  of  the  Nineteenth  Century.    Ko  account  of  the  Jack- 
son Convention,  which  first  gave  form  and  utterance  to  the  convictions 
out  of  which  the  Republican  party  grew,  has  ever  before  been  set 
forth  in  book  form.    It  seemed  to  the  publisher  particularly  appro- 
priate  that  such  a  history  should    be   prepared    in  the  State  in 
which   the   Party   was   founded,   in   which   it   has   won   some   of 
its    most    noted    triumphs,    and    which    has    furnished    to    the 
Party   councils   and   to   the   Nation's   history   some   of   the   most 
distinguished  names.    The  History  includes  an  account  of  every 
National  Convention  and  Campaign  from  1856  to  1900,  the  text  of 
every  National  Republican  platform  adopted,  and  the  principal  events 
occurring  during  each  Administration.    Local  interest  is  added  by  a 
brief  statement  of  the  results  of  each  campaign  in  Michigan,  and  by  a 
number  of  chapters  that  relate  exclusively  to  political  movements  in 
this  State.    The  publisher  considers  himself  fortunate  in  having 
secured  for  the  preparation  of  the  general  history  the  assistance  of 
Mr   William  Stocking,  who  during  alnwst  his  whole  adult  life  has 
been  at  the  newspaper  end  of  political  campaigns,  and  who  has 
attended  nearly  all  of  the  State  Conventions  held  in  Michigan  since 

it  would  be  impossible,  without  extending  the  work  far  beyond 
reasonable  limits,  to  sketch,  biographically,  all  the  men  whose  politi- 
cal prominence  or  party  services  deserve  mention.  Their  acts  are  m 
many  cases,  interwoven  with  the  text  of  the  history.  So  far  as  sep- 
arate sketches  and  portraiture  have  been  employed  it  has  been  the 
aim  to  select  men  who  were  of  State  prominence,  as  well  as  repre- 
sentative  in  their  respective  localities.  The  artistic  excellence  of  the 
portraiture  will  be  apparent  to  everyone  who  opens  the  volumes,  and 
needs  no  word  of  commendation. 


Ui. 


Winn  •  Hammond 
DetToil.Mkh. 


'"'WSWJW^sefC^^J 


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TABLE  OF  CONTENTS. 


1. 


ACTS  OF  PttO-SLAVEUY  AGOBES8ION. 


Pag% 
1-18 


miseH  at  an  End. 


*. 


II. 


THE  WORK  OP  PREPAUATION... 


19-34 


I     AiiM.i„«n  in  1854— The  Breaking  Down  of  Old  Party 

„  TTninn—Rousiue  Antl-Ncbraska  Meetings— \ aiuame  yyoir 
TVl  and  Fi^c  DemLttic  Editors-Encouragement  From  the 
iL..T2etTo--rLong  Step  Toward,  Union-Strong  Resoiutions  and 
ji  Rousing  Call. 


III.    THE  FIRST  REPUBLICAN  CONVENTION 35-55 

,  .    „  t-.  o  Rnnainic  Call— The  Great  Convention  "Under 

Now  Party  Conducts  a  Short  and  Winning  Campaign. 


'I  •  IwMwmmmttitllltttl^liti^ ' 


TAHLE  OF  CONTENTS. 


IV.    SOLIDIFYTNO    THE    TARTY. 


Page. 
66-64 


Cliiinm  to  Prloilty  in  Oi'Kuni«nUoii— Mixed  Con<lition  nnd  Various 
NainoH  ot  I'artli'H  in  1854- The  Conduct  of  AffalfH  in  KanHaH  (Iradu- 
ally  HriuKM  all  Anti-Hlavcry  Elements  Together— A  Laud  Trick  in  the 
InterPHt  of  the  MlMxourians— Free  Slate  Emigrant  Aid  8ocietleH— 
— MurderH  and  Depredations  by  the  Missourlans— EioctiouH  <^arried  by 
Force  and  li'raud-Ueroic  Resistance  by  Free  State  Men  and  Subse- 
quent  Gain  in  Influence—Tlieir  Final  Success— Kansas  at  Last  Ad- 
mitted as  a  Free  State,  with  Republican  Ofllccrs  and  Legislature. 


V.    THE  CONVENTION  AND  CAMPAIGN  OF  1856. 


85-77 


First  Reptiblican  National  Convention— Nomination  of  Fremont  and 
Dayton  with  a  Strong  Platform— A  Spirited  Campaign  With  Ardent 
Hopes  of  Success— The  October  Elections  Have  a  Dei)reHHing  Effect— In 
November  Buchanan  Is  Elected  by  Narrow  Margins  In  the  Mi<ldle  States 
—The  Election  Considered  a  Moral  Triumph  for  the  Republicans,  and  a 
Sure  Indication  of  Future  Success— An  Exciting  and  Vigorously  Con- 
ducted Campaign  in  Michigan— The  Rennlt  a  Decisive  and  Enduring 
Triumph— The  Old  School  Democrocy  of  the  Peninsular  State  In  Its 
Death  Throes. 


VI.    PRESIDENT  BUClLiNAN'S  ADMINISTRATION 78-8 

A  Fresh  Shock  to  the  North— The  Dred  Scott  Decision— Its  Effect  Was 
to  Nationalize  Slavery— The  Decision  Known  to  the  President  in  Ad-        ^ 
vnnce— The  Colored    People    Not    Citizens    Nor    Possessed  of    Rights       ;; 
Which  the  White  Men  Were  Bound  to  Respect— Tlie  Black  Man  Not 
Thought  of  Except  as  Property— The  John  Brown  Raid  and  Its  Effect    . 
Upon  the  South— Character  and  Career  of  Brown— The  Great  Debates 
Between  Lincoln  and  Douglas— Last  Successful  Opposition  to  Internal 
Improvements— A  Prophetic  Utterance. 


VII.    THE  SECOND  NATIONAL  CONVENTION 89-103 

The  Douglas  Democrats  and  the  Seceders  From  the  Charleston  Con-  ^ 

vention— The  Republicans  Meet  at  Chicago  In  High  Hopes— Immense 
Gathering  at  the  Wigwam— All  the  Free  States  and  Six  Slave  States 
Represented— Some  of  the  Distlagoished  Men  Present— Joshua  R.  Gid- 
dlngs  and  the  Declaration  of  Independence— A  Ringing  Platform 
Adopted— Seward  First  Choice  of  a  Majority  of  the  Delegates- 
Influences  that  Operated  Against  Him- Necessity  of  Carrying  the 
Middle  States— Dramatic  Scene  When  Lincoln  was  Nominated— Dis- 
appointment of  Michigan  Republicans— Strong  Nomination  for  Vice- 
President. 


■MMtai 


^-■.j^f.''A; 


TABLE  OP  CONTENTS. 


Page. 
66-64 


VarlotiB 
Inn  Oradn- 
fick  in  thv 

^•(•U'tloH— 

fv'arrii'd  liy 
fad  HiiliHo- 
LaKt  A<1- 
tlature. 


TlIK  LINCOLN  AND  HAMLIN  (^AMrAKJN. 


Pago. 
104-113 


Thf  Itt'Kiilar  Doniorratlc  and  Hwt'doi'H'  ('onvcnlionM— NoiiiiinitlDnM  itf 
IioiiKlnH,  Bn'fkinriiiKo  and  Boll— Certainty  of  a  IMvlHion  of  tln«  Dcmo- 
t-ratic  Vote— ConililnallonH  of  DomocratH  and  i'oiiNlitiitioiial  Union 
.Men— Reward  and  IIIh  FriendH  DiHappoinled,  Bnt  He  IIocm  <fO(>d  Work 
in  the  Campaign— ConMervalivc  Api>i<nlH  to  HiiMin*>HM  Mt-n— Howard'M 
Ileply— A  Torch  lAght  and  Parade  Canipaiffn— OriKin  of  the  Wide 
Awakes— DoMulaB  on  fhe  Htuinp— Fnnlon  In  New  York  8tato — The  lie- 
pnblioanH  Win  and  Have  Botli  IIouHea  of  CongrcHH. 


.'i' 


mont  and 
th  Ardent 
Effect— In 
Idle  Statea 
ans,  and  a 
auHly  Con- 
Enduring 
ate  In  Ita 


66-77 


78-88 


EJffect  Was 
ent  in  Ad- 
of  Rights 
E  Man  Not 
Its  Effect 
at  Debates 
to  Internal 


89-103 


?ston  Con- 
— Immense 
ive  States 
la  R.  Gid- 
Platform 
•elegates— 
Tying  the 
ited— Dis- 
for  Vic«- 


■h 


THE   INTEUUEONUM 113-123 

A  Country  Without  a  fiovernment— Plots  for  the  IHHniption  of  the 
Union— Plans  for  SeoPHHion  Had  Long  Been  in  Preparation— Utter- 
ances in  the  Secession  Conventions— Plotters  in  tlie  Departments  at 
Washington— Arms  Sent  From  the  North  to  Southl^rn  Arsenals— Vessels 
of  the  Navy  Widely  Scattered— Preparations  for  Seizing  Southern 
Forts— Vacillation  of  the  President  over  His  MesMage— He  Finally  Con- 
cludes That  the  Government  Has  No  Power  to  I'revetit  Secession— The 
South  Carolina  "Embassy"— Secession  of  the  Southern  States  and  With- 
drawal of  Members  of  Congress— Union  Meetings  in  the  North— The 
Crittenden  Compromise — The  Peace  Conference. 


PRESIDENT   LINCOLN'S  ADMINISTRATION 124-138 

I^incoln's  Journey  to  the  Capitol— His  Purpose  as  Regards  Slavery- 
Formation  of  the  Cabinet  and  Discordant  Elements  There— Prominent 
Men  in  Congress— Divided  Opinions  About  the  Southern  Forts— 
Seward's  "Thoughts  for  the  President's  Con8ideration"~The  South 
Carolina  Embassy— The  Bombardment  of  Fort  Sumter— The  First 
Call  for  Volunteers— Prompt  Response  by  Congress  to  the  I'residcnt's 
lletiuests— Important  Acts  of  General  Legislation— The  Question  of 
Returning  Fugitives— The  President  Puts  the  Union  Above  the  Slavery 
Question— Events  liCading  Up  to  the  fiSmancipation  Proclamation- 
Varying  Fortunes  of  the  War. 


PRESIDENT  LINCOLN'S  RENO.MINATION 139-160 

His  Own  Attitude  Toward  the  Question- Elements  of  Hostility  to  Hiui 
—The  Pomeroy  Circular  and  the  Chase  Movement— The  Union  Repub- 
lican Convention  and  the  Nomination  of  Fremont — A  Feeler  Put  Out 
for  General  Grant — The  Baltimore  Convention — Lincoln  Renominated  by 
Acclamation  on  a  Strong  Platform— He  Secures  the  Nomination  of 
Andrew  Johnson  for  Vice-President. 


Iv. ' 


I 


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■"■■'-_  ';i:>' :■",,., -Xr 


■"*; 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTH. 


\ 


PmKc. 
XII.    THE  MNCOI.X  ANU  .lOllNMON  (lAMl'AION t6M64 

GhangiiiK  Pi-oHiHvtH  or  tho  CiunimlKii— Tho  DfiiiocriitH  (Jive  tho  U»>|nil>- 
llciiiiM  VnlimUlo  Al<l-  'I'lu-y  I'lit  ii  War  (Icnernl  on  a  IN-uct!  I'lutfonn- 
Th«'  Wnr-lH-a-Fiiiliirt'  lltU'ranio  Ui-arlM  AualnHt  Thfiii— IJiilou  Vlc- 
torl«'n  IIi'lp  tin-  U«m>ii1i1Uhii  t^nuw-  MiOlsllaii  Virtually  llfpiitllttt.'M  tho 
IMntroriii,  uuil  This  ("uukom  tiivai  DiHHatUfactloii— VallaiKllghnm,  ami 
HU  (JrU'vaiict'H— IVaof  N«'Koll»tloiiK-Tlu'  HoptoinlM'r  and  OctolM-r  KIih- 
tiouM  Fnvoriilili— A  Hw-ffiiinu  lU'i.ulillran  Triiniipli. 


XIII.    THE  THIIITEKNTII  AMIONUMBNT 16B-17t 

IniiKirtnnt  Eventn  AtlcndiuK  the  CIoho  of  Preiililent  lilncoln'a  Admia- 
istrntion— Prominent  Meniberti  In  tho  House  of  the  Thirty-eighth 
CongrpuM— The  Thirtet-nth  Amendment  Introduced  by  nn  Old  Democrat 
— ItH  Kawy  PaMsattf  in  the  Sennle— Prolonged  ContcMt  Over  the  Measuw 
in  the  lIoiiHe- Being  Mefenled  Itx  Parliamentary  Standing  Was  Pre- 
served by  .lames  .M.  Ashley— The  Leading  Hpeakers  for  and  A,«ninst  It— 
The  President  and  S«>rretary  Hewurd  Ise  Their  InHnence  In  Its  Favor 
—Fiual  Adoption  of  the  Amendment. 


XIV.    THE  END  OF  THE  WAU 176-183 

Futile  AlteniptH  at  Negotiation— I'resldent  Lincoln's  Ultimatum— 
SonthernerH  Still  Seek  Recognition  of  the  Confederacy— Mission  of 
Francis  P.  Blair— .Tefferson  Davis  Appoints  Peace  CommisBloners— 
President  Lincoln  Visits  Fortress  Monroe— The  Overtures  Rejected- 
War  Meeting  at  Richmond -Report  of  Oonsplrocy  Among  Democratic 
Generals— Succ-sses  of  Sherman.  Sheridan  and  Grant— The  Evacuation 
'  of  Richmond— Llmoln's  Visit  to  that  City— His  Greeting  by  tlie  Colored 
People— Surrender  of  Lee— Assassination  of  the  President— Sherman's 
Terms  with  Johnston -Disbandment  of  the  Armies.  ,  . 


XV.    ANDREW  JOHNSON  AND  HIS  POLICY 184-202 

ForebodiDgs  of  the  Northerners  in  Regard  to  Johnson— His  Campaign 
Speeches  Made  An  Unfavorable  Impression— His  Threats  Toward  the 
South— Tails  About  Making  Treason  Odious— Sudden  Change  of  Atti- 
tude—Proclamation of  Amnesty  and  Pardon— Poor  Selections  of  Pro- 
visional Governors  for  the  Southern  State*— Mischievous  Results  of  the 
President's  Plan— Southern  States  Re-ennct  Slavery  in  Another  Form— 
They  Accept  the  Thirteenth  Amendment  and  Then  Proceed  to  Nullify 
It— Discriminations  Agoinst  <:3olored  People  In  the  Punishment  of 
Offenses— The  President's  Message— Committee  on  Reconstruction— In- 
teresting Debates  on  the  Southern  Question— Passage  of  the  First 
Reconstruction  .Vet  and  Proceedings  Under  It— The  Fourteenth  Amend- 
ment to  the  .Constitution. 


% 


.i.a^arMM'jT.tillWWWigariMW*'*^*****' 


KiWMi 


TAULK  OF  roNTENTH. 


Pure. 

151-164 


XVI.    TIIK  IMI'KA<;illN«;  CONCiUKHH. 


Pago. 

203-220 


Intforin— 
liou  Vic- 
liutcH  the 
mill,  aiiit 

ImI-    lOll'l- 


166-171 


8  Admiii- 
rty-olghth 
Dt'inopriit 
M(>a8iii-<> 
VVbm  Pi«- 
rniiiMt  It— 
ItH  Knvor 


176-183 


tiinntum— 

lliHHioll   ol' 

isHionerK— 
Itejoc'ted— 
•emotTiitIc 
ivaciiatloii 
le  Colorwl 
Sherman'M 


Tin-  Kh'i'tlonH  of  1886-TIh'  Anii-ln-Ariii  Convention  In  Phllailflpiiia - 
A  HitIoiih  Movement  TiiriH'd  to  Ul<li<'iilf- ('onvcnllouH  of  Hoiitlicrn 
LoyiillMtH  mill  Xorthern  U«'I>iiI>1I<iiiih  A  Powerful  AdflroMM  to  the  Conn- 
try  by  I  lie  Poriiior- The  I'reMitleiil'H  "Swiiiif  Aioiiml  the  Clrele"- 
AdmlnlKtrnlloii  and  Aiitl-AdiiiiiilHlrHlioii  Soidlei-M'  and  MallorM*  ('onveii- 
tlonii— Large  Hepnidh  an  -Majority  in  the  New  ConKrenH— .FohiixoirM 
NuinerouN  VetoeH— CharKeH  and  ArtlcIeK  of  Iin|>eaohiiient-~Attenip(  to 
Force  Secretary  Htanlon  Out  of  Offl<e— Iinpearhiiient  Ilenewed— Trial 
of  the  Case  and  BenefltH  Therefruin— The  Fifteenth  Ameaduient. 


XVII.    THE  FOURTH  UKPUBMCAN  CONVKIVTION 221-2.10 

The  Party  at  Hea  With  Uegard  to  a  Candidate— A  Oradiial  Turning. 
Toward  Oraiit— Hl«  DlMcretloii  l>iirlnK  .lohiiHon'H  ('areer — Meeting  of 
the  Ohieago  ronvention— Delegalcrt  From  the  HoidierH'  and  HallorH*  ('oii- 
venlion — A  Uintring,  Patriotic  and  National  Platform  Adopted — Oeneral 
Logan'n  Brief  and  Aiipropriale  PivHentatlon  of  (irant'H  Name— The 
Oeneral  TTnnninioiiKly  Nominated— Six  BallotR  for  Vice-PrcMlilent— 
Spea1«er  Colfax  Finally  WinH— A  .Michigan  Incident  in  Connection  With 
the  Conteat— Brief  and  Timely  Letters  of  Acceptance — Ornnt'H  Defer- 
ence to  the  Pottular  Wiaheft. 


XVin.    THE  ORANT  AND  (JOLFAX  CAMPAIGN. 


231-241 


184-202 


Campaign 
)ward  the 
B  of  Atti- 
18  of  Pro- 
ilts  of  the 
»r  Form- 
to  Nullify 
ihment  of 
ction— In- 
the  First 
h  Amend- 


■  //■■■'^V. ;:  f 


The  Democratic  Tammany  Hall  Convention— "Voiir  Candidate  I  Can- 
not Be'*— The  Nomination  of  Seyinonr  and  Blair- A  Very  ('ritlcal  and 
Fault-Fiuding  Platform— Blair'H  Previonw  Reccrd— A  Weak  Point  In  the 
Ticket— The  Hontiiern  Fire-KateiH  Too  OiitHpoken— An  Active  and 
Bitter  Contest  -A  Flood  of  CnnipaiKU  Poetry— ({rant's  Speeches— 
Seymonr's  ElectioneerluK  Tonr — A  (treat  Triumph  for  the  Republicans 
—A  Large  Majority  of  the  I'opular  yote,  tlie  Vote  in  the  Electoral 
(V)llege  and  in  Congress. 


XIX.    PRESIDENT  (iRANT'S  FIRST  TERM 242-252 

I'arngrapbs  from  the  President's  Inaugural  Message — A  Cabinet  that  , 

Did  Not  I>ong  Hold  Together— Attempts  to  Solve  the  Reconstruction 
Problem- Settling  Old  Scores  with  Great  Britain — Financial  Issues 
Come  to  the  Front— How  to  Discharge  the  Public  Obligations  and  (let 
B««'k  to  Specie  Payments— The  Act  to  Strengthen  the  Public  Credit— 
The  Refunding  Act— The  Coinage  Act  Demonetizing  Silver— The  Salary 
Oral)— The  Treaty  of  Washington— The  Proposed  San  Domingo  Pur- 
chase Defeated. 


i 


^ffi 


i    :) 


i4 


:'^ 


TABLE  OP  CONTENTS. 
XX.    THE  FIFTH  REPUBLICAN  CONVENTION... 


Pace 
253-261 


The  Nomination  for  President  Determined  Befo—hand— A  Large 
Amount  of  Speeohmaking  of  a  High  Ordeiv-President  Grant  Unani- 
mously Renominated-A  Scene  of  the  Wildest  Entlinsiasm-NumerouH 
Candidates  lor  Vice-President-Henry  Wilson  Receives  the  Nomina- 
tion on  the  First  Ballot-The  Work  of  Newspaper  Correspondents-A 
Long  Platform  Covering  a  Variety  of  Subjects-Strong  Commendations 
of  the  Candidates— Modest  Letters  of  Acceptance. 


XXI.    THE  LIBERAL  REPUBLICAN  CAMPAIGN ; 262-274      ^ 

An  Element  of  Great  Uncertainty -The  Liberal  Republican  Convention 
at  Cincinnati— The  Framing  of  a  Platform  a  Difficult  Problem— Attempt 
to  Catch  Both  Democrats  and  liiberal  Republicans— Non-Commital  on 
the  Tariff  Question— Greeley  Nominated  on  the  Sixth  Ballot-B.  Grata 
Brown  for  Vice-President- An  Incongruous  Ticket— The  Nominations 
a  Disapiwintment  to  the  Democrats,  But  Accepted  by  Them-Consterna- 
tion  in  Two  Deti-oit  Newspaper  Offices— A  Campaign  of  Ridicule- 
Straight  Democratic  Ticket— Unprecedented  Republican  Triumph. 


XXIL    TWO  YEARS  OF  DISASTER 276-285 

The  Civil  Bights  Question -Reference  to  the  San  Domingo  Affair- 
Repeal  of  the  Salary  Grab-Important  Financial  Measures-The  Seuate 
Currency  Bill— Passage  of  the  Resumption  Act  as  a  Party  Measure— 
Suup'-mentary  Civil  Rights  Bill  Passed- Various  Constitutional  Amend- 
ments Proposed-The  Panic  of  1873  and  the  Depression  That  Followed 
-Disastrou..  Political  Effecta-The  Elections  Give  Democrats  a  Large 
Majority  in  the  House-Changes  in  Many  Northern  States. 


XXin.    THE  SIXTH  REPUBLICAN  CAMPAIGN 286-302 

The  Three  Natural  Republican  Leaders-Blaiue's  Popularity  With  the 
Republicans-Democratic  Attacks  Upon  Him-His  Bold  Defense  m  the 
Hous.^ReadinK  of  the  Mulligan  Letters-His  Attack  of  SunstrOke- 
IngersoH's  Brilliant  Speech  at  the  Cincinnati  Couvention-A  Close 
Contest  for  the  Nomination-It  Goes  to  Rutherford  B  Hayes  on  the 
Seventh  Ballot  -William  A.  Wheeler  Nominated  for  \  ice-President- 
\  Long  Platform  Declaration-New  Departure  for  the  Democrats- 
Tilden  and  Hendricks  Nominated-Tilden  Conducts  His  Own  Canvass 
-A  Closely  Contested  Campaign-Hayes  Has  One  Majority  on  the 
Electoral  Vote. 


*^-^  I"    '"'"'  """""*''*TmifflWfiftwii 


HMIM 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS. 


rage 
253-261 


XXIV.    THE   ELECTOKAL   COUNT. 


Page. 
303-319 


A.  Large 
it  Unaui- 
VunieroHH 
Noinina- 
idents — A 
endations 


A  Severe  Test  of  Republican  Government-Both  Sides  Claim  the  Elec- 
tion-Disputed Votes  in  the  Southern  States-Question  ««*«  the  Rights 
of  the  President  of  the  Senate-Various  Propositions  With  Referenee 
to  the  Count-An  Electoral  Commission  Decided  Upon-Constitution  of 
the  Commission  Democratic-Disappointment  as  to  Judge  Dav.s- 
Several  Votes  of  Eight  to  Seven-Hayes  Declared  Elected-Disclosures 
of  Attempts  to  Buy  Electoral  Votes 


262-274 


lonvention 
—Attempt 
mmital  on 
-B.  Gratz 
)mination8 
Jonsterna- 
Ridicule— 
imph. 


XXV.    ADMINISTRATION  OF  PRESIDENT  HAYES 320-385 

A  Strong  Cabinet  Selected-Four  Important  Political  and  Financial 
Events-Abandonment  of  Southern  Republicans-Ku-Klux  and  Tissue 

,  Ballot  Outrages  In  the  South-The  Bland-Allison  Silver  «o>°a«e  fen«- 

nre-Changes  in  the  New  York  Custom  House-A  Famous  Civil  Service 

S-  Order-A  Circular  Against  Political  Assessments-The  Greenback 
Craze  of  1878-Tho  Resumption  of  Specie  Payments-Regulating  the 
Electoral  Count-Restricting  Chinese  Immigration-Pensioning  Jeff 
Davis-Senator  Cliandler's  tJloquent  Protest. 


276-285 


;o  Affair- 
Dhe  Seuate 
Measure — 
lal  Amend- 
t  Followed 
ts  a  Large 


XXVI.    THE  SEVENTH  REPUBLICAN  CONVENTION •  •    836-362 

The  Ancient  Quarrel  Between  Blaine  and  Conkling-Its  Effect  on  the 
Convention  of  ISSO-Unsuccessful  Attempt  to  Enforce  the  Unit  Bnle- 
The  Three  Next  Republican  Presidents  in  the  Convention-Sharp 
Debate  Between  Senator  Conkiiug  and  the  West  Virginia  Members- 
Important  Amendment  to  the  Rules-The  Platform  Adopted-Conk- 
ling's  Great  Speech  it  Nomination  of  Grant-The  Nomination  of 
Garfield-Conkling's  Motion  to  Make  it  Unanimous-Supported  by 
General  Logan-General  Arthur  Nominated  for  Vice-PreBident-1  he 
Exciting  Convention  Closes  With  Apparent  Good  Feeling. 


286-302 


r  With  the 
ense  in  the 
JunstrOke— 
I— A  Close 
yes  on  the 
President— 
(emocrats- 
rn  Canvass 
■ity  on   the 


XXVII.    THE  GARFIELD  AND  ARTHUR  CAMPAIGN. 


The  Democratic  Convention  at  Cincinnati-Declarations  of  the  Plat- 
form-Nomination of  Hancock  "The  Superb"  on  the  Second  Ballot-- 
The  Tariff  a  I^cal  Issue-The  Greenback  Candidate  and  Platform-Not 
a  Bright  Prospect  for  the  Republicans-A  Change  After  the  Mentor 
Conferenc^General  Grant's  Good  Work  for  the  Ticket-Result  of  the 
October  Blections-The  Morey  Forgery-The  Campaign  Ends  With  a 
Substantial  Republican  Triumph. 


TABLE  OP  CONTENTS. 


Pago. 


XXVIII. 


THE  GAUFIELD  AND  ARTHUR  ADMINISTRATION  361-374 


Blaine's  Purpose  In  Taking  the  State  Portfolio-A  SeneB  of  Unfor- 
tunate AppoiulmentB-Sllghts  Upon  Mr.  Conlcling  and  Hia  Indignation 
Therent-Resignatioa  of  the  New  York  Senatora-Bout well's  Statement 
of  the  Affair-Successors  of  Senators  Oonkiing  and  Platt-Assass.na- 
tion  of  President  Gnrfield-Ouiteau's  Letter  of  ^^P  »'»«««°-P;*.«; 
Lessons  Drawn  From  the  Tragedy-Changes  ^f ^«  f  t**"  ^**''°"*  ^^ 
Prenident  Arthur-His  Prudent  and  Successful  Administration-The 
Question  of  Civil  Service  Refoim-The  Tariff  of  1883-Morri8on  s  Hori- 
Bontal  Reduction  Plan-Other  Important  Measures. 


XXIX. 


THE  EIGHTH  REPUBLICAN  CONVENTION 375-392 

Pi-ominent  Men  in  Attendance  as  Delegates-Contest  Over  the  Tem- 
,M,rary  Chairman-An  Important  Change  in  *»>«  K«'«r"T«t  »'  .*»»« 
Platform  Adopted-Blaine  and  Arthur  the  leading  Candidates-Nomina- 
tion of  the  Former-Analysis  of  the  Vote-General  Logan  for  Viee- 
President-Opposition  to  the  Ticket  Within  the  Party-The  Rise  and 
Good  Fortune  of  Grover  Cleveland-He  Receives  the  Democratic  Nom- 
Ination-A  Bitter  Personal  Contest-Blaine's  Western  Tour-His  Unfor- 
tunate Stay  in  New  York-Parson  Bui-chard's  Misfit  Speech-Success 
of  the  Democratic  Ticket. 


XXX.    CLEVELAND'S  FIRST  ADMINISTRATION 3»8-*02 

His  Civil  Service  Attitude  Pleases  Neither  the  Partisans  Nor  the 
Reformers-Coolness  Between  the  Pi-esldent  and  Viee-President-Selec- 
tion  of  the  Cabinet-Repeal  of  the  Tenure-of-Offlce  Act-Clean  Sweep 
of  the  Offices-Cleveland's  Pension  Vetoes-Order  for  Restoring  the 
Southern  Flags-^Resentment  of  the  (Jrand  Army  Posts-Rebuilding 
the  Navy-The  Electoral  Count  and  Presidential  Succession  Acts-ahe 
Inter-State  Commerce  Measui-e-The  Newfoundland  ""d  Alaska  Ush- 
eries-The  Pt«sident'8  Extraonliuary  Tariff  Message-The  Mills  Bill 
and  General  Tariff  Discussion. 


XXXI.    THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1888. 


403-418 


i 


A  New  Set  of  Candidates  for  the  Rcpublicau  Nominatton-Blaiue  «id 
Sherman  the  Only  Old  Ones  Mentioned  and  Blaine  Positively  With- 
draws-McKinley  Forbids  the  Use  of  His  Name-Sherman  I^ads 
Through  Sis  Ballots-General  Alger,  of  Michigan,  a  Strong  Possibility 
iSe  Nomination  Finally  Goes  to  Huriison-The  Text  of  the  Platform 
-The  Demmrats  Renominate  Cleveland  by  Acclamation.  With  Thur- 
man  Second  on  the  Ticket-A  Quiet  Campaign-The  Murchiaon  Incident 
—The  Republicans  Win.  ' 


■HH 


■  ■"■■■b^ 


Pag«>. 
361-374 


TABLE  OP  CONTENTS. 

XXXIl.    I'UESIDKNT  HARBISON'S  ADMIMSTUATION. 


Page. 

419-438 


Unfor- 
^igaation 
tatement 
IssaHsina- 
|n — Pre88 
pinet  by 
ion— The 
In's  Hori- 


375-392 


the  Tem- 
:t  of  the 
-Nomina- 
for  Vice- 
Rine  and 
atic  Nom- 
[is  Unfor- 
'Success 


393-403 


Nor  the 
(nt— Selec- 
an  Sweep 
toring  the 
Hebiiiiding 
Acts— The 
i8ka  FiMh- 
Milli)  Bill 


403-41S 


tiaiue  and 
ely  Wlth- 
an  T^ads 
PoBsibility 
Platform 
Ith  Thur- 
1  Incident 


4 


A  OloHe  UouHo  in  CoogrcbM — I'roHpeet  o/  Little  Legislation— The  Device 
uf  Speaker  Reed— A  Sinull  Majority  Mude  Effective — ObHtructive  Tac- 
ticit  Baffled— The  Silver  Question  Made  Pi-uminent— Passage  of  the 
Sherman  Silver  Act— The  Republicans  Not  in  Control  ou  This  Subject— 
The  Bargain  Under  Which  the  Passage  of  the  McKiuley  Tariff  Act 
Became  Possible— Effects  •t  That  Act  ou  Trade— The  Political  Whirl- 
wind of  1890. 


XXXIIL    THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1892 429-442 

Hard  Work  for  Minneapolis  as  the  Place  of  Gathering  for  the  Republi- 
caii  Convention — A  Stirring  and  Comprehensive  IMatform— Recogni- 
tion of  Woman's  Aid  in  the  Campaign— Harrison  in  the  Lead  for  the 
Nomination— Blaine's  Name  Presented  at  the  Last— Three  Unwonted 
Demonstrations  at  the  Convention- Harrison  and  Reid  Nominated— 
The  Democratic  Convention  and  the  Campaign— Au  Unexpectedly 
1^         Sweeping  Triumph  for  Cleveland  and  His  Party. 

XXXI V.    CLEVELAND'S  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION 443-460 

The  Selection  of  the  Cabinet— Geographical  Considerations  Disregarded 
—The  Democrats  in  Complete  Power  for  the  First  Time  Since  1861— 
Delays  in  Action  on  the  Sherman  Law  und  the  Tariff  Question- The 
Special  Session  Called  Late — Repeal  of  the  Sherman  Law  Finally 
Accomplished — Unsatisfactory  Work  on  the  Tariff  Measure — Becomes  a 
Law  Without  the  President's  Signature— Au  Act  of  "Party  Perfidy 
and  Dishonor" — Tremendous  Political  Overturn  in  1894 — ^The  Saudwich 
-  t'i    Island  Affair. 


XXXV.    ELEVENTH  REPUBLICAN  CONVENTION 461-470 

McKiniey  Long  Before  Recognized  as  the  Coming  Man  for  President — 
A  Highly  Successful  Political  Career— The  Convention  at  St.  Louis— 
The  Campaign  Pronouncement—Contest  Over  the  Silver  Plank — Sensa- 
tional Withdrawal  of  the  Silver  Republicans— Their  Statement  to  the 
Country— Only  one  Ballot  Each  for  President  and  Vice-President— 
Points  From  the  I^etters  of  Acceptance. 

XXXVL    THE  SIXTEEN  TO  ONE  CAMPAIGN 471-482 

The  Democratic  Convention- The  Free  Silver  Coinage  Men  Aggressive 
and  Confident— A  Free  Silver  Triumph  in  Choice  of  Temporary  Presi- 
dent and  in  the  Platform— The  Announcement  of  Principles  After- 
wards Modified  by  the  Committee — Bryan's  Taking  Speech  and  His 
Nomination— Accepted  by  the  Populists  and  the  Free  Silver  Republi- 
cans—Interest of  the  Business  Men  in  the  Campaign— McKiuley  and 
Hobart  Elected  With  a  Republican  Congress. 


I'^S 


*. 


i 


y 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS. 


Page. 

XXXVII.  PRESIDENT  McKINLB^'S  ADMINISTRATION 48WW 

Formation  ol  the  New  Cabinet-Two  Matters  ol  Grave  Domestic  Irn* 
portaace-The  Currency  and  tlie  Tariff  guestions-Prompt  Action  on 
Both-Passage  of  tlie  Dingley  Tariff  Act-The  Hawaiian  Islands  An- 
nexed-Strained  Relations  With  Spaln-The  Destruction  of  the  Maine- 
War  Breaks  Out  and  Is  Very  Speedily  Terminated-Brilliaut  Opura- 
tions  in  Cuba,  Porto  Rico  and  the  Philippines-Subsequent  Desultory 
Warfare  in  the  Latter  Islands. 

XXXVIII.  TWELFTH   REPUBLICAN   CON VENTION 49«-B10 

A  Large  and  Harmonious  Gathering  at  Philadelphia-AIembers  Present 
Who  Were  Delegates  to  the  First  Republican  Convention  in  the  Same 
City-Admirable  Presentation  of  Campaign  Issues  by  the  Chairman- 
A  Strong  Platform  Adopted-President  McKinley  Unanimously  Rfuom- 
inated-Large  Number  of  Persons  Mentioned  for  the  Vioe-Presidency- 
The  Nomination  Finally  Thrust  Upon  an  Unwilling  Candidate. 


XXXIX.    THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1900. 


611-522 


XL. 


Bryan's  Supremacy  in  the  Democratic  Convention-He  is  Absolute 
Dictator  in  Respect  to  the  Platform-He  Is  the  Candidate  Also,  of  the 
Populists  and  Silver  Republicans-Adlai  E.  Stevenson  and  Charles  A. 
Towne  Nominated  for  Vice-President-The  Latter  Reluctantly  With- 
drawB-The  Letters  of  Acceptance-Animated  but  One-Sided  Campaign 
-The  Imperialist  Cry-Division  of  the  Gold  Democrats-A  Decisive 
Victory  for  the  Republican  Ticket. 

REPUBLICAN   STATE   CONVENTIONS 623-644 

The  Executive  Nominating  Gatherings  From  1856  to  the  Present  Time 
-The  Gubernatorial  Candidates  from  Bingham  to  Bliss-A  Long  Roll 
of  Public  Spirited  and  Distinguished  Men-A  Number  of  Close  and  In- 
tei-esting  Contests-Ballots  for  tiie  Head  of  tiie  Ticket  in  Detail-Names 
of  the  Candidates  for  Other  OflUces-A  Series  of  Splendid  Successes 
Broken  by  Only  Two  Defeats-Treatment  of  Public  Questions  by  the 
Various  Conventions-How  the  Magnificent  Gathering  of  1878  Met  the 
Greenback  Onslaught-The  Party's  Treatment  of  the  Temperance, 
Silvei  and  Taxation  Questions— Its  Attitude  in  1900. 


Page. 
488-4»5 


Stic  Im- 
ctioa  ou 
ud8  Au- 
Muiue — 
;  Opura- 
•cHultory 


496-510 


Present 
lie  Same 
liriuaa — 

Uunoni- 
lidency— 


511-522 


Abaolute 
lo,  of  the 
larles  A. 
ly  With- 
3ampaign 
Decisive 


523-544 


leut  Time 
Ijong  Roll 
le  aad  In- 
il— Names 
Successes 
as  by  the 
i  Met  the 
mperance, 


INDEX  TO  ENGRAVINGS. 


Page. 

Zachariah  Chandler Frontispiece 

Under  the  Oaks  at  Jackson *a^;»K    ^^ 

Abraham  Lincoln ,,       ^^^ 

Lincoln  and  His  Cabinet ^,       ^J^ 

Thomas  W.  Ferry ,,       ^^ 

William  McKinley 

Kingsley  S.  Bingham ^^ 

David  8.  Walbridge • ^^ 

Jacob  M.  Howard ^2 

Nathaniel  P.  Banks,  Jr J' 

„,  o4 

John  Sherman „„ 

John  C.  Fremont. ^^ 

William  L.  Dayton ^^ 

James  Buchanan 

Charles  Sumner ^ 

Roger  B.  Taney g^ 

Stephen  A.  Douglas ^^ 

Joshua  R.  Giddings ^J 

William  H.  Seward • • ^„ 

Simon  Cameron ^^ 

Thurlow  Weed ^^^ 

Andrew  G.  Curtin ^^^ 

Hannibal  Hamlin ^ 

John  J.  Crittenden 

Salmon  P.  Chase 141 

Samuel  C.  Pomeroy • ^^^ 

General  U.  S.  Grant ^^^ 

Henry  J.  Raymond ^^^ 

Andrew  Johnson " '  * '     ^^ 

George  B.  McClellan ^^^ 

Clement  L.  Vallandigham ^^^ 

David  G.  Furragut ^^^ 

Oliver  P.  Morton • 


t 


INDEX  TO  ENGRAVINGS. 

Page. 

Galusha  A.  Grow ^gg 

James  M.  Ashley .„ 

General  Philip  H.  Sheridan 

General  William  T.  Sherman 193 

Schuyler  Colfax ^^^ 

ThaddeuB  Stevens ^^^ 

Samuel  Shellabarger ^12 

Edwin  M.  Stanton ^ 

Benjamin  F.  Butler ^jq 

William  M.  Evarts ^^e 

John  A.  Logan ggj 

Benjamin  F.  Wade ^gg 

Horatio  Seymour ^^^ 

Henry  Wilson ^65 

Charles  Francis  Adams 

,,       ,  Uoo 

Horace  Greeley •  •  •  •  •  ^gg 

Roscoe  Conkling ^93 

Rutherford  B.  Hayes ^99 

William  A.  Wheeler ^^^ 

James  A.  Garfield ., • „ 

William  H.  Robertson 

Chester  A.  Arthur ^^ 

James  G.  Blaine ^^^ 

Grover  Cleveland 

Benjamin  Harrison ^^^ 

Levi  P.  Morton •  •  •    • 

Chauncey  M.  Depew ^^ 

Marcus  A.  Hanna ^^ 

Theodore  Roosevelt • "  * 


% 


•MM 


iMWi 


•MMM 


mmmma, 


mum 


ACTS  OF  PRO-SLAVERY  AnORESSION. 

Adoption  of  the  Missouri  Compromise-Purpose  of  the  Mexican 
War-Acquisition  of  Slave  Territory-The  Wilmot  Proviso-ItB 
Defeat  and  the  Confidence  of  tlie  South-The  Campaign  of  1848- 
Non-Committal  Policy  of  the  Whigs-President  Taylor  and  the 
Admission  of  Oalifornia-The  Fugitive  Slave  Law  and  Other 
Compromise  Measures-Intense  Feeling  at  the  North-The  Cam- 
paign of  1852-Renewal  of  the  Agitation  and  Repeal  of  The 
Missouri  Compromise— The  Day  of  Compromises  at  an  End. 

Although  the  consolidation  of  a  large  majority  of  the  Anti-Slavery 
voters  of  the  North  into  the  Republican  party  was  finally  a  matter 
of  a  few  months,  yet  the  events  that  led  to  it  covered  a  period  of  fully 
three  decades.      It  was  only  after  long  discussion  and  strong  opposi- 
tion that  Missouri  was  admitted  to  the  Union  as  a  slave  state  in  1820 
To  quiet  this  opposition  those  who  favored  admission  finally  proposed 
a  section  in  the  bill,  enacting,  "That  in  all  that  territory  ceded  by 
France  to  the  United  States,  under  the  name  of  Louisiana,  which 
lies  north  of  36  degrees  and  30  minutes  of  north  latitude,  not  included 
within  the  limits  of  the  state  contemplated  by  this  act,  slavery  and 
involuntary  servitude,  otherwise  than  as  the  punishment  of  crimes, 
shall  be,  and  is  hereby,  forever  prohibited."  ,  w,„„«.,h 

Even  with  this  pledge  for  the  future  the  admission  of  Missouri 
as  a  slave  state  was  reluctantly  consented  to.  The  pledge  was 
finally  accepted  as  a  settlement  of  all  controversy  in  respect  to  «lavery 
in  the  territories.  But  the  differences  of  opinion  on  the  ««bject  of 
slaverv  itself  were  so  irreconcilable  that  they  could  »«*  '^^l  *;  ^« /^ 
constant  source  of  irritation.  Petitions  even,  from  the  North  in 
avor  of  abolishing  slavery  in  the  District  of  C<»»«^^f^'f»^J«'-;*f;; 
legislation,  were  resented  by  the  Southerners^  and  led  to  the  contro 
versies  over  the  right  of  petition,  which  lasted  through  three  or  four 
Congresses,  and  in  which  John  Quincy  Adams  took  a  prominent  part. 


iiiwwiiif*i»i  ^ 


»■'■ 


if 


■H 


i 


niHTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY 


'h 


: 


Jt ! 


Tliis,  and  the  growing  feeling  against  slavery  in  the  North,  and  even 
in  Boine  of  the  border  states,  intensiflecl  the  purpose  of  the  most 
Kealous  supporters  of  that  institution,  not  only  to  guard  it  against  all 
assaults,  but  to  extend  it  into  new  territory  if  possible. 

It  was  thought,  when  the  Missouri  Compromise  line  was  ac- 
cepted, that  states  south  of  that  line  would  be  ready  for  admission  as 
soon  as  those  north  of  it.  Hut  migration  was  so  much  more  rapid 
to  the  territory  west  of  New  England  and  New  York,  than  it  was 
further  south  as  to  upset  these  calculations.  Michigan  was  ready 
for  statehood  and  applied  for  admission  in  18H5,  but  was  kept  out 
for  two  years,  lest  two  more  Northern  men  should  take  seats  in  the 
Senate,  without  any  new  Southern  men  to  offset  them.  The  State 
was  not  finally  admitted  until  Arkansas  could  be  brought  in  at  the 
same  time.  Iowa  and  Florida  were  admitted,  itnder  similar  condi- 
tions, the  former  which  represented  free  territory,  being  kept  back 
until  the  latter  could  come  in  as  a  slave-holding  State,  just  as  in  1820 
Maine  had  been  kept  out  until  Missouri  could  come  in  as  a  companion 
State. 

Hut  it  was  seen  that  this  equality  in  the  Senate  could  not  long 
be  maintained.  Part  of  Wisconsin  was  Ailing  up  rapidly,  and  there 
was  every  prosjiej-t  that  emigration  would  soon  spread  over  the 
region  west  of  that  territory,  as  well  as  that  west  of  the  stat-js  of 
Iowa  and  Missouri.  There  was  no  slave  territory  to  counterbalance 
this,  and  the  war  with  Mexico  was,  in  its  main  purpose,  a  war  brought 
on  by  the  South  for  the  acquisition  of  such  territory.  It  was  in 
connection  with  this  war  that  the  first  of  a  long  series  of  memorable 
contests  arose  in  Congress. 

The  declaration  of  war  was  made  in  May,  1846,  and  on  the  5th 
of  August,  of  the  same  year.  President  Polk,  in  a  special  message  to 
Congress,  said  '  that  the  chief  obstacle  to  securing  peace  was  the 
adjustment  of  a  boundary  line  that  would  prove  satisfactory  and 
convenient  to  both  Republics,  and  he  asked  that  a  sum  of  money 
might  be  placed  at  his  disposal,  to  be  used,  in  his  discretion,  in  the 
adjustment  of  the  terms  of  peace.  This  was  in  line  with  the  pre- 
cedent of  1803,  when  President  Jefferson  was  voted  a  special 
appropriation  for  the  acquisition  of  Louisiana.  After  the  message 
was  read  Mr.  McKay,  of  North  (^arolina.  Chairman  of  the  Committee 
on  Ways  and  Means,  introduced  a  bill,  that  two  millions  of  dollars 
be  appropriated,  to  be  ''applied,  under  direction  of  the  President, 
to  any  extraordinary  expenses  which  may  be  incurred  in  our  foreign 


"»^nMMMMMllH 


MHMI 


A<TH  OF  PKOSLAVEKY  AUUUKSHION. 


:t 


^rth,  and  even 
of  the  most 
it  against  all 

line  was  a<r 

admiBBioD  as 

|ch  more  rapid 

:,  than  it  watt 

;an  waB  read,y 

was  liept  out 

ce  Beats  in  the 

II.      The  State 

ught  in  at  the 

similar  condi- 

(ing  kept  back 

jUBt  as  in  1820 

18  a  companion 

could  not  long 
idly,  and  there 
•read  over  the 
if  the  BtatOB  of 
counterbalance 
,  a  war  brought 
■y.  It  was  in 
8  of  memorable 

and  on  the  5th 
L'ial  message  to 
peace  was  the 
tisfactory  and 
sum  of  money 
jcretion,  in  the 
i  with  the  pre- 
oted  a  special 
i^r  the  message 
the  Committee 
ions  of  dollars 
the  President, 
in  our  foreign 


intercourse."  This  followed  the  lunguiige  of  the  \\v\  ninking  an 
appropriation  in  Mr.  Jefferson's  time.  Tint  the  c(mditionM  were  very 
different.  There  whs  strong  opposition  to  (he  Mexicun  war,  while 
there  had  not  been  great  opposition  to  the  Louisiana  purcliHS(>.  There 
were  grave  apprelrensions  of  sonit>  ulterior  and  unpatriotic  designs 
now.  There  were  none  then.  CongreHs  hud  the  utmost  confld<*nce 
in  President  Jefferson.  Many  of  its  members  had  no  i'onflden<*e  at 
all  in  President  Polk. 

In  the  debate  whi«'h  followed  the  introductiim  of  the  bill,  Robert 
(\  Winthrop,  Whig,  of  Massachusetts,  said  he  could  not  vote  for  it  as 
it  stood.  It  was  a  vote  of  unlimited  confidence  in  an  administration 
in  wlii<'h,  he  was  sorry  to  say,  very  little  confidence  was  to  be  placed. 
Mr.  Winthrop  had  voted  for  the  act  under  which  war  was  dej'lared 
iigainst  Mexico,  while  Mr.  Adams,  of  the  same  State,  had  voted  against 
it.  The  latter  now  said  that  he  dilTered  from  his  colleague  with  a 
regret,  equal  to  that  with  which  he  had  differed  from  him  on  the 
former  measure.  He  should  vote  for  Mr.  McKay's  bill  in  any  form, 
but  thought  it  should  expressly  require  that  the  money  should  be  used 
only  for  the  purpose  of  negotiating  peace  with  Mexico,  The  bill  was 
amended  in  this  manner,  and  seemed  likely  to  pass  without  much 
further  debate,  and  with  comparatively  little  opposition. 

But  some  of  the  Northern  members  saw,  in  this  apparently  in- 
nocent proposition,  possibilities  of  great  mischief.  There  was 
comparatively  little  doubt  that  the  money  would  be  used  for  the 
acquisition  of  territory  from  Mexico  outside  of  the  State  of  Texas, 
which  had  been  acquired  as  a  result  of  the  war,  and  that  it  was  de- 
signed that  such  territory  should  be  open  to  slavery.  It  has  been 
held  by  some  that  this  apprehension  was  groundless.  Mexico  had. 
twenty  years  before  this,  abolished  slavery,  and  the  assumption  had 
been  made  that  any  territory  acquired  from  that  couatry  would 
necessarily  retain  its  free  status.  But  to  meet  this,  the  doctrine  had/ 
already  been  promulgated  by  Mr.  Calhoun,  that  the  Federal  Consti| 
tution  carried  slavery  into  all  territory  from,  which  it  was  not) 
expressly  excluded.  This  interpretation  of  that  instrument  would 
have  carried  that  condition  into  any  territory  acquired  from  Mexico, 
and  that  such  an  interpretation  of  the  Constitution  would  be 
attempted  in  actual  practice  subsequent  events  fully  showed. 

It  was  under  this  apprehension  that  a  number  of  Northern  Demo- 
crats met  for  consultation.  Among  them  were  Hannibal  Hamlin,  of 
Maine;  George  Bathbun,  Martin  Grover  and  Preston  King,  of  New 


MM 


iiaKii  h^gfcin 


fli 


Mil  < 


4.  HIHTOUV  OF  Til K  UKIMniLirAN  PARTY. 

York;  David  Wiliiiot,  of  IViiiiHylvunia;  Ja«oh  Mrinki'iholT  and  JaiiicH 
J.  Farau,  of  Ohio,  and  Uobort  Mcl'lclland,  of  Michigan.  Tlit>  rcMuIt 
of  their  dt'iilM'rationtt  waH  (ho  franiin|{  of  a  rhiUHt*  to  bo  added  to  thu 
bill,  providing,  "That,  at)  an  cxproHH  and  fundamental  eondition  to  the 
a<'quiitdtion  of  any  territory  from  the  K<*piiblic  of  Mexico  by  the  ('nitiHl 
Htates,  by  virtue  of  any  treaty  that  may  be  neuotiated  hetw«H*n  them, 
and  to  the  iiHe  by  the  Kxeeutive  of  the  moneyu  licrein  appropriated, 
neither  Hlavery  nor  involuntary  servitude  hIuiII  ever  exiHt  in  any  part 
of  said  territory,  except  for  crime,  whereof  the  party  shall  Hmt  be 
duly  convicted." 

David  Wiluiot  wati  then  only  '.iH  yvnr»  old,  and  was  HerviuK  his 
first  term  in  Congress.  H<-  was  not  antouK  the  most  prominent  of 
those  present  at  the  conference,  but  the  proviso  was  entrusted  to 
him  for  presentation,  and  made  his  name  known  wherever  the  history 
of  the  contest  that  followed  was  read.  In  House  (^'ommlttee  of  the 
Whole  he  moved  the  addition  of  this  ]iroviso  to  the  first  section  of 
the  bill,  and  it  was  adopted  by  vote  of  80  to  (54,  only  three  members 
from  the  free  states  voting  against  it.  The  bill,  as  amended,  was 
reported  to  the  House,  and  upon  its  passage,  Mr.  Kathbun,  of  New 
York,  moved  the  |»reviouB  question.  Mr.  Tibbals,  of  Kentucky, 
moved  to  lay  the  bill  on  the  table,  and  the  affirmative  votes  on  this 
(|uestion  showed  that  the  Southerners  were  willing  to  sacrifice  the 
whole  measure  rather  than  to  acce])t  this  jtroviso. 

The  motion  to  table  was  lost  by  vote  of  J)3  to  79,  among  the  latter 
being  Stephen  A.  Douglas  and  John  A.  McClernand,  DenuxTats,  of 
Illinois,  and  Robert  C  Schenck,  Whig,  of  Ohio.  The  bill  then  passed, 
with  tlie  proviso,  by  a  vote  of  85  to  80.  Henry  Orider,  Whig,  of 
Kentucky,  was  the  only  member  south  of  Mason  and  Dixon's  line 
who  voted  for  it.  Among  the  prominent  Northern  Whigs  who  voted 
for  it  were  Washington  Hunt,  of  New  York ;  Robert  C  Winthrop,  of 
Massachusetts;  Truman  Smith,  of  Connecticut;  Joseph  R.  Ingersoll 
and  James  Pollock,  of  Pennsylvania.  Among  the  prominent  Demo- 
crats who  voted  the  same  way  were  Hannibal  Hamlin,  of  Maine; 
Preston  King,  of  New  York;  John  Wentworth,  of  Illinois;  Allen  G. 
Thurman,  of  Ohio,  and  Robert  McClelland,  of  Michigan.  The  last 
two  of  these  renmined  Democrats  throughout  their  political  careers. 
Most  of  the  others  afterwards  joined  the  Republican  party.  The 
bill  was  reported  to  the  Senate  toward  the  close  of  the  session.  A 
motion  was  made  to  strike  out  the  proviso,  and  on  this  motion  Senator 


m 


ACTH  OP  I'UOHLAVKUY  An<IUKSRION. 


iotr  iind  JiiiiicH 
TIh'  result 
10  udd(>d  t(i  till! 
|i)ndition  to  the 

by  tlu'  riilt«'d 
|ht»tw«H'n  Hh'Iii, 

uppronriuti'd, 
[iHt  in  any  |»art 

Bhall  fii'Ht  be 

iiXH  Mci'vinK  hid 
t  prominent  of 
H  entrusted  to 
ver  the  history 
niiuittee  of  the 
first  seetlon  of 
three  nionibers 

amended,  was 
ithbun,  of  New 

of  Kentu<ky, 
e  votes  on  this 
to  sacrifice  the 

monp^  the  latter 
,  Democrats,  of 
)ill  then  passed, 
rider,  Whig,  of 
nd  Dixon's  line 
'higs  who  voted 
0.  Winthrop,  of 
ph  B.  IngersoU 
fominent  Demo- 
nlin,  of  Maine; 
linois;  Allen  O. 
gan.  The  last 
lolitical  careers, 
m  party.  The 
he  session.  A 
motion  Senator 


John  Dnvis,  of  MassachusetlH,  tallced  against  time  until  the  hour  for 
adjournment,  both  bill  and  proviso  thus  falling  together. 

.  Before  the  next  session  of  CongresH  the  same  methods  of  per- 
Hunsion  uu«^  of  threat,  that  the  I'ro-Hlavery  leaders  so  often  found 
elTective  in  those  days  with  Northern  men  of  weak  flbn*,  prevailed 
again.  Tiie  appropriati(»n  was  increased  from  |2,(M)(>,(HI0  to  |:<,UIK),000 
and  was  voted  without  the  obnoxious  proviso. 

Of  the  next  Congress  Robert  <\  Winthrop,  Whig,  was  <hosen 
Speaker  by  <m»»  majority.  A  resolution  was  offered  in  this  Congress 
by  Harvey  IMitnam,  of  New  York,  embodying  tlie  substance  of  the 
Wllmot  Proviso,  but  it  was  tabled  by  a  vote  ofltIB  yeas  to  !Kt  nays. 
Although  the  Whigs  had  accepted  the  do<trine  of  the  proviso,  the 
result  of  this  vote  was  not  at  all  surprising.  In  the  first  place  their 
bare  uuijority  of  one,  while  sutfi<  lent  to  secure  the  organization  of  the 
Mouse,  was  not  sufficient  to  secure  the  passage  of  any  disputed 
resolution  or  bill.  Those  of  the  Whig  leaders  who  were  inclined 
to  consult  expediency  soon  recognize*!  the  dang<'r,  that  if  they  per- 
sisted in  any  course  of  opposition  to  slavery  aggression,  it  would 
give  the  whole  South  to  the  Democracy.  Throughout  the  whole 
of  this  stage  of  the  crontroversy,  covering  a  period  of  several  years, 
this  fear  was  constantly  before  their  e^-es,  and  fully  accounted  for  a 
timidity  which  sometimes  amounted  to  cowardice.  In  this  case, 
also,  the  fa<'t  that  the  Whigs  had  organized  the  House,  and  were,  at 
least  theoretically,  responsible  for  its  acts,  undoubtedly  deterred 
some  Democrats  from  further  supporting  the  doctrine  contained  in 
the  ])roviso.  Beyond  this,  the  cry  which  some  of  the  Southerners 
were  always  ready  to  make,  that  opposititm  to  their  desires  or  plans 
would  endanger  the  Union,  was  used  with  effect. 

Although  this  Congress  did  not  adopt  the  Wilroot  Proviso  nor 
any  other  measures  of  sjiecial  note,  it  served  as  a  school  of  instruc- 
tion to  some  men  who  obtained  a  clear  insight  into  Southern  plans, 
and  who  afterwards  became  conspicuous  in  the  Republican  party. 
One  of  the^e  was  Abraham  Lincoln  who,  now  for  the  only  time, 
appeared  in  Congress.  He  learned  much  here,  acquired  a  nickname 
and  ranked  well  with  the  earnest,  Anti-Slavery  Whigs,  but  accom- 
plished nothing  that  gave  indications  of  his  future  greatness.  He 
gained  his  nickname  through  a  series  of  questions  which  he  proposed 
asking  the  executive.  President  Polk  had,  in  his  message,  sought  to 
convey  the  impression  that  the  Mexican  war  was  undertaken  to 
repel  invasion,  and  to  avenge  the  killing  of  American  citizens  upon 


,^ 


U--.. 


Mh 


1  a 


fl 


fl  HIHTOHY  OF  TIIK  RKlM^niJCAN  PARTY. 

our  own  Noil.  Mr.  liincoln  aitarkcd  tliin  poHition  in  a  H<'ri(>N  of  rcH 
olntionH,  tlH*  flritt  tlin'c  rIaiiHeH  of  which  aMk<><l  the  I'rcHldent  (0 
inform  th«'  Houw  "WlM'ther  flit'  upot  on  wlilth  tht*  hIcMMl  of  oni 
litlfx'nit  wuH  Nhrd,  UH  in  hiM  nicMMnK*'  (h'llarHl,  wan  or  wait  not,  within 
the*  t«'rritor>'  of  Kpain,  unlii  the  Mexican  revolution;  (2)  Whether 
that  H|K)t  in,  or  Ir  not,  within  the  territory  wrested  from  Hpain  h.v 
(he  revolntionary  Rovernment  of  Mexico;  (.'l)  Whether  that  M|M>t  Im, 
or  is  not,  within  u  Hettlenient  of  ]>e4»ple,  which  settlement  hait  exiHted 
ever  Mince  long  before  the  TexuH  revolution,  and  until  ItH  inhabitantH 
tied  before  tlie  approach  of  the  United  Htaten  army."  The  renolutionH. 
which  contained  Ave  other  queHtions,  were  HUpimrted  by  Mr.  Lincoln  in 
the  tlrut  HiMH'ch  whi<-h  he  made  in  t'onirresH,  but  they  were  tabled. 
HIm  frequent  umo  of  the  word  "Hpot"  in  the  resolutiouH  und  himh'cIi, 
^ave  him  the  nickname  of  "Hpot  Lincoln.'' 

The  House  of  this  ('ongress  included  in  itfi  membership  the  follow- 
Idk  who  were  afterwards  prominent  in  the  Republican  party:  Jacob 
Collamer  and  George  1'.  Marsh,  of  Vernumt;  Amos  Abbott,  ,)uliuH 
Rockwell  and  Horace  Mann,  of  Massachusetts;  James  Dixon,  John 
A.  Rockwell  and  Truman  Hmith,  of  Connecticut;  Horai-e  Greeley  and 
Washington  Hunt,  of  New  York;  William  A.  Newell,  of  N«w  Jersey; 
David  Wiimot,  of  Pennsylvania;  Robert  C.  Hchenck  and  Joshua  R. 
(Mddings,  of  Ohio;  Richard  W.  Thompson,  of  Indiana;  John  Went 
worth,  of  Hlinois;  Kinsley  H.  Hiugham,  of  Michigan,  and  Andrew 
•lohnson,  of  Tennessee. 

The  following  senators,  who  were  afterwards  conspicuous  in 
liepublican  ranks,  were  also  in  the  Thirtieth  Congress:  Hannibal 
Hamlin,  of  Maine;  John  P.  Hale,  of  New  Hampshire;  Roger  S.  Bald- 
win, of  Connecticut;  John  A.  Dix,  of  New  York;  William  L.  Dayton, 
of  New  Jersey,  and  Bimon  Cameron,  of  Pennsylvania. 

In  addition  to  Mr.  Uingham,  Michigan  had  Robert  McClelland 
and  Charles  E.  Stuart,  in  the  House,  with  Thomas  Fitzgerald  and 
Alplieus  Felch  in  the  Senate.  Among  the  prominent  Southerners 
in  the  Senate  were  Wm.  Rufus  King,  of  Alabama;  John  M.  Clayton, 
of  Delaware;  David  L.  Yulee,  of  Florida;  Herschell  V.  Johnson  and 
John  M.  Berrien,  of  Georgia;  Reverdy  Johnson,  of  Maryland;  Jefferson 
Davis  and  Henry  Stuart  Foote,  of  Mississippi;  David  R.  Atchison  and 
Thomas  H.  Benton,  of  Missouri;  Willie  P.  Magnum,  of  North  Carolina; 
A.  P.  Butler  and  John  C.  Calhoun,  of  South  Carolina;  Sam  Houston, 
of  Texas;  James  M.  Mason  and  R.  M.  T.  Hunter,  of  Virginia. 

During  this  C'ongress  the  slavery  question  came  up  in  a  number 


■n    \ 


M«'rl«'H  (if  rwi- 

l'i'«>Hi<U>nt  in 

IiUhmI  of  niir 

iiH  not,  within 

(2)     WlH'tlit-r 

Ironi  Hpiiin    b.v 

|i'  that  M|N>t  iH, 

nt  huM  (>xiHt«Ml 

litH  inhahituntM 

'h(>  I'CHoiiitionH, 

Mr.  Lincoln  in 

y  w<*n«  tnhlcil. 

HH  and  i4|>e('<*li, 

ihip  the  follow- 
i  party:  Jacob 
Abbott,  JiilinM 
'8  Dixon,  John 
ice  Greeley  and 
of  N«w  Jersey; 
and  Joshua  R. 
a;  John  Went 
a,  and  Andrew 

coDBpicuouH  in 

'Bb:      Hannibal 

Roger  R.  Bald- 

liam  L.  Dayton, 

>ert  McClelland 
Fitzgerald  and 
«t  Southerners 
)hn  M.  Clayton, 
V.  Johnson  and 
Inland ;  Jefferson 
El.  Atchison  and 
North  Carolina; 
;  Ham  Houston, 
l^inia. 
up  in  a  number 


forniN. 


Oregon, 


■MMi 


ACTHOF  I'UOHLAVKUY  AncJRKHHiON. 


IH  in  till-  Hlia|H>  of  a  rcMoliition  direct ing  a  coniniiltee 

aboliNliing  the  mIuvc  trade  in  (he  DiMtrict  of  rolanibia. 

n  moved  an  aiiieiHliiient,  int«tnic(ing  the  connnittee 

aboliMhinf;  Hiavery  itMcif  in  the  DiHirict.      Repeated 

uiadt>  to  apply  the  principle  of  the  Wilniot  i'roviHo 

I'hat  waH  aflervvai'dH  the  Klate  of  California.      None 


however,  came  lo  a  ccMicliiHlve  vote 


Tl 


ley  were 
d  iinlll  the  Hecond  ncRttiuii  of  the  CongreHH,  after 
ection  of  IS4S  In  triilh  although  individual 
alwayH  l»e  repreHHcd,  the  Whig  leaderH  were  not 
having  (he  nlavery  <|iieHtioii  injected  into  (he  IM-ch- 
identiul  campaign.  They  feared  (hat  a  Hti-ong  aMNerdon  of  their 
anti-extension  principles  would  divide  (heir  ]iar(y  in  (he  Koiilh,  and 
they  knew  that  any  pro-slavery  leaniiigH  would  divide  it  in  (he  N'or(h. 
Resides  this,  judging  fnuii  the  jirobaliilities  of  i>arty  siicceHH,  tliey 
had  flrnier  ground  to  stand  uiioii.  The  laritT  had  been  the  main  issue 
in  1844,  and  the  Democrats  hud  carried  two  or  three  states,  notably 
Pennsylvania,  ond  with  them  the  ele<-tion,  on  the  false  cry  of  "I'olk 
and  Dallas,  and  the  tarilT  of  '4U."  Many  of  tlieir  speakers  had  given 
the  pledge  that  t^'f  tarilT  should  be  retained.  The  pli  dge  was 
broken,  and  the  tariff  of  1H4H,  which  was  a  virtual  abandonm(>nt  of 
the  protective  principle,  was  adopted.  The  fact  that  this  act  was 
carried  in  the  Senate  by  tlie  casting  vote  of  Vice-I'resident  Dallas,  of 
Pennsylvania,  made  it  all  the  more  galling.  Tpon  this  subject  the 
party  could  be  united,  if  the  slavery  tiuestion  could  be  av4»ided  as  a 
cause  of  disruption.  They  also  felt  that  they  were  on  the  poixilar 
side  of  another  important  ecommiii-  question.  As  a  party  they  favore<l 
a  policy  of  government  <-onstruction  or  aid  to  internal  improvements, 
while  the  Democratic  leaders  were  either  hostile  to  such  improvements, 
or  vacillating  on  the  subject.  Their  party  resolutions  were  generally 
hostile  to  them.  Besides  this  the  vote  on  Mr.  Putnam's  resolution, 
asserting  the  principle  of  the  Wilmot  Proviso,  was  too  comlusive  to 
afford  any  encouragement  for  a  successful  light  on  thisquestion  in  this 
Congress.  In  view  of  all  these  considerations  little  real  opposition 
was  made  to  rotifying  the  (}uadalup(>-Hildalgo  treaty,  which  ter- 
minated the  Mexican  war,  and  Congress  voted  the  fifteen  million 
dollars  asked  for  payment  of  the  ceded  territory,  without  any  stipu- 
lation upon  the  subject  of  slavery. 

By  this  time  the  Southerners  felt  very  sure  that  they  were  seciVre 
from  anv  further  assertion  of  the  doctrines  contained  in  the  Wilmot 


'  'At 


v'fflfc'  ?'■• 


8 


\ 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 


Proviso,  as  ib  .hown  by  an  incident  connected  with  the  negotiations 
for  peaoo.  Tb.  Mexican  government  proposed,  as  part  of  the  treaty, 
a  guaranty  from  the  United  States  that  slavery  should  not  be  re- 
established in  any  of  the  ceded  territory,  but  the  American 
Commissioner,  Nicholas  T.  Trist,  replied  that  if  the  territory  were 
increased  ten-fold  in  value,  and,  in  addition  to  that  were  covered  a 
foot  thick  with  pure  gold,  on  the  single  condition  that  slavery  should 
forever  be  excluded,  he  would  not  entertain  the  offer  for  a  moment, 
not  even  think  of  sending  it  to  the  government,  for  no  American  Presi-  , 
dent  would  dare  to  send  such  a  treaty  to  the  Senate." 

It  was  under  these  conditions  that  the  Whig  National  Conven- 
tion  met  in  Philadelphia,  June  7,  1848.  In  a  whirl  o'j"»«a^y 
enthusiasm,  which  was  entirely  out  of  keeping  with  the  attjt«de  «, 
the  party  as  a  whole  upon  the  Mexican  war,  it  nominated  Gen.  Zachary 
Taylor  for  President,  much  to  the  disgust  and  wrath  of  Daniel 
Webster,  who  sought  the  nomination  for  himself. 

The  convention  even  found  it  necessary  to  vouch  for  the  Whig 
standing  of  its  candidate  which  it  did  in  the  third  resolut^n,  as 
followsr  "General  Taylor,  in  saying  that,  had  he  voted  in  1844,  he 
would  have  voted  the  Whig  ticket,  gives  us  the  assurance-and  no 
better  is  needed  from  a  consistent  and  truth-seeking  man-that  his 
heart  was  with  us  at  the  crisis  of  our  political  destiny,  when  Henry 
Carwasonr  candidate,  and  when,  not  only  were  ^ig  prmciples 
well  defined  and  clearly  asserted,  but  Whig  measures  depended  upon 
success.  The  heart  that  was  with  us  then  is  with  u.  "ow  ;.«d  w« 
have  a  soldier's  word  of  honor,  and  a  life  of  public  and  private  virtue 

ns  the  security."  ,.  „    x  i 

Every  other  plank  in  the  platform  was  almost  wholly  taken  up 
with  some  form  of  eulogy  upon  General  Tnylor.  But  upon  real 
issues  it  was  the  most  non-committal  of  any  P''^"^^"^^"^"*  ^^^^ 
made  by  any  political  party  in  a  National  campaign.  Although  it 
ZZZa  seven  resolutions  it  really  said  but  little  more  than  the 
VVWgTnvention  of  December  4,  1839,  which  nominated  Harrison 
for  President,  and  pi-esented  no  platform  at  all.  The  nominee  for 
Vice-President  was  Millard  Fillmore,  of  New  York. 

The  Democratic  Convention  was  held  about  a  fortnight  earlier 
in  Baltimore.      It  nominated  Lewis  Cass,  of  Michigan,  for  P^«dent 
and  William  O.  Butler,  of  Kentucky,  for  Vice-President.      Its  plat- 
form was  long  and  suflBciently  explicit.      It  defended  the  Mexican 
war;  opposed  taking  from  the  President  the  veto  power;  denied  the 


gwi 


^'-t'' 


>'•£.,■ 


ACTS  OF  PRO-SLAVERY  AGGRESSION. 


9 


negotiations 
)f  the  treaty, 
not  be  re- 
Ameriean 
ritory  "were 
re  covered  a 
avery  should 
a  moment, 
lerican  Presi- 


)r 


onal  Conven- 
of  military 
le  attitude  of 
Gen.  Zachary 
ith  of  Daniel 

for  the  Whig 
resolution,  as 
ed  in  1844,  he 
■anee — and  no 
nan — that  his 
\  when  Henry 
hig  principles 
leponded  upon 
•  now,  and  we 
private  virtue 

lolly  taken  up 
ut  upon  real 
neement  ever 
Although  it 
more  than  the 
Eited  Harrison' 
e  nominee  for 

•tnight  earlier 
for  President, 
nt.  Its  plat- 
1  the  Mexican 
er;  denied  the 


power  of  the  government  to  undertake  a  general  system  of  internal 
improvements,  or  to  assume  the  debts  of  states  incurred  for  such 
purpose,  and  opposed  the  protective  policy  in  the  tariff.  Upon  the 
slavery  question  it  resolved,  "That  Congress  has  no  power,  under  the 
Constitution,  to  interfere  with  or  control  the  domestic  institutions  of 
the  several  states;  and  that  such  states  are  the  sole  and  proper  judges 
of  everything  pertaining  to  their  own  affairs,  not  prohibited  by  the 
Constitution;  that  all  efforts  by  Abolitionists,  or  others,  made  to 
induce  Congress  to  interfere  with  questions  of  slavery,  or  to  take 
incipient  steps  in  relation  thereto  are  calculated  to  lead  to  the  most 
alarming  and  dangerous  consequences,  and  that  all  such  efforts  have 
an  inevitable  tendency  to  diminish  the  happiness  of  the  people,  and 
endanger  the  stability  and  permanence  of  the  Union,  and  ought  not 
to  be  countenanced  by  any  friend  to  o.ur  political  institutions."  This 
was  an  exact  copy  of  one  of  the  resolutions  in  the  Democratic  plat- 
form of  1840. 

The  timid  and  non-committal  policy  of  the  Whigs  was  as  distaste- 
ful to  the  pronounced  Anti-Slavery  men  of  that  party,  as  the 
declaration  of  the  Democratic  Convention  was  to  the  Anti-Slavery 
men  in  its  ranks.  .The  former  were  Ironically  named  the  "Conscience 
Whigs,"  while  both  classes  were  sometimes  called  the  "Come  Outers." 
In  Massachusetts  the  feeling  took  the  form  of  a  Whig  revolt,  led  by 
Henry  Wilson  and  E.  Rockwood  Hoar.  In  New  York,  the  Whigs 
were  mainly  kept  in  line  through  the  activity  and  political  genius  of 
William  H.  Seward.  In  that  State  it  was  the  dissatisfied  Democrats 
who  made  the  trouble.  The  Free  Soil  element  of  the  party,  with 
Silas  Wright  and  Martin  Van  Buren  at  its  head,  made  numerous 
demonstrations,  among  them  being  a  great  meeting  held  in  the  City 
Hall  Park,  New  York,  directly  after  the  return  of  the  delegates  from 
the  Baltimore  Convention.  At  this  meeting  the  cowardice  of  North- 
ern senators  who  had  voted  with  the  South,  was  denounced. 

At  the  Baltimore  Convention  two  sets  of  delegates  had  been 
admitted  to  seats,  one  representing  the  Hunkers,  or  pro  slavery  fac- 
tion, and  the  other  the  Barn-burners,  or  Free  Soil  element.  The 
latter  now  issued  an  address,  calling  for  an  Ineopendent  Democratic 
Convention,  which  was  held  at  Utica,  June  22d,  and  iiominated  Martin 
Van  Buren  for  President.  At  a  larger  convention,  held  at  Buffalo 
August  9,  other  states  were  represented,  Mr.  Van  Buren's  nomination 
was  confirmed,  and  Charles  Francis  Adams  was  nominated  for  Vice- 
President.     A  platform  was  adopted  which  was  strongly  anti-slavery 


m 


Mm 


wmmmmmmm9mm^'tii^ 


HMMM 


10  HISTORY  OF  THE  RErUBLlCAN  V  .  RTY. 

In  all  phases  of  the  subject  which  were  then  before  the  people.  The 
sixteenth  resolution  declared:  "We  inscribe  on  our  banner,  Free 
H<,ll,  Free  Speech,  Free  Labor  and  Free  Men,'  and  under  it  we  will 
rtKhi  on  and  flght  forever,  until  a  triumphant  victory  «hall  reward 
our  exertions."  From  this  declaration  the  «'*K«»»^«*'"»^^,'^'^!^  **7 
name  of  "Free  Soil  Party."     The  same  elements  had,  in  1840  and  1844, 

iH^en  called  the  Liberty  Party.  ^,o„*„^a 

In  the  election  which  followed  the  Taylor  and  F'"«'«[^  j-»f* *«••« 
received  1,360,601  votes,  the  <'ass  and  Butler  electors  1,220,544  and 
Van  Buren  and  Adams  291,2«:J.      In  the  Electoral  College  the  W  higs 
had  la  votes,  and  the  IVmocrats  127.      The  vote  '"  M-^igan  was 
(^ass  Electors,  30,677;  Taylor,  23.930,  and  \  an  Buren,  10,39^.    Though 
the   administration  was  Whig,  Congress   was    Democratic   in   both 
houses  during  the  whole  term.      In  the  Thirty-flrst  Congress,  1849 
o  iS  ,  the  Senate  stood:  Democrats,  35;  Whigs,  25;  Free  Soil,  2.    The 
House  was:  Democrats,  116;  Whigs,  111.     }- '"^^ '^'^'^ZT^ S^tn 
gress,  1851  to  1853,  the  Democrats  were  stronger  y^^'^^^'^K  f®    ^ 
The  sl-nate,  to  23  Whigs  and  3  Free  Boilers,  and  m  the  House  140,  to 
88  W  higs  and  5  Free  Hoilers.  ^  *„  k^ 

President  Tavlor,  though  a  Ix»uisiana  slave-holder,  proved  to  be 
more  hostile  to  the  aggressions  of  slavery  than  did  "b  B«-^»^r, 
President  Fillmore,  a  resident  of  a  Northern  free  State.     The  South- 
erneT^d  counted  upon  a  large  addition  to  the  area  of  slave  territory 
from  the  acquisition  from  Mexico,  which  included  what  afterwards 
Zme  the  State  of  California,  and  the  Territory  of  New  Mexico     In 
rteldinary  course  of  events  their  hopes  would  have  been  realised, 
but   he  dUcovery  of  gold  in  California  put  a  different  face  upon   heir 
uL^cts      It  called  to  that  section  thousands  of  hardy,  enterprising 
rdTesllute  men,  a  very  large  proportion  of  whom  were  f rom  «.e 
North.     The  very  conditions  of  their  occupation  made  free  and  self- 
Tut^  ting  labor  necessary,  and  a  system  of  slavery  impossible      The 
terrUo  y  was  organized  as  a  State  with  an  Anti-Slavery  Constitution 
and  Sdent  Taylor,  in  a  si»ecial  message,  reiommended  its  admis- 
sion      Attempts  were  made  to  cut  off  from  the  State  the  territory 
south  of  the  MUsouri  Compromise  line  of  36  degrees^SO  n;i»«tes,  but 
these  were  unsuccessful,  and  the  State  was  admitted  early  in  1850. 
Two  days  later  a  bill  passed  organizing  New  Mexico  as  a  territory, 
without  any  restriction  as  to  slavery,  and  one  for  organizing  Utah  as 

a  Territory  soon  followed.  „        .,         ^  s     „ 

The  death  of  President  Taylor  called  to  the  Executive  chair  a 


•-'WBKaiMoeiiMMHillMII 


ACTS  OP  PRO-SLAVERY  AOGRE88ION. 


n 


rntive  chair  a 


timid  and  pliant  inetrunient  of  Honthern  aggression,  for  President 
Fillmore  not  only  signed  all  the  so-called  Compromise  Measures  of 
1850,  which  a  Democratic  Congress  passed,  but  exerted  a  mild  influ- 
ence in  their  favor.  Of  these  measures,  the  one  most  obnoxious  to 
Northern  people,  and  the  one  which  gave  the  most  occasion  for  strife 
and  ill-feeling  afterwards,  was  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law. 

The  Constitution,  in  Article  IV.,  Section  2,  Clause  .1,  provided  that 
'<No  person  held  to  servi(ie  or  labor  in  one  State,  under  the  laws 
thereof,  escaping  into  another,  shall  in  consequence  of  any  law  or 
regulation  therein,  be  discharged  from  such  service  or  labor,  but 
shall  be  delivered  up  on  claim  of  the  party  to  whom  such  service  or 
labor  may  be  due."  Although  the  word  slave  is  not  mentioned  in  this 
article,  as  it  is  nowhere  mentioned  in  the  Constitution,  there  was  no 
question  of  its  application  to  that  class  of  labor.  This  provision 
had  never  been  carried  out,  with  any  great  degree  of  rigor,  but  the 
Fugitive  Slave  Law  provided  the  officers  and  machinery  for  securing 
the  rendition  of  fugitives  by  very  harsh  methods,  and  enlisted  the 
United  States  Marshals  and  United  States  C'ourts  in  that  work.  It 
brought  the  evils  of  slavery  home  to  the  Northern  people,  who,  in 
many  of  the  states,  refused  to  comply  with  its  requirements.  Not 
only  the  "Conscience  Whigs,"  but  men  of  all  parties  refused  to  be 
enlisted  as  "slave-catchers." 

Religious  feeling  was  aroused  against  it,  especially  in  the  Con- 
gregational, Baptist  and  Methodist  churches  of  New  England.  Their 
Thanksgiving  sermons  often  modified  the  expression  of  thanks  by 
apprehension  of  evil  to  the  country  because  it  tolerated  the  sin  of 
slavery,  and  many  fast  day  sermons,  though  preached  from.  Scripture 
texts,  were  keyed  to  the  sentiment  of  Jefferson's  utterante  when, 
speaking  of  the  wrongs  and  cruelties  of  slavery,  he  said:  "I  tremble 
for  my  country,  when  I  reflect  that  God  is  just." 

Here  are  some  of  the  texts  from  which  these  sermons  were  thun- 
dered forth:  "Thou  shalt  neither  vex  a  stranger  nor  oppress  him." 
"Thou  shalt  not  oppress  a  hired  servant."  "I  will  be  a  swift  witness 
against  those  that  oppress  the  hireling  in  his  wages."  "Yea  they 
have  oppressed  the  stranger  wrongfully.  Therefore  have  I  poured 
out  My  indignation  u])on  them."  "Is  not  this  the  fast  that  I  have 
chosen:  to  loose  the  bands  of  wickedness  to  undo  the  heavy  burdens, 
and  to  let  the  oppressed  go  free?"  And  here  is  one  from  Deuter 
onomy,  that  was  especially  appropriate  to  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law: 
"Thou  shalt  not  deliver  unto  his  master  the  servant  which  is  escaped 


•■'4-.. 


12 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 


from  \m  master  unto  thee.      He  shall  dwell  with  thee,  even  amonjj     ■ 
you  in  that  place  where  he  shall  choose,  in  one  of  thy  gates  where  it 
liketh  him  best.      Thou  shalt  not  oppress  him." 

In  the  earliest  stages  of  the  agitation  this  feeling  among  the 
churches  was  slow  in  finding  expression,  but  it  continually  gamed 
momentum.  When,  at  a  somewhat  later  period  than  this,  a  i>etition 
was  sent  to  Congress  from  3,015  Congregational  ministers  m  New 
England,  asking  for  the  repeal  of  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law  and  the 
abolition  of  slavery  in  the  IMstrict  of  Columbia,  every  anti-slavery 
member  of  Congress  felt  his  backbone  stiffen  and  his  courage  rise. 
And  when,  later  still,  meetings  were  called  in  the  North  for  the  pur- 
pose  of  raising  money  to  buy  rifles  for  the  Free  State  settlers  in 
Kansas,  it  was  in  the  churches,  instead  of  in  public  halls,  that  many 

of  them  were  held.  ,       ,  j 

It  was  largely,  also,  through  the  members  of  these  churches,  and 
in  this  period,  that  the  modern  form  of  the  doctrines  of  the  'Higher 
Law"  and  of  passive  resistance  were  evolved.      The  great  mass  of  the 
men  who  resisted  the  Fugitive  Slave  I^w  were,  in  almost  everything 
else,  law-abiding  citizens,  but  no  power  on  earth  could  make  them  aid 
in  enforcing  that  iniquitous  act,  because  it  was  in  violation  of  Scrip- 
tural injunction,  and  of  that  higher  law  of  justice  and  of  universal 
brotherhood,  which  God  had  implanted  in  their  souls.      At  the  same 
time  there  were  many  of  them  who,  if  caught  aiding  and  abetting  the 
escape  of  a  fugitive,  would  not  make  forcible  resistance  but  would 
take  flne  or  imprisonment  with  the  equammity  of  saints,  and  the 
courage  of  martyrs.      As  the  contest  proceed  the  atmosphere  in 
the  churches  of  the  North  became  more  and  more  one  of  hostility  to 
slavery.     Into  that  atmosphere  many  of  the  Whig  leaders  never  canie 
or  they  would  not  have  consented  to  the  compromises.      The  depth 
of  feeling  against  slavery  and  of  devotion  to  the  Union  that  was 
behind  these  demonstrations,  the  Southerners  ^'d  not  appreciate,  or 
they  would  not  have  forced  the  slavery  issue  as  they  did  during  the 
next  four  years,  nor  have  brought  on  the  war,  as  they  did,  six  years 

Aside  from  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law,  the  so-called  Compromise 
Measures  of  1850  included  the  settlement  of  the  Texas  boundary  and 
the  payment  to  that  State  of  |10,000,000  indemnity,  for  the  loss  of 
territory  to  which  it  had  laid  claims;  the  abolition  of  the  slave  trade 
in  the  District  of  Columbia;  the  admission  of  California  as  a  State, 
and  the  organization  of  New  Mexico  and  Utah  as  territories.      The 


ACTS  OF  PRO  SLAVERY  AGGRESSION. 


13 


HI 


even  among 
ites  where  it 

among  the 
lually  gained 
lis,  a  i)etition 
iters  in  New 
I  Law  and  the 

anti-slavery 
I  courage  rise. 

for  the  pnr- 
e  settlers  in 
Is,  that  many 

churches,  and 
f  the  "Higher 
it  mass  of  the 
)8t  everything 
nalce  them  aid 
ition  of  Scrip- 
1  of  universal 
At  the  same 
d  abetting  the 
ice,  but  would 
lints,  and  the 
atmosphere  in 
of  hostility  to 
rs  never  came, 
i.  The  depth 
lion  that  was 
appreciate,  or 
lid  during  the 
did,  six  years 

I  Compromise 
boundary  and 
or  the  loss  of 
he  slave  trade 
lia  as  a  State, 
'itories.      The 


attempts  to  abolish  slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  and  to  forbid 
the  bringing  of  slaves  into  the  District,  failed. 

Although  the  Pro-Slavery  leaders,  as  it  a)>peur8  now,  had  already 
formed  the  purpose  to  secure  further  legislation  in  their  interest, 
they  chose,  for  the  time,  to  have  it  considered  that  the  Compromise 
Measures  were  a  final  settlement  ot  all  questions  relating  to  slavery. 
The  Whigs  were  not  in  position  to  take  any  other  ground.  Both 
parties,  therefore,  approached  the  campaign  of  1852  with  professions 
of  the  purpose  to  avoid  further  agitation. 

The  Democratic  Convention  was  held  first,  at  Baltimore,  June 
Ist  to  4th.  It  reiterated  the  declaration  on  the  slavery  question 
adopted  in  1840,  and  again  in  1848,  and  already  quoted  In  this  chapter, 
and  supplemented  it  with  resolutions,  as  follows: 

''That  the  foregoing  proposition  covers,  and  is  intended  to 
embrace,  the  whole  subject  of  slavery  agitation  in  Congress;  and, 
therefore,  the  Democratic  party  of  the  Union,  standing  on  this 
Naiioual  platform,  will  abide  by  and  adhere  to  a  faithful  execution 
of  the  acts  known  as  the  Compromise  Measures,  settled  by  the  last 
Congress,  the  Act  for  Reclaiming  Fugitives  from  Service  or  Ijabor 
included;  which  act,  being  designed  to  carry  out  an  express  provision 
of  the  Constitution,  cannot,  with  fidelity  thereto,  be  repealed,  nor  so 
changed  as  to  destroy  or  impair  its  efllciency. 

"That  the  Democratic  party  will  resist  all  attempts  at  renewing, 
in  Congress  or  out  of  it,  the  agitation  of  the  slavery  question  under 
whatever  shai)e  or  color  the  attempt  may  be  made." 

Aside  from  this  the  platform  was  long,  covering  nearly  all  the 
National  questions  then  before  the  people.  The  Convention  nomin- 
ated Franklin  Pierce,  of  New  Hampshire,  for  President,  and  William 
R.  King,  of  Alabama,  for  Vice-President. 

The  Whig  Convention  was  held  in  the  same  city  a  fortnight  later, 
and  nominated  another  military  hero,  Winfield  Scott,  of  New  Jersey, 
for  President,  and  William  A.  Graham,  of  North  Carolina,  for  Vice- 
President.  It  is  noticeable  that  from  1832  to  1856  inclusive,  both  the 
Whig  and  Democratic  parties,  in  each  campaign,  put  one  Northern 
man  and  one  Southern  man  on  each  ticket,  and  both  factions  of  the 
disrupted  Democracy  did  the  same  thing  in  1860.  The  platform 
adopted  by  the  Whigs  in  1852  contained  this  utterance  on  the  slavery 
question. 

"The  series  of  Acts  of  the  Thirty-second  Congress,  the  Act  known 
as  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law  included,  are  received  and  acquiesced  in  by 


'^vpi,- 


r 


ii 


'm 


14 


HISTORY  OF  THE  KKPUHLK^AN  I'ARTV. 


the  Wliif?  party  of  the  I'nited  Btateg  a»  a  setth'nient,  in  principle  and 
HiiliHtanee,  of  the  dangerous  and  ex<-itin>,'  questiontt  which  they 
embrace,  and  bo  far  ag  they  are  concerned  we  will  maintain  them,  and 
insist  u}Mm  their  strict  enforcement  until  time  and  experience  shall 
demonstrate  the  necessity  for  fnrther  legislation  to  guard  against  the 
evasion  of  the  laws  on  the  one  hand,  or  the  abnse  of  their  t>ower 
on  the  other,  not  impairing  their  present  efficiency;  and  we  deprecate 
all  further  agitation,  whenever,  wherever  or  however  the  attempt 
may  be  made;  and  we  will  maintain  the  system  as  essential  to  the 
nationality  of  the  Whig  party  and  the  integrity  of  the  Union." 

The  Free  Soil  Convention  met  at  IMttsbnrg,  August  11,  nominated 
Senator  John  V.  Hale,  of  New  Hampshire,  for  President,  and  George 
W.  Julian,  of  Indiana,  for  Vice-President.  Its  platform  consisted  of 
twenty-two  planks,  of  which  eleven  related  to  the  slavery  question. 
One  of  these  denounced,  in  detail,  the  whole  series  of  Compromise 
Measures  of  1830,  followed  by  the  declaration:  "That  no  permanent 
settlement  of  the  slavery  question  can  be  looked  for  except  In  the 
practical  recognition  of  the  truth  that  slavery  is  sectional  and  freedom 
national;  by  th(>  total  separation  of  the  General  Government  from 
slavery  and  the  exercise  of  its  legitimate  and  constitutional  influence 
on  the  side  of  freedom ;  and  by  leaving  to  the  states  the  whole  subject 
of  slavery,  and  the  extradition  of  fugitives  from  service."  Another 
of  the  declarations  was,  "That  to  the  persevering  and  importunate 
demands  of  the  Slave  Power  for  more  slave  states,  new  slave  terri- 
tories, and  the  nationalization  of  slffivery,  our  distinct  and  final  answer 
is,  no  more  slave  states,  no  slave  territory,  no  nationalized  slavery, 
and  no  National  legislation  for  the  extradition  of  slaves." 

Another  clause  distinctly  announced  the  principle  of  "the  Higher 
Law"  in  the  declaration,  "That  the  Fugitive  Slave  Act  of  1850  is  repug- 
nant to  the  Constitution,  to  the  principles  of  common  law,  to  the 
spirit  of  Christianity,  and  to  the  sentiments  of  the  civilized  world;  we 
therefore  deny  its  binding  force  on  the  American  people,  and  demand 
its  immediate  and  total  repeal."  ' 

Upon  some  subjects  of  National  interest,  aside  from  8>avery,  the 
platform  took  ground  so  far  in  advance  of  its  time,  that  even  the 
(irogressive  Republican  party  did  not  hold  the  same  positions  till  ten 
years  later.  It  was  an  able  rnd  patriotic  document,  but  cut  little 
figure  in  the  ca^r  :>.'.'^,  for  the  Free  Soil  vote  was  only  156,149,  not 
much  more  than  iialf  what  it  had  been  four  years  earlier. 

As  between  the  Democrats  and  Whigs  the  campaign  was  spirit- 


»%; 


''-'xX~'^ 


ACTS  OF  Pitt)  HLAVEUY  AatJUEHHION. 


18 


I'inciple  and 
which  they 

in  tliem,  and 
rienee  Hhall 
against  the 
their  ;>owei' 

we  deprecate 
the  attempt 

ential  to  the 

ion." 

LI,  nominated 
t,  and  George 

I  eoniiisted  of 
ery  question. 

Compromise 
Qo  permanent 
except  in  the 

II  and  freedom 
ernment  from 
onal  influence 
whole  subject 
8."  Another 
1  importunate 
»w  slave  terri- 
id  final  answer 
alized  slavery, 

B." 

of  "the  Higher 
'  1850  is  repug- 
m  law,  to  the 
ized  world;  we 
e,  And  demand 

m  slavery,  the 
that  even  the 
sitions  till  ten 
but  cut  little 
ly  156,149,  not 

ign  was  spirit- 


less, and  the  result  a  decisive  Democratic  vlt-tory.  In  the  Ele«'tonil 
College  I'ierce  and  King  had  254  votes,  and  Hcott  and  Graham  only 
42.  The  iMipular  vote  was  Democratic,  1,001,474;  Whig,  1,38«,57H. 
The  Thirty-third  Congress,  elected  mainly  at  the  same  time,  had  in 
the  Senate  38  Democrats,  22  Whigs  and  two  Free  Soilers;  in  the 
House  150  Democrats,  71  Whigs  and  four  Fri'e  Soilers.  The  Michigan 
vote  on  President  was,  for  Pien-e,  41,842;  Scott,  33,071,  and  Hah', 
7,237.  Its  Congressional  delegation  was  all  Democratic.  liewis 
Cass  and  Charles  E.  Stuart  repi^sented  the  State  in  the  Senate. 

Of  the  condition  and  prosi)ects  of  the  country  at  this  time  Horace 
(JrH'iey  said  in  his  "American  Conflict":  "The  finances  were  healthy 
and  the  public  credit  unimpaired.  Industry  and  trade  were  signally 
prosjierous.  The  tariff  had  ceased  to  be  a  theme  of  partisan  or  sec- 
tional strife.  The  immense  yield  of  gold  in  California,  during  the 
four  preceding  years,  had  stimulated  enterprise  and  quickened  the 
energies  of  labor,  and  its  volume  as  yet  showed  no  signs  of  diminution. 
And  though  the  Fugitive  Slave  I^aw  was  still  denounced  and  occasion- 
ally resisted  by  Abolitionists  in  the  free  states,  while  Disunionists  still 
plotted  in  secret,  and,  more  oi)enly,  prepared  in  Southern  commercial 
conventions,  there  .was  still  a  goodly  majority  in  the  South,  with  a 
still  larger  in  the  North  and  Northwest,  in  favor  of  maintaining  the 
Union  and  preserving  the  greatest  practical  measure  of  cordiality  and 
fraternity  between  the  free  and  slave  states,  substantially  on  the 
Compromise  of  1860." 

If  the  Democrats,  as  a  party,  had  been  sincere  in  their  assertion 
of  the  purpose  to  resist  all  attempts  at  renewing,  in  Congress,  "the 
agitation  of  the  slavery  question,  under  whatever  shape  or  color  the 
attempt  might  be  made,"  this  pleasant  picture  of  pea<'e  and  prosperity 
might  have  continued,  with  Democratic  supremacy,  for  many  years; 
but  overconfident  in  their  strength,  and  not  comprehending  the  depth 
of  feeling  in  the  North,  they  speedily  renewe«l  the  agitation. 

At  the  last  session  of  the  Thirty-second  Congress  a  bill  was  intro- 
duced to  organize  the  territory  west  of  Iowa  and  Missouri  into  a  single 
Territory,  to  be  called  the  Territory  of  Platte.  It  was  reported  from 
('ommittee  as  a  bill  to  organize  the  Territory  of  Nebraska.  Although 
the  Territory  was  large,  and  the  population  increasing,  many  Southern 
members  opposed  the  bill,  and  it  was  reported  adversely  to  the 
House  by  the  Committee  of  the  Whole.  A  motion  to  table  it  was 
lost,  and  it  was  passed  and  sent  to  the  Senate-,  where  it  remained,  at 
the  end  of  the  session,  among  the  bills  not  acted  upon. 


^ 


'  S*j* 


I'l  'M 


16  HISTORY  OF  THE  REFITHLICAN  PARTY. 

At  the  oiM..ni.iK  «f  the  Thirty-third  OongreBS  Senator  Dodge,  of 
Iowa,  introduced  a  similar  bill,  whi<h  was  referred  to  th«  Committ^ 
on  T;rritorieB.      It  wa«  subsequently  reported  by  that  /^^omm  «ee 
when  Senator  Dixon,  of  Kentucky,  offered  an  amendment,  providing 
that  the  Act  of  1820  should  not  be  so  construed  as  to  apply  to  the 
Territory  contemplated  by  this  act,  nor  to  any  other  Territory  of  the 
United  States.      Senator  Dixon  was  a  Whig,  and  was  charged  by  the 
Washington  Union,  the  Democratic  organ,  with  taking  this  course  m 
order  to  divide  and   disorganize   the   Democratic   party.      To   this 
charge  he  replied  on  the  floor  of  the  Senate:    "Sir,  I  merely  wish  to 
remark  that  upon  the  question  of  slavery  I  know  no  Whiggery,  and 
I  know  no  Democracy.      I  am  a  Pro-Slavery  man.      I  am  from^  a 
slave-holding  State.     I  represent  a  slave-holding  constituency.     I  am 
here  to  maintain  the  rights  of  that  people,  whenever  they  are  before 

the  Senate."  , .     .  ,      ^j 

Senator  Douglas  did  not  wish  discussion  on  this  issue  forced 
immediately,  and  therefore  had  the  bill  ref err^  back  to  his  Commit, 
tee  on  Territories.  He  subsequently  reported  it,  amended  so  as  to 
create  the  two  Territories  of  Kansas  and  Nebraska  and  with  the 
provision  that  all  questions  pertaining  to  slavery  in  the  states,  to  be 
Cmed  from  these  territories,  should  be  left  to  the  action  of  tlie  people 
thereof,  through  their  appropriate  representatives,  and  that  the  pro- 
vi  o"s  of  the'constitution  and  laws  of  the  United  States  in  respect 
to  fugitives  from  service,  should  be  carried  into  faithful  execution  in 
all  the  organized  territories,  the  same  as  in  the  states. 

The  bill,  as  introduced,  had  the  stipulation,  "That  the  Cons  itu- 
tion  and  all  laws  of  the  United  States  which  are  not  locally  mapplica- 

ble,  shall  have  the  same  force  and  -^^^^''"^'^  ZJulZlZ 
elsewhere  in  the  United  States."     To  this  the  amended  bill  added  the 
following  reservation:      "Except  the  section  of  ^^^^^'IT^S 
to  the  admission  of  Missouri  into  the  Union,  approved  March  6  1820, 
which  was  superceded  by  the  principles  of  the  legislation  of  1850,  com- 
Tonly  called Vhe  Compromise  Measure,  and  is  declared  inoperative' 
But  even  this  was  not  strong  enough  to  suit  those^who  hoped  to 
make  slave  states  of  the  new  territories.     After  a  hot  debate  Senator 
Douglas  proiK,sed  the  following  in  place  of  the  reservation  above 
cZtecl-  '^x  ept  the  section  of  the  Act  preparatory  to  the  admiss  on 
olMTssouri  into  the  Union,  approved  March  6,  1820,  which,  being 
to^.Z  with  the  principle  of  non-intervention  by  Congress  with 
slavery  in  the  states  and  territories,  as  recognized  by  the  legislation  m 


ACTH  OF  PKO-SLAVEUY  AG(JREHHI()N. 


17 


or  Dodge,  of 

e  Committee 
t  Committee, 
nt,  providing 

apply  to  the 
rritory  of  the 

arged  by  the 
Ithig  course  in 
ty.  To  thid 
erely  wish  to 
V'higgery,  and 
I  am  from,  a 
uency.  I  am 
ley  are  before 

issue  forced 
o  his  Commit- . 
mded  so  as  to 
and  with  the 
le  states,  to  be 
n  of  the  people 
i  that  the  pro- 
ates  in  respect 
ul  execution  in 

t  the  Constitu- 
cally  inapplica- 
id  territory  as 
1  bill  added  the 
ct  preparatory 
March  6,  1820, 
m  of  1850,  com- 
d  inoperative.'' 
i  who  hoped  to 
debate  Senator 
ervation  above 
I  the  admission 
,  which,  being 
Congress  with 
le  legislation  in 


H 


1860,  commonly  called  th<?  Coiiipromise  Measure,  is  hereby  declared 
inoiierative  and  void;  it  being  the  true  intent  and  meaning  of  this 
act  not  to  legislate  slavery  into  any  Territory  or  Htate,  nor  to  exclude 
it  therefrom,  but  to  leave  the  people  thereof  perfectly  free  to  form  and 
regulate  their  domestic  iustitutions  in  their  own  way,  subject  only 
to  the  Constitution  of  the  United  Htates." 

This  was  adopted  by  a  vote  of  .'{5  to  10.  That  it  wos  not  intended 
to  mean  what  it  said,  was  clearly  demonstrated  immediately  after- 
wards, for  Senator  Chase,  of  Ohio,  moved  to  add  to  the  above  the 
following:  "Under  which  the  i)eople  of  the  Territory,  through  their 
appropriate  representatives,  may,  if  they  see  fit,  prohibit  the  existence 
of  slavery  therein."  This  was  rejected  by  a  vote  of  30  to  10,  thus 
showing  that  so  far  as  the  territories  were  concerned  the  doctrine  of 
"Popular  Sovereignty"  was  a  jiretense  and  a  sham — that  the  people 
of  the  territories  were  Jiot  to  be  allowed  to  prohibit  slavery,  previous 
to  their  admission  as  states.  Further  contest  in  the  Senate  was 
hopeless,  and  tbe  bill  passed  on  the  morning  of  March  4th,  by  the 
decisive  vote  of  37  to  14. 

In  the  House  the  measure  was  fought  with  more  vigor,  and  at 
first  with  some  hope  of  compassing  its  defeat.  A  separate  bill  had 
been  there  introduced,  but  the  Senate  bill  was  substituted  for  it,  and, 
by  a  parliamentary  trick,  its  ojiponents  were  prevented  from  ofifering 
amendments.  The  discussion  upon  it  was  long  and  acrimonious,  but 
it  finally  passed,  by  vote  of  113  yeas  to  100  nays.  The  affirmative  vote 
consisted  of  101  Democrats,  of  whom  44  were  from  the  North,  and  12 
Whigs,  all  of  whom  were  from  the  South.  The  negative  vote  con- 
sisted of  44  Northern  Democrats,  44  Northern  Whigs  and  three  Free 
Sellers.  The  bill  went  back  to  the  Senate,  nominally  as  a  House  bill, 
but  in  reality  the  Senate  measure,  finally  passed  that  body  May  26, 
and  was  signed  by  President  Pierce,  May  30.  The  Northern  Whigs, 
it  will  be  noticed,  finally  voted  solidly  against  the  measure,  but  the 
non-committal  attitude  of  their  party  in  previous  campaigns  had  pre- 
vented their  having  members  enough  to  make  their  votes  effective. 
The  passage  of  the  measure  sealed  tbe  fate  of  the  Whigs  as  an  organ- 
ization, and  hastened  the  concentration  of  anti-slavery  sentiment  in  a 
new  party. 

This  brief  narration  of  events  can  convey  but  a  faint  impression  of 
the  excitement  with  which  the  men  of  the  North  watched  their  course. 
The  long  discussion  of  the  Compromise  Measures  and  of  the  Kansas 
Nebraska  bill  had  taught  them  many  things,  not  only  with  regard  to 


If 


■A  ii 


■    --?  • 

i1| 


IT" 


■'^,■■ 


IS 


IlISTOnYOFTIIK  IIKIM  HIJCAN  PAKTY 


Houthorn  a^Kn-HHiouH  in  the  int.Me«t  of  «lav»M-.v.  but  with  the  fvils  of 
Hlav.'rv  itw'lf.  TlH'  Iltoratnn-  (►f  the  iMM-iod  wan  IntoiiB*'.  Mis. 
Stow,.'H  "liuU.  Ton.'H  i'abin,"  whi.h  probably  had  a  diHiH-r  and  moro 
widennmid  InfJ.HMUv  on  opinion  than  an.v  ..tlu-r  story  of  mmonilr  and 
Bo,ial  lifo  that  waH  ever  written,  wan  pnblinhed  durinK  this  iM-riod  of 
diHon«Bion,  flrBt  a«  a  nerial  in  Dr.  nanuiliel  Hailey'«Wa«hinKton  pain^r, 
the  National  Era.  and  afterwards  In  book  form.  The/*"*';'*  2" 
Hon.Hl,  and  many  other  political  newspapers  made  the  Kansas^ 
N,.braska  bill  and  kindred  n.atters  the  .hlef  tophs  of  discussion,  and  „ 
a  nun.ber  of  religious  paiK-rs  ^ave  them  seareely  less  attention. 

The  VntlHlaverv  element  in  the  North  had  accepted  the  admission 
„f  Missouri  even  wlH.  the  Compromise  with  reluctanie       That  meas- 
ure for  adn.lssion  had  passed  by  7«  votes  from  slave  states  and  on 
14  from  free  states,  nuiklng  im.     The  negative  votes  were  87  all  fro'" 
he  frei.  states.      The   Houth,  in   the  admlss^un   of  that  state  with 
Iverv  m  U    roasthution,  had  reape<l  all  ttTe  benefit  of  the  Com^ 
^n  m  se,  and  now  v.olated  its  spirit  and  repudiated  Its  fore.      Tha 
nntrument  had  dedicated  the  territory  which  It  covered    o  freedcMU 
orever,  and  now  It  was  proposed  to  make  It  ,M'r,H.tually  slave.      The 
C  ro.  ises  of  185i»  again  had  bm.  accepted  as  a  finality  and  both 
heTreat  parties  had  so  declared  In  their  conventions  not  two  years 
p  e^,;  to  this  time.      Yet  a  new  agitation  had   been  "'"-d  atjMy 
Unu  .nd  in  the  debates  in  this  Congress  the  puriK.se  had  been  made 
S  est,  to  admit  no  more  free  states  to  the  Un  on  unless  an  equa 
Tmber  of  slave  states  could  come  in;  a  p«r,K.se.  '^^^er JMn    his  to 
earrv  slaverv  into  all  the  territories.      In  the  legislation  of  1820  and 
ISoS^tl  e  No^th  had  yielded  enough.      It  would  yield  no  more.      The 
iav  of  Compromises  was  past.     The  time  for  organizing  a  new  party 
had  come,  and  Michigan  was  to  take  the  lead  m  that  work. 


Ii  the  t'vils  of 
itciiHe.  Mrs. 
IMT  and  inor*' 
(M-undiiiic  uiid 
this  iM'rl(«l  ttt 
linKtoii  patH'i-, 
u*  puiKM*  men- 

the    KnnmiH- 
iHi'iiHsion,  ami   ,  j 
ttentlon. 
the  adiiiiBHion 

That  ineaB-  I 
ates,  and  only 
re  87,  all  from 
hat  state  with 
it  of  the  Com- 
}  fone.  That 
red  to  freedom 
ly  slave.  The 
ality,  and  both 

not  two  years 
m  Immediately 
had  been  made 
inless  an  equal 
ler  than  this  to 
ion  of  1820  and 
no  more.  The 
ng  a  new  party 
mrk. 


II. 

A  WOltKOFrKEl'AHATION.         ,, 

The  Hitnation  in  Mi.hiKan  in  lHr.4-The  Hreaking  Down  of  Old  I'arty 
L|,„.«_HtronK  An.i-HlaviMy  Kentiment  In  the  Htate-The  Under- 

-  ground  Railway  Llm— ('orrespouden.e  of  Whig  Edltors-An 
Important  IMeliniinary  Meeting-Htatements  from  Home  of  the 
l^niders-Free  Demorratlt-  Mass  <>nv<  iitlon-It  Nominates  a 
TUket  and  Makes  Overtures  for  a  Union-Rousing  Anti-Nebraska 
Meetlngs-\aluable  W<.rk  by  Whig  and  Fri-e  Democratie  Edlt«.rs 
-Knronragement  From  the  Early  Eleetlons-A  Umg  Step 
Towards  Union-Strong  Resolutions  and  a  Rousing  Call. 

In  spite  of  the  fact  that  the  Htate  had  generally  given  Demooratle 
,„«j«rlties  up  t<»  the  time  when  the  slavery  question  became  the  pam- 
mount  issue  in  ,K,lities.  a  majority  of  Michigan  i^eople  were  oppos^ 
to  the  policv  of  that  party  on  this  supreme  question.      Their  Htate 
was  part  of 'the  great  Northwest  Territory,  over  which  the  Ordinance 
of  1787  spread  the  mantle  of  per,H-tual  freedom.      Their  history  and 
traditions  were  in  full  accord  with  the  principles  of  this  fundamenta 
law       As  the   Eastern  border  of   the  State  was  on  the  frontier   it 
became  part  of  the  great  highway  that  U^  the  fugitive  slave  to  Canada 
and  fnn^om,  and  along  that  highway,  at  Kalamazoo,  Adrian,  OetroU 
and  other  places,  were  stations  of  the  ^'underground  ra  Iway,    where 
fleeing  slaves  had  been   assisted  on  their  way,  and  where  they  had 
aroused  the  deepest  sympathies  of  those  who  met  them       Some  of 
these  men  had  been  arrested  and  fined  for  violation  of  t^^  J»K**»^« 
Slave  Law.      They  were,  at  this  time,  as  thoroughly  aroused  as  the 
I,eople  of  almost  any  other  Northern  State,  at  the  repeated  aggres- 
sions of  the  slave  power.  ir„„-„« 
The  difflcnltv,  when  the  feeling  that   grew  out  of   the   Kansas- 
Nebraska  controversy  was  at  its  height,  was  in  a  lack  of  concentration^ 
A  la  "e  majority  of  the  Whigs  shared  In  the  feeling  but  were  attached 
n  alTection  and  sentiment  to  their  party  and  wished  to  preserve  its 


IIIHTOUY  OF  TIIK  UKPlIlilJrAN  1»AKTY. 


inti'Ki'it.V  hihI  itM  iiuiiic.  TImtc  wiih  niiotlK't-  party,  iiiikIl'  up  mainly 
of  AbolitioniHtH  and  of  ||iom<>  old  Di'mocratH  whose  Anti-Hlavery  HtMiti- 
nientH  wciv  ho  Hti-onK  lliat  llify  i-oiild  not  r(»llow  their  old  organiitatiun 
into  the  Houthern  fold.  The  men  of  (IiIh  party  were,  in  (■<iaif'-in|>or- 
aneouH  reeordH,  variouHly  called  Free  KoilerH,  Fhm*  Deniocrv  »  nud 
Free  Koil  DenioeralM.  In  the  election  o*  1H52  they  had  given  Imuuc 
1*.  ('hrlHtianey  5,sri()  voteH  for  Oovernor,  while  the  VVhiKH  gave  Zaeh- 
ariah  Chandler  :t4,((it(l,  and  th<>  DemocratM  gave  Robert  Merielland 
42,7J>H.  ThiH  wai4  a  clear  nuijority  fi>r  the  DemueratB  over  the  other 
two  parties  conibiniHl. 

8nbHe4|uent  eventH,  however,  had  changed  that,  and  in  1854,  there 
WHH  no  doubt  that  a  nntjority  of  voters  in  the  Htate  were  not  only 
oppoHed  to  the  exteuHion  of  slavery  into  any  new  Territory,  but  were 
also  in  favor  of  obliterating  some  of  the  rompntniise  Measures  that 
had,  two  years  earlier,  been  accepted  as  a  settlement  of  the  whole  con- 
troversy. The  difliculty  was  in  combining  all  the  Anti-Slavery 
elements  into  one  j-olierent  whole.  The  Whigs  themselves  were  not 
entirely  united  in  sentiment  upon  this  subject.  There  were,  in  truth, 
two  factions  antong  them,  the  Keward  Whigs,  as  they  were  called  and 
as  they  rather  ]ik(>d  to  call  themselves  in  Michigan,  and  the  Silver 
Oray  Whigs,  as  they  were  tlrst  called  in  New  York  and  subsequently 
in  other  states.  The  former  were  in  full  sympathy  with  the  rising 
tide  of  Anti-Slavery  sentiment.  The  latter  were  conservative  on  the 
subject,  but  neither  was  ready  to  disband  its  organization.  They  cer- 
tainly had  no  idea  of  being  absorbed  by  the  Free  T)emocrats,  nor  had 
the  latter  any  purpose  of  losing  their  party  identity. 

But  the  work  of  preparation  for  the  breaking  down  of  these  party 
lines  had  long  before  b<'en  commenced.  Charles  V.  De  I^nd,  one  of 
those  who  was  active  in  this  preliminary  work,  recently  made  this 
brief  statement  in  reference  to  it:  'The  movement  began  soon  after 
the  crushing  defeat  of  the  Whigs  in  1852,  by  correspondence  between 
the  leading  Whig  editors  of  the  Northern  states.  I  was  at  that  time 
editor  of  the  Jackson  Citizen,  and  distinctly  remember  the  circular 
letters  of  the  National  Intelligencer,  Albany  Journal  and  other  leading 
papers,  asking  the  expression  of  all  Whig  editors  as  to  the  situation, 
and  what  the  future  policy  of  the  party  should  be.  These  circulars 
induced  some  of  the  leading  Whig  editors  of  Michigan  to  hold  a  con- 
ference at  Jackson  in  February,  1854,  of  which  Henry  Barns,  of 
Detroit,  was  Chairman,  and  the  writer  was  Secretary.  The  Free  Soil 
party  had  called  a  convention  for  the  22d  of  February  to  nominate  a 


Mil 


w  mainly 
jery  wilt  I- 
iiini«iitiun 
|)iif '  -iii|»or- 
|'i"M  It  (I  lid 
Ivcn  Ihuuc 
law  Zach- 
|cn('|latid 
I  the  other 

HM,  tliere 
'  not  only 
,  but  were 
Mires  that 
whole  c'ou- 
iti-Slavery 
I  were  not 
i,  in  truth, 

[culled  and 
the  Silver 
tfiequently 
the  rising 
ive  on  the 
They  cer- 
ts, nor  had 

hese  party 
md,  one  of 
made  this 
soon  after 
:e  between 
t  that  time 
le  circular 
ler  leading 
^  situation, 
e  circulars 
lold  a  con- 
Barns,  of 
?  Free  Soil 
lominate  a 


A  WORK  OP  I'RKl' A  RATION. 


tl 


L' 


Htato  ticket.  The  KaimiiM  N'cluaMka  liill,  the  re|teal  of  tli<'  .MiMHoiir! 
('oiii|iroiiiiH('  and  other  nulirai  pi-oMlavcry  l<>i;iHlali<>ii  wan  iiciidiiiK  in 
ConKn-HM.  .Mn-atly  the  |mm»|»I«'  of  tin*  Norllierii  Mtates  were  holding 
mass  iii(>4>tintj;M,  dciioiiiiring  and  renioiiHt rating  aKaiiiHt  the  |>i'o|M»He<l 
leglMlation.  The  edilorH  adopted  a  |M»ll*-y  looking;  to  the  i-onHtilidution 
of  nil  the  .\ntl-Hlavei\v  exteiiHion  elenienlH  into  a  new  party.  Henry 
HurnH,  of  the  l)<>troit  Trihnne;  Oeor^e  .\.  Fitch,  of  the  KalaniUTSoo 
Telegraph,  and  Z.  1).  Knight,  of  the  I'ontiuc  Oa/.ette,  were  appointed 
a  roninilttiM'  to  attend  the  Free  Hoil  Htate  (Convention,  and  Hubniit  the 
pntpoHition  to  the  leaderH  of  that  party.  A  ronference  waH  held  on 
the  evening  of  the  L'lHt,  at  the  ofllce  of  AuHtiii  lllair,  and  among  the 
Fre<'  Soil  lenders  preHent  I  remember  KiiiHley  H.  Hingham,  llovey  K. 
riarke,  Naac  V.  ChriHtiancy  and  William  T.  Howell.  The  Free  Holl- 
ers thougtif  if  best  to  go  on  and  hold  their  conv<>ntion  an<l  to  noiiiinate 
a  ticket,  but  agreed  to  name  a  joint  committee,  with  authority  to  cull 
a  mass  conventiim  later,  and  if  a  union  of  the  kind  proposed  was  feubi- 
ble,  to  withdraw  their  Htnte  ticket  and  join  the  new  organlKution." 

Of  a  Inter  phase  of  the  nioveinent  Henry  Wilson,  in  his  "Rise  and. 
Fall  of  the  Hluve  Tower  in  America,"  suid:  ''Immediately  on  the' 
passage  of  the  Nebraska  bill,  Joseph  Warren,  editor  of  the  Detroit 
Tribune,  entered  upon  a  course  of  ineaHures  that  resulted  in  bringing 
the  Whig  and  Free  Hoil  parties  together,  not  by  a  mere  coalition  of 
the  two,  but  by  n  fusion  of  the  elements  of  wlii«'li  the  two  were  coin^ 
posed.  In  his  own  language  he  'took  ground  in  favor  of  disbunding 
the  Whig  und  Free  Hoil  parties,  and  of  the  organisation  of  a  new  party 
composed  of  all  the  opponents  of  slavery  extensitui.'  Among  the) 
first  steps  tuken  toward  the  accomplislnnent  of  this  vitally  important 
object,  was  the  withdrawui  of  tlie  Free  Hoil  ticket." 

In  reference  to  the  same  movement,  Joseph  Wnrren  himself  wrote, 
twenty-flve  years  later:  "Though  the  repeal  of  the  Compromise 
between  freedom  and  sluvery,  which  for  nearly  thirty-tive  years  had 
been  looked  upon  as  an  inviolable  compact,  creuted  widespread  and 
intense  excitement,  the  members  of  the  Whig  party,  it  wus  feared, 
were  not  prepured  to  abandon  their  own  organ ix.ut ion,  and  be  absorbed 
in  the  Free  Soil  party.  Being  impressed  with  the  conviction  that 
such  a  sentiment  existed  to  a  sufficient  extent  to  render  the  success  of 
the  Free  Soil  ticket  doubtful,  even  if  it  should  be  formally  udopted  (as 
he  felt  it  should  not  be)  by  a  Whig  convention,  the  writer  of  this  brief 
sketch,  then  editor  and  part  owner  of  the  Detroit  Tribune,  initiated, 
through  its  oolumns,  a  movement  on  the  part  of  the  Anti-Slavery  peo- 


;!  ,  * 


Pil 


MM 


M»wMi«MMa8BWtBB>WWi 


mmmm 


22 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 


pie  of  the  State,  which  resulted  in  the  Jackson  masB  convention,  and 
in  the  organization  and  chriBtening  of  the  Republican  party.  .  .  He, 
through  the  columns  of  the  Tribune,  took  immediate  and  very  decided 
ground  in  favor  of  formally  disbanding  both  the  Whig  and  Free  Boll 
parties  of  the  State,  and  of  the  organization  by  mass  convention,  of  a 
new  purty,  composed  of  all  the  opponents  of  slavery  extension  of 
whatever  name.  This  course,  it  is  due  to  himself  to  state,  he  took 
upon  his  own  responsibility,  being  so  thoroughly  convinced  that  it 
was  right  and  would  triumph,  that  he  advised  not  even  with  his  imme- 
diate political  friends  as  to  the  wisdom  of  the  step."  The  time  here 
referred  to  was  that  immediately  following  the  final  passage  of  the 
Kansas-Nebraska  bill  in  May,  and  for  the  next  two  months  Mr. 
VVarren'ir  paper  was  undoubtedly  the  most  conspicuous,  as  it  was  one 
of  the  ablest,  and  certainly  the  most  vigorous,  among  newspaper  advo- 
cates of  the  movement.  But  it  would  not  be  just  to  ascribe  to  any 
one  man  the  credit  either  for  the  initiative  or  the  progress  of  the  move- 
ment. It  was  too  broad  and  the  feeling  was  too  deep  to  be  credited 
to  any  one  individual.  It  was  an  inspiration  that  came  alike  to 
hundreds  of  earnest  men  engaged  in  editorial  work  and  in  other 
avenues  of  public  life. 

The  call  for  a  mass  convention  of  the  Free  Democracy  was  issued 
January  12, 1854,  and  was  signed  by  U.  Tracy  Howe,  Hovey  K.  (^larke, 
Silas  M.  Holmes,  S.  A.  Baker,  S.  B.  Thayer,  Samuel  P.  Mead,  Samuel 
Zug,  J.  W.  Ohilds  and  Erastus  Hussey,  State  Central  Committee. 
Between  the  call  and  the  time  of  the  convention  an  address  was  issued 
to  the  people  of  the  country  by  Senators  Salmon  P.  Chase  and  Charles 
Sumner,  and  Representatives  Joshua  R.  Giddings,  Edward  Wade,  Oer- 
ritt  Smith  and  Alexander  DeWitt,  condemning  the  Kansas-Nebraska 
bill  as  "a  gross  violation  of  a  satTed  pledge,  a  crim.inal  betrayal  of 
precious  rights,  a  part  and  parcel  of  an  atrocious  plot  to  exclude  from 
a  vast  unoccupied  region  immigrants  from  the  old  world,  and  free 
laborers  from  our  own  states,  and  convert  it  to  a  dreary  region  of 
despotism,  inhabited  by  masters  and  slaves."  The  various  arguments 
or  excuses  which  had  been  offered  for  the  bill  were  examined,  their 
fallacious  character  was  shown,  and  an  eloquent  appeal  was  made  to 
the  Anti-Slavery  sentiment  of  the  North.  This  address  was  given 
a  wide  circulation  in  Michigan  and  added  to  the  intensity  of  feeling, 
which  found  expression  in  various  Courty  Conventions  of  the  Free 
Democracy,  and  at  numerous  Anti-Nebraska  meetings  which  were  not 
limited  to  that  party. 


NiliMIIMMIiili 


ion,  and 

.  He, 

decided 

ree  Soil 

ion,  of  a 

nsion  of 

he  toolc 

Id  tlmt  it 

is  ininie- 

ime  here 

Jge  of  tlie 

thB    Mr. 

was  one 

per  advo 

)e  to  an.v 

the  move- 

i  credited 

alike  to 

in  other 

'as  issned 
K.  (Clarice, 
d,  Ramuel 
ommittee. 
vaa  isHued 
td  Charles 
^'ade,  Ger- 
■Nebraska 
Btrayal  of 
lude  from 
and  free 
region  of 
rguments 
Bed,  their 
9  made  to 
vas  given 
►f  feeling, 
the  Free 
were  not 


,;      A  WOKK  OP  PREPARATION.  28 

The  most  notable  of  the  latter  wa»  held  in  Detroit  February  18, 
in  response  to  n  call  whi«'h  contained  the  following  among  other  well- 
known  names:  Zachariah  Chandler,  Jacob  M.  Howard,  Oliver  New- 
berry, George  B.  Pease,  William  It.  Wesson,  Raker  &  Conover,  Fred. 
Morley,  John  H.  Jenness,  Lyman  Baldwin,  Francis  Raymond,  Silas  M. 
Holmes,  John  Owen,  Frederick  Riihl,  James  A.  Van  Dyke,  Hanine| 
Zug,  Robert  W.  King,  Daniel  Kcotten,  William  A.  Butler,  Richmond  ^ 
Backus,  Henry  P.  Baldwin,  A.  C.  McGraw,  D.  Bethune  DuffleldJ 
Thomas  A.  Parker,  Seymour  Finney,  Alexander  H.  Dey,  George  Kirby, 
Joseph  Warren,  Jacob  S.  Far  rand  and  A.  J.  Brow.  Major  Jonathaq 
Kearsley  was  President  of  the  nu»eting,  Shubael  Conant,  Henry  Chip- 
man  and  C.  C.  Trowbridge  were  among  the  Vi<'e-Pre8ident8,  an(| 
speeches  were  made  by  Major  Kearsley,  JamcH  A.  Van  Dyke,  Zach' 
ariah  Chandler,  Samuel  Barstow  and  D.  Bethune  Dullield.  Strong 
Anti-Slavery  resolutions  were  adopted,  but  they  did  not  commit  tlm 
meeting  in  any  way  to  an  abandonment  of  old  party  lines.  Tliu 
people  were  not  yet  ready  for  that  and  it  is  probable  that  if  such  a 
proposition  had  been  made  at  the  time  it  would  have  been  voted  down. 

In  fact,  the  proposition  had,  as  yet,  hardly  come  into  serious  con- 
sideration as  a  practical  nmtter,  and  the  Convention  which  was  held 
at  Jackson  four  days  later,  February  22,  1S54,  was  lit  Id  as  a  (Jonven- 
tion  solely  of  the  Free  Democratic  party.  It  was  called  to  order  by 
Hovey  K.  Clarke  as  Chairman  of  the  State  Central  Committee,  and 
organized  with  DeWitt  C.  Leach  as  temporary  Chairman.  Subse- 
quently William  T,  Howell,  of  Hillsdale,  was  chosen  President,  with 
one  Vice-President  from  each  Judicial  district. 

The  Committee  on  Resolutions  was  an  exceptionally  strong  one, 
consisting  of  Hovey  K.  Clarke,  Fernando  C.  Beaman,  Kinsley  S. 
Bingham,  F.  Huseey,  Nathan  Power,  1).  C.  Leach  and  L.  Moore.  Its 
report,  as  prepared  by  Hovey  K.  Clarke,  and  slightly  amended  by  the 
Convention,  proclaimed,  in  a  preamble,  attachment  to  the  Union, 
pledged  support  to  the  Constitution,  announced  a  policy  with  refer- 
ence to  certain  matters  of  State  interest,  and  contained  the  following 
resolutions  upon  questions  of  National  importance: 

1.  That  we  regard  the  institution  of  domestic  slavery,  which 
exists  in  some  of  the  states  of  the  Union,  notonlyas  a  foe  to  the  domes- 
tic tranquillity  and  the  welfare  of  such  states,  but  as  subversive  of  the 
plainest  principles  of  justice  and  the  manifest  destroyer  of  the  bless- 
ings of  lil)erty.  As  an  institution,  we  are  compel  UmI  to  denounce  and 
abhor  it.     Yet  we  concede  that  in  the  states  where  it  exists  It  is  politi- 


24 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 


if  II-. 


cally  beyond  our  reach.  But  as  we  cannot  deny  our  responsibility 
concerning  it,  so  long  as  it  finds  protection  under  the  laws  of  the  Fed- 
eral Government,  so  we  will  never  cease  to  war  against  it  so  long  as 
the  purpose  of  the  Constitution  shall  remain  unaccomplished  to  secure 
the  blessings  of  liberty  f  o  all  within  its  power. 

2.  That  in  following  in  the  footsteps  of  the  fathers  of  the 
republic,  who  regarded  FREEDOM  the  NATIONAL  and  slav- 
ery the  sectional  sentiment,  we  best  vindicate  their  claims  to 
enlightened  patriotism,  and  our  own  to  be  considered  loyal  supporters 
of  the  government  they  established ;  and  that  opposition  to  any  exten- 
sion of  slavery,  and  to  any  augmentation  of  its  power,  is  clearly  the 
duty  of  all  who  respect  the  doctrine  or  the  practice  of  the  wisest  and 
ablest  of  the  framers  of  the  Constitution. 

3.  That  the  attempt  now  pending  in  Congress  to  repeal  the  enact- 
ment by  which  the  vast  territory  north  of  the  Missouri  Compromise 
line  was  dedicated  to  freedom  is  an  outrage  upon  justice,  humanity 
and  good  faith;  one  by  which  traitorous  ambition,  confederated  with 
violation  of  a  solemn  and  time-honored  compact,  is  seeking  to  inflict 
upon  the  nation  a  deep  and  indelible  disgrace.  We  denounce  the 
scheme  as  infamous;  and  we  call  upon  the  people  to  hold  its  authors 
and  abettors  to  the  most  rigid  and  righteous  accountability. 

4.  That  executive  patronage  has  grown  to  be  an  evil  of  immense 
magnitude;  consolidating  the  power  of  the  government  into  the  hands 
of  the  incumbent  of  the  Presidential  mansion  to  a  degree  subversive 
of  all  proper  accountability  to  the  people',  and  for  which  there  is  no 
adequate  remedy  short  of  a  transfer  of  this  power  from  the  President 
to  the  people. 

5.  That  We  are  in  favor  of  cheap  postage  by  land  and  sea;  of  free 
grants  of  land  out  of  the  public  domain  in  limited  quantities  to  actual 
settlers;  of  harbor  and  river  improvements,  National  in  their  charac- 
ter; and  of  grants  by  the  government  in  aid  of  a  railroad  to  the 
Pacific  in  such  form  as  shall  best  avoid  the  wasteful  splendor  of  gov- 
ernment jobs  and  secure  the  early  completion  of  the  road. 

Additional  reso|lutions  urged  great  care  in  the  choice  of  members 
of  the  Legislature,  and  made  several  pronounced  declarations  in  refer- 
ence to  matters  of  State  legislation. 

A  large  Committee  on  Nominations  was  appointed,  and  its 
recommendation  of  a  full  State  ticket,  with  Kinsley  S.  Bingham  at 
its  head,  was  adopted  by  the  Convention,  which  also  appointed  a  State 
Central  Committee,  consisting  of  S.  A.  Baker,  Samuel  P.  Mead, 
Samuel  Zug,  J.  W.  Childs,  R.  R.  Beecher,  W.  W.  Murphy  and  D.  C. 
Leach. 

The  papers  of  those  days  did  not  make  a  practice  of  reporting  the 
speeches  at  conventions,  and  the  accounts  of  those  made  on  this 


i-'^K'if! 


BtHM 


■m 


I  \f^ 


>nBibiIit.y 
the  Fed- 
lo  long  as 
I  to  secure 

PS  of  the 
ind  slav- 
blaims    to 

|upporters 
my  exten- 

[learly  the 
irisest  and 

the  enact- 

mpromise 

humanity 

•ated  with 

to  inflict 

ounce  the 

ts  authors 

f  immense 

the  hands 

Bubversive 

here  is  no 

President 

lea;  of  free 
s  to  actual 
eir  charac- 
Dad  to  the 
ior  of  gov- 


f  members 
IS  in  refer- 

I,  and  its 
ingham  at 
ed  a  Btate 
P.  Mead, 
and  D.  C. 

orting  the 
e  on  this 


^  *       A  WORK  OF  PREPARATION.  86 

occasion  were  provokingly  meager.  We  are  told  that  the  nominee 
for  Governor  was  "vociferously  called,"  and  made  a  short  speech, 
which  was  received  with  "rapturous  applause,"  but  what  he  said 
contemporary  records  fail  to  state.  Henry  Barns  and  H.  H.  Emmons 
spoke  briefly.  Both  were  given  the  floor  by  courtesy  as  representa- 
tives of  the  Anti-Slavery  Whig  element.  Of  the  latter  speech,  and 
of  the  desire  for  union,  which  found  expression  at  the  Convention, 
the  Free  Democrat  gave  this  glimpse,  in  an  editorial: 

"Mr.  Emmons  was  not  prepared  to  say  'Fellow  Free  Democrats,' 
but  he  was  rejoiced  in 

the  nominations  which  ,    ,  ,  {     ^  i       / 

had  been  made,  and  V.  '  / 
intimated  that  at  least 
the  nominee  for  Gov- 
ernor would  receive  his 
vote.  He  was  pleased 
to  observe  the  spirit  of 
liberality  and  conces- 
sion which  was  mani- 
fested in  the  choice  of 
candidates,  and  in  all 
the  action  of  the  Con- 
vention. He  was  heart- 
ily with  us  in  our 
principles  and  purposes, 
and  so  were  a  vast 
majority  of  the  Whig 
party  of  Michigan.  He  . 
seemed  to  hope  that 
there  would  be  but  two 

parties  in  the  State  this  kinbley  s.  binoham 

fall,  that  all  the  friends  of  freedom  would  be  able  to  stand  upon  a 
common  platform  against  the  party  and  platform  of  the  slave  propa- 
gandists. Mr.  Emmons  made  a  masterly  speech,  and  won  the  hearts 
of  all  who  heard  him.  If  the  Whigs  of  Michigan  will  take  his  ground 
the  days  of  the  Slave  Democracy  are  numbered.  The  Free  Demjocracy 
are  willing  to  meet  them  on  the  grounds  indicated  in  that  speech,  as 
the  oft  repeated  affirmative  responses  showed. 

"The  speeches  were  of  great  service  to  the  Convention  by  opening 
to  the  members  some  view  of  the  advantages  which  nmy  yet  accrue 


MM 


26 


HISTORY  OP  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 


from  a  judrcioua  and  liberal  policy  in  the  nifitpict  and  County  nomina 
tions-  and  the\  were  a  source  of  sintere  deliRht,  as  they  indicated  a 
probability  of 'a  co-operation  of  the  Whigs  in  the  effort  to  carry  the 
doctrines  of  freedom  into  execution." 

This  was  the  first  editorial  expression  by  the  Free  Democrat  of  a 
hope  of  union  with  the  Whigs.  Its  editor,  H.  A.  Baker,  was  promi- 
nent in  this  convention.  His  associate,  J.  P.  Conover,  was  conspicu- 
ous in  subsequent  movements,  and  was  one  of  the  secretaries  of  the 
Republican  convention  that  was  held  in  July  following. 

Tlie  speech  of  Mr.  Emmons  was  useful,  not  only,  as  here  indicated, 
in  inspiring  the  Pree  Democrats  with  a  Iwye  of  union,  but  also  as  an 
indi<a^ion  to  the  Whigs,  from  one  of  their  prominent  members,  of 
their  dutv  in  the  existing  situation.      It  voiced  tlie  sentiments  of 
thousands  of  Whigs  who  had  already  overcome  their  natural  reluct- 
ance to  giving  up  their  old  organization.      The  necessities  of  the 
situation  were  gradually  bringing  others  around  to  the  same  view, 
and  the  unselfish  attitude  of  Mr.  Bingham  materially  aided  in  bringing 
them  to  a  rational  and  politic  course.      That  patriotic  and  publi.- 
spirited  gentleman,  in  an  interview  with  Col.  Defend  a  few  weeks 
after  the  convention,  not  only  announced  his  own  willingness  to 
retire  if  that  would  help  the  cause  which  he  had  at  heart,  but  volun- 
teered the  statement  that  he  favored  the  withdrawal  of  the  whole 
ticket  if  the  liberal  Whigs  and  Democrats  could  thereby  be  united. 
He  further  expressed  the  conviction  that  a  union  could  be  formed 
that  would  carry  Michigan  and  the  entire  North. 

Mr  Bingham  also  suggested  that  the  Anti-Nebraska  editors  of 
the  State  should  have  a  conference  to  see  if  they  could  find  a  basis 
of  common  opposition  to  slavery  aggression.  Following  th'* '"ter- 
view  there  were  conferences  with  Jacob  M.  Howard,  Zachanah  Chand- 
ler William  A.  Howard,  A.  8.  Williams,  E.  A.  Wales,  Henry  Barns 
and  others.  A  meeting  of  editors  was  then  called  at  the  Detroit 
Tribune  office  in  March.  It  was  attended  by  Henry  Barns  and  Joseph 
W^arren,  of  Detroit;  Z.  B.  Knight,  of  the  Pontiac  OaBette;  G*orge  A. 
Fitch  of  the  Kalamazoo  Telegraph;  H.  B.  Rowlson,  of  the  Hillsdale 
Standard,  and  C.  V.  DeLand,  of  the  Jackson  Citizen.  Even  yet  the 
upospect  of  such  a  combination  as  would  present  an  invincible  front  to 
the  cVmmon  foe,  was  not  considered  very  bright.  Mr.  Warren,  how- 
ever was  enthusiastic  and  declared  in  favor  of  the  plan  of  disbanding 
both  the  old  parties  and  forming  a  new  one,  with  a  new  name.  To 
this  plan,  which  he  had  before  this  outlined  in  his  pai>er,  he  consist 


:''"K 


•I^kwl 


A  WORK  OP  PREPARATION. 


87 


nomina- 
licated  a 
carry  the 

)crat  of  a 
las  promi- 
j  congpicu- 
lieg  of  the 

[indicated, 

\]»o  a»  an 

mberg,  of 

imentg  of 

•al  reluet- 

es  of  the 

»me  view, 

n  bringing; 

nd  public- 

"ew  weekH 

ngnesB  to 

but  volun- 

the  whole 

be  united. 

be  formed 

editors  of 
nd  a  basis 
this  inter- 
iah  Chand- 
nry  Barns 
le  Detroit 
nd  Joseph 
George  A. 
Hillsdale 
en  yet  the 
le  front  to 
rren,  how- 
isbanding 
ime.  To 
le  consist - 


!  i> 


ently  adhered.  Mr.  Fitch  follow(>d  in  an  editorial  in  the  Kalamazoo 
Telegraph  of  April  2(i,  declaring  that  the  old  parties  had  outlived 
their  usefulness,  and  that  an  imperative  necessity  existed  for  the 
organization  of  a  new  (lolitit'al  party.  In  the  course  of  the  article 
he  said:  "We  <-annot  look  to  any  other  movements  of  the  old 
parties  in  reference  to  the  Nebraska  bill  and  questions  touching  slav- 
ery that  bring  any  promise  of  success,  nor  to  any  class  of  old  bi<. ken- 
winded,  broken-down  {toliticians;  but  we  may  look  with  a  strong  ho|*e 
of  success  to  see  these  measures  consumnmted  by  the  honorable  and 
active  young  men  of  the  Htute,  those  who  have  not  trimmed  their  sails 
to  catc'h  every  breeze  which  has  swept  across  every  political  sea;  those 
who  have  not  acted  for  years  as  the  mere  weathercocks  of  public 
opinion,  but  active  and  untiring  young  men  who  shall  enter  with  assur- 
ance and  vigor  into  the  field — those  capable  of  grasping  the  questions 
of  the  time,  and  wringing  from  them  their  meanings — a  little  after  the 
'Young  America'  order,  if  you  please.  We  therefore  advise  the 
holding  of  a  Young  Men's  Independent  State  ('onvention,  irrespec- 
tive of  party,  at  an  early  p«»riod,  to  express  their  opinions  upon  the 
leading  questions  which  now  agitate  the  masses  of  the  i)eople  of  this 
and  other  states,  to  advise  and  consult  together,  and  to  adopt  such 
plans  for  future  action  as  their  consultation  would  give  rise  to." 

Most  of  the  other  Whig  paiHM's  of  the  state  gradually  fell  into 
line.  The  spring  elections  also  heli)ed  in  the  movement.  In  New 
Hampshire  and  Connecticut  anti-Administration  tickets  were  elected, 
although  the  opposition  to  the  Democracy  had  not  yet  crystal ized  into 
perfectly  coherent  organizations.  Htill  greater  encouragement  had 
come  from  a  local  election  within  our  own  borders.  In  Grand  Rapids 
the  Eagle,  formerly  a  Whig  paper,  had  expressed  its  approval  of  the 
chief  objects  of  the  Free  Democra<ry,  its  editor,  Aaron  B.  Turner, 
taking  the  ground  that  the  Whig  party  had  reached  the  end  of  its 
career,  and  that  there  must  be  a  reorganization,  upon  broader  princi- 
ples of  freedom  and  (^ual  rights,  to  renew  the  struggle  against  the 
Democratic  party.  After  the  February  (,^onvention  the  Eagle 
promptly  put  up  the  Fr.-^  Democratic  ticket,  but  urged  a  movement 
for  another  and  joint  Con  /ention,  an  abandonment  of  the  Whig  organ- 
ization, a  new  party  and  new  life  upon  popular  ground.  It  also 
strongly  urged  that  a  beginning  be  made  right  at  home,  in  the  city 
nominations,  for  the  spring  election.  Mr.  Turner,  personally,  was  at 
the  front  of  this  movement,  and  he  was  joined  by  a  number  of  leading 
Whigs,  some  Democrats  who  had  become  dissatisfied  with  the  attitude 


I     I  ;  I 

I  r; 


<*>■■■■»■ 


28 


HISTORY  OP  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 


of  their  own  part.v,  and  the  leaders  of  the  Free  Democracy,  who  had 
before  this  perfected  a  Btron^  local  orKanization  under  the  name  of 
the  Free  Democratic  (Mub.  A  kind  of  free-for-all  City  Convention 
was  held,  Wilder  D.  Foster,  one  of  the  most  active  members  of  the 
club  was,  against  his  protest,  nominated  for  Mayor,  and  elected.  This 
sweeping  success,  in  a  Democratic  City,  of  an  opposition  not  yet  half 
organized,  was  accepted  as  an  omen  of  what  a  well-equipped  and 
cohesive  party  might  accomplish  in  the  Btate  as  a  whole. 

As  the  Free  Democrats  had,  all  along,  been  the  most  ready  to 
make  overtures  for  a  union,  while  the  Whigs  had  been  rather  coy  of 
accepting  such  advances,  so  the  former  were  the  flrst  to  take  a  practi- 
cal step  in  that  direction.  This  was  in  a  call,  issued  by  the  State 
Central  Committee,  which  had  been  appointed  in  February,  for  a  mass 
convention  to  be  held  in  Kalamazoo,  June  21.  As  an  illustration  of 
the  i>erfervid  and  hortatory  style  of  address  to  which  the  intense 
excitement  of  the  period  led  the  call  is  worth  reproducing  in  full.  It 
is  as  follows: 


FELLOW  CITIZENS— A  fearfully  momentous  question  is  agitat- 
ing the  American  people:  It  is  whether  within  the  forms  of  the  Con- 
stitution (which  were  designed  to  establish  and  extend  the  blessings 
of  liberty),  the  scope  and  intent  of  that  Instrument  shall  be  subverted 
and  its  whole  power  exerted  to  promote  and  extend  the  system  of  slav- 
ery which  prevails  in  some  of  the  states  of  the  Union. 

Step  by  step  within  a  third  of  a  century  have  the  enemies  of 
freedom  advanced,  at  first  cautiously,  but  with  increasing  boldness, — 
and  step  by  step  have  its  friends  been  driven  back,  until,  by  the  crown- 
ing perfidy  of  the  passage  of  the  Nebraska  bill,  the  Constitution  is 
subverted,  and  that  system  which,  at  the  organization  of  our  govern- 
numt,  begged  for  a  temporary  existence,  has  become  the  great 
controlling  power  of  the  Nation.  SLAVERY  18  RAMPANT  IN  THE 
CAPITOL.  It  makes  and  unmakes  Presidents,  and  its  Presidential 
tools  buy  and  sell  the  representatives  of  the  people  like  chattels  in 
market.  There  is  no  lower  depth  that  the  Nation  can  reach  but  one; 
and  that  is,  that  the  people,  by  adopting  the  act  of  their  representa- 
tives in  Congress,  shall  voluntarily  consent  to  share  this  degradation. 
l»EOPLE  OF  MICHIGAN!  can  it  be  that  this  foul  scheme  will  receive 
your  sanction?  Can  it  be  that  the  immense  region  about  to  be  organ- 
ized as  the  Nebraska  and  Kansas  Territories,  in  which  FREE 
institutions  ought  to  be  allowed  an  unquestioned  right,  which  right, 
moreover,  has  been  bought  and  paid  for  by  concessions  which  have 
introduced  three  slave  states  in  the  Union;  can  it  be  that  Freemen 
after  they  have  bought  their  own  domain  shall  be  compelled  to  submit 
to  the  robbery  of  that  which  was  their  own  by  nature  and  by  purchase? 


T^Yi^i^i— 


,•'  >''.\ 


A  WORK  OP  PREPARATION. 


29 


who  had 
name  of 
lonvention 
lers  of  the 
Ked.  This 
)t  yet  half 
|ipped  and 

ready  to 
her  eoy  of 
e  a  practi- 
'  the  State 
for  a  mass 
stration  of 
le  intense 
in  full.    It 


>n  is  agitat- 
of  the  Con- 
e  blessings 
subverted 
em  of  s  lav- 
enemies  of 
boldness, — 
•  the  crown- 
stitution  is 
[)ur  govern- 
i  the  great 
^T  IN  THE 
'residential 
chattels  in 
ch  bat  one; 
representa- 
egradation. 
will  receive 

0  be  organ- 
ich  FREE 
hich  right, 
vhich  have 
t  Freemen 

1  to  submit 
purchase? 


Shall  they  submit  without  complaint?  Will  they  raise  a  voice  of 
remonstrance?  Is  the  spirit  of  liberty — the  spirit  of  the  fathers  of 
the  Revolution,  the  haters  of  oppression  in  every  form — "crushed  out" 
at  the  impudent  command  of  a  demagogue,  and  crushed  out  forever? 
PEOPLE  OF  MICHIGAN.  Look  at  your  representatives  in  Con- 
gress. Are  you  satisfied  with  their  conduct?  How  recently  have 
most,  if  not  all  of  them,  when  seeking  your  favor,  committed  them- 
selves fully  against  the  extension  of  slavery  into  free  territory?  Is 
that  their  position  now?  (live  all  the  credit  you  can  to  the  two  who 
voted,  at  the  passage  of  the  bill,  against  it.  How  much  are  they  still 
justly  answerable  for  in  smoothing  the  way  of  the  dominant  majority 
to  this  most  shameful  success;  and  you  will  retain  them?  Are  you 
willing  to  share  their  degradation  by  approving  their  conduct — by 
which  the  passage  of  the  bill  was  tinally  accomplished? 

The  undersigned,  representing  the  only  political  party  in  this 
State,  which,  as  a  party,  adopts  as  a  principle  in  its  political  creed 
opposition  to  the  extension  of  slavery,  believe  that  the  time  has  come 
when  the  people  who  regard  slavery  as  a  8e(;tional  and  not  a  National 
institution,  should  rally  to  vindicate  this  principle,  take  the  liberty  to 
invite  a 


MASS  CONVENTION 


■•^P'  'i 


of  all  who  would  restore  the  government  to  its  original  position  on  the 
slavery  question,  of  all  who  are  opp(»sed  to  the  consummation  of  the 
Nebraska  fraud,  to  assemble  at  !;,. 

KALAMAZOO  .'..,::,. ':-.-:y,^:l.7i^;^    ■■■ 

on  the  2l8t  of  June  Next, 

at  noon,  there  to  concentrate  their  opposition  to  the  rapid  strides  of 
the  slave  power,  in  such  a  manner  as  shall  be  deemed  most  practical 
and  efficient,  and  to  protect  their  own  cherished  rights  as  citizens  of 
free  t^tates.  In  taking  the  initiative  in  this  call  they  intend  no  disre- 
spect to  any  party  or  body  of  their  fellow  citizens  who  may  sympathize 
with  them  in  its  object.  They  could  not,  without  seeming  to  neglect 
the  interests  which  they  are  especially  appointed  to  promote,  decline 
to  act  at  this  juncture,  and  they  believe  it  their  duty  to  act  promptly. 
They  desire  it,  however,  to  be  understood  that  all  who  approve  the 
objects  of  this  call,  as  above  ex[)re8sed,  are  earnestlj'  invited  by  their 
presence  and  participation  in  the  Convention  to  show  that  the 
PEOPLE  ARE  AROUSED,  and  that  the  day  of  retribution  to  their 
betrayers  is  at  hand. 

There  was  a  purpose  in  calling  the  Convention  at  Ka^  imazoo,  for 
this  was  in  the  center  of  a  strong  Anti-Slavery  district.  The  Village 
and  County,  as  well  as  the  adjoining  County  of  Cass,  contained  numer- 
ous "underground  railway"  stations,  and  many  of  its  citizens  had 
been  active  in  aiding  escaping  fugitives.  The  County  was  among  the 
few  in  the  State  that  regularly  gave  Whig  majorities.      It  had  besides 


I     f 


■  ^    ■^'T'k 


III8TOUY  OP  THE  UEI'l  HLK'AN  rARTV. 


a  fitron}{  Fr(H>  Hoil  orKHiiixution,  and  in  Home  elections  fnlly  one-flfth 
of  its  vote  had  none  to  that  party.  It  was  ably  represented  in  the 
Jackson  Convention  of  February  22d,  and  had  held  a  large  and  earnest 
Anti-Nebraska  meeting  early  in  March.  Many  of  its  prominent  Whigs, 
and  some  of  its  leading  Democrats,  were  ready  to  join  in  any  move- 
ment that  should  give  full  effect  to  the  Anti-Slavery  sentiment  of  the 
State.  It  was  the  home  of  United  States  Senator  Charles  E.  Stuart, 
and  of  Samuel  (.'lark,  Representative  in  Congress.  Both  of  these  gen- 
tlemen had  spoken  strongly  against  the  principles  of  the  Kansas- 
Nebraska  bill,  but  had  afterwards  voted  for  it,  and  had  thereby 
incensed  many  of  their  r»emo<*ratic  constituents,  some  of  whom  had 
signed  the  call  for  the  meeting  on  the  11th  of  March  and  had  after- 
wards attended  that  gathering.  Two  of  the  most  conspicuous  of  these, 
S.  H.  Uansom,  brother  of  Ex-(lovernor  Epaphroditus  Ransom,  and 
George  W.  Winslow,  before  that  active  in  the  Democratic  ranks,  had 
been  roundly  denounced  by  the  Oaxette,  the  Democratic  organ.  This 
had  intensified  the  feeling,  which  was  further  heightened  by  the  fa(*t 
that  the  final  passage  of  the  amended  Nebraska  bill  in  the  House,  had 
occurred  only  three  days  before  the  call  for  the  mass  convention  was 
issued. 

The  meeting  was  held  in  the  County  Court  House.  A  storm  and 
the  (luarter  Centennial  celebration  of  the  settlement  of  the  Village 
kept  many  away.  The  meeting  was,  therefore,  not  large,  but  it  was 
thoroughly  representative  in  character,  and  enthusiastic  in  spirit.  It 
included  four  of  the  candidates  on  the  Free  Democratic  ticket,  Kinsley 
S.  Bingham,  Silas  M.  Holmes,  Hovey  K.  (Marke  and  S.  B.  Treadwell. 
It  included,  also,  three  of  the  editors  who  had  been  prominent  in 
urging  union,  J.  F.  Conover,  of  Detroit;  A.  B.  Turner,  of  Qrand Rapids, 
and  C.  V.  DeLand,  of  Jackson.  The  first  two  of  these  were  Secretaries 
of  the  Convention.  M.  A.  McNaughton,  of  Jackson,  was  chosen 
President,  with  fotfr  Vice-Presidents,  and  the  following  were  named 
on  the  important  Comniittee  to  frame  resolutions :  Hovey  K.  Clarke, 
Samuel  Ransom,  U.  Tracy  Howe,  W.  E.  Dale,  C.  Gurney,  H.  B.  Rex- 
ford  and  {'.  V.  DeLand.  This  Committee  reported  a  strong  preamble 
and  resolutions.  The  first  four  of  the  series  declared  that  the  Con- 
stitution established  a  government  of  freemen  for  a  free  people;  that 
the  institution  of  slavery  was  regarded,  at  the  time  the  Constitution 
was  framed,  as  exceptional  and  local  in  its  character,  and  to  be  limited 
and  restricted  until  it  should  finally  disappear;  that  the  recent  pas- 
sage of  the  bill  for  organizing  the  Territories  of  Kansas  and  Nebraska 


Mm 


it: 


'"•If™ 


A  WORK  OF  PREPARATION. 


81 


one-flfth 
ed  in  the 
d  earnest 
|nt  WhiKB, 
ny  move- 
nt of  the 
|E.  Stuart, 
these  gen- 
ie Kansas- 
thereby 
hom  had 
had  after- 
8  of  these, 
isom,  and 
'anks,  had 
an.  This 
)y  the  fart 
lonse,  had 
ention  was 

storm  and 
he  Village 
but  it  was 
spirit.  It 
:et,  Kinsley 
Tread  well, 
ominent  in 
ind  Rapids, 
Secretaries 
^as  chosen 
'ere  named 
K.  Clarke, 
H.  B.  Bex- 
^  preamble 
It  the  Con- 
eople;  that 
onstitution 
•  be  limited 
recent  pas- 
I  Nebraska 


was  the  crowning  act  of  a  series  of  slavery  aggressions,  and  that  evils 
so  great  demanded  a  remedy. 

The  fifth  resolution  declared,  "That  we  do  not  and  will  not  de- 
spair; that  we  believe  the  iieople  of  this  Htate  are  ready  to  resptmd  to 
the  call  of  their  country  in  this  emergency;  that  they  are  ready,  irre- 
spective of  all  past  political  preferences,  to  declare  in  an  unmistakable 
tone  their  will;  and  that  will  is  that  slavery  aggression  upon  their 
rights  shall  go  no  further — that  there  shall  be  no  compromise  with 
slavery — that  there  shall  be  no  more  slave  states — that  there  shall 
be  no  slave  territory — that  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law  shall  be  repealed 
— thai  the  abominations  of  slavery  shall  no  longer  be  perpetrated 
under  the  sanctions  of  the  Federal  t^onstitution — and  that  they  will 
nmke  their  will  effective  by  driving  from  every  place  of  official  power 
the  public  servants  who  have  so  shamelessly  betrayed  their  trust,  and 
by  putting  in  their  pla<e8  men  who  are  honest  and  capable;  men  who 
will  be  faithful  to  the  Constitution  and  to  the  great  claims  of 
humanity  " 

This  resolution,  comprehensive  and  bold  as  it  was  in  its  declara- 
tion of  purpose,  occasioned  a  long  discussion,  but  was  finally  adopted. 
Then  after  a  short  digression,  the  sixth  resolution  was  taken  up.  This 
brought  down  to  practical  action  the  main  purpose  for  which  the  Con- 
vention was  called,  and  was  as  follows: 

"Resolved,  That  the  Free  Democracy  of  Michigan  rejoice  to  behold 
the  indications  of  popular  sentiment  furnished  by  this  Convention. 
They  are  conscious  that  the  deeply  aroused  feeling  of  the  masses  in 
this  State  will  seek  a  suitable  expression  in  a  Convention  springing 
from  themselves,  irresiiective  of  any  existing  political  organization; 
and  that  if  such  a  movement  shall  be  animated  and  guided  by  the  prin- 
ciples expressed  in  the  resolutions  of  this  Convention,  and  shall 
contemplate  an  efficient  organization  to  give  effeet  to  our  principles  in 
this  State,  we  shall  willingly  surrender  our  distinctive  organization, 
and  with  it  t|ie  ticket  for  State  officers,  nominated  at  Jackson  on  the 
22d  of  February  last;  and  that  we  commit  the  execution  of  this  pur- 
pose .  to  a  committee  of  sixteen,  two  persons  from  each  Judicial 
District,  to  be  appointed  by  this  Convention." 

Toward  the  adoption  of  this  resolution  all  the  proceedings  of  the 
Convention,  as  well  as  the  events  of  several  preceding  weeks  had 
tended,  but  it  was  recognized  to  be  a  step  of  such  grave  importance  as 
to  require  deliberation,  and  it  was  not  until  it  had  been  fully  discussed 
in  all  its  phases  that  it  was  adopted. 


1 


(!"•.- 


88  HISTORY  OP  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY,  "; 

At  an  adjourned  iii>8Hion,  held  in  the  evtMiing,  the  committee  of 
sixteen,  strong  in  its  iM*rHonnel,  was  a|>point(*d,  speeches  were  made 
by  Messrs.  Ringhuni,  Howe  and  Clarke,  and  the  Convention  adjourned. 
It  was  followed  by  a  private  i'onferenre  of  some  of  the  leaders  at  the 
house  of  Dr.  J.  A.  H.  Htone,  a  veteran  Free  Holier,  and  then  President 
of  Kalamazoo  College.  It  was  there  agreed  that  they  would  not  only 
acquiesce  cheerfully  in  the  withdrawal  of  their  ticket  and  other  con- 
ciliatory measures,  but  that  they  would  work  actively  to  draw  together 
in  mass  convention.  Free  Boilers,  Whigs  and  Anti-Nebraska  Demo- 
crats, and  to  bring  about  a  complete  agreement  between  them. 

Of  this  gathering  and  its  results  the  Free  Democrot  said:  "Now 
when  the  exigencies  of  the  times  demand  that  a  permanent  party  of 
fretmien  in  this  State,  with  enlarge<l  facilities  for  action,  should  be 
formed,  a  party  which  shall  bi*  but  a  single  section  of  that  great  free- 
dom organization  which  is  to  restore  our  government  to  its  once  proud 
position,  and  wrest  it  from  the  control  of  the  slave  oligarchy,  the  mem- 
bers of  the  Convention  felt  called  npon,  by  all  that  is  hallowed  in  love 
of  country  and  sacred  in  humanity,  to  surrender,  as  they  offer  to  do, 
everything  but  principle.  No  ordinary  emergency  could  have  secured 
such  entire  unanimity  of  consent  to  so  great  a  surrender.  The  seduc- 
tions of  a  temporary  triumph  would  not  have  moved  them  to  such 
action,  but  now  that  tlie  aroused  sentiment  of  the  country  demanded 
the  organization  of  a  party  that  should  be  entirely  efficient  to  the 
maintenance  of  those  principles  upon  which  our  government  was 
established,  'a  government  of  freemen  for  free  people,'  they  have  nnhes* 
itatingly  taken  the  action  their  resolutions  record." 

From  this  time  on  events  ntjoved  forward  with  great  rapidity. 
The  preliminary  work  had  been  thoroughly  done,  and  the  Anti-Slav- 
ery people  of  the  State  were  prepared  for  immediate  and  concerted 
action.  A  call  for  a  mass  convention,  to  be  held  at  Jackson,  July  6, 
had  already  been  drawn  and  the  men  who  were  conspicuous  in  the 
Kalamazoo  Convention,  with  many  of  their  Whig  friends,  and 
otiier  volunteers,  devoted  the  next  fortnight  to  giving  it  circulation. 
The  call  was  written  by  Isaac  P.  Ohristiancy,  was  submitted  to  others 
interested  in  the  movement  and  was  slightly  modified  as  the  result 
of  such  discussion.  As  finally  issued,  it  was  addressed  to  '^To  The 
People  of  Michigan,''  and  was  as  follows : 


A  great  wrong  has  been  perpetrated.  The  slave  power  of  this 
country  has  triumphed.  Liberty  is  trampled  under  foot.  The  Mis- 
souri Compromise,  a  solemn  compact,  entered  into  by  our  fathers,  has 


niJttee  of 
ere  made 
idjoiirned. 
[era  at  the 
Presideut 
not  only 
[other  <'on- 
together 
ka  Denio- 
liem. 

"Now 

t  party  of 

should  be 

great  free- 

9noe  proud 

',  the  mem- 

ved  in  love 

affer  to  do, 

ive  secured 

The  seduc- 

sm  to  such 

demanded 

lent  to  the 

nment  was 

have  unhes* 

It  rapidity. 
>  Anti-Slav- 
I  i'oncerted 
i|on,  July  6, 
lous  in  the 
iends,  and 
circulation. 
^  to  others 
the  result 
to  '^To  The 


wer  of  this 

The  Mis- 

athers,  has 


A  WORK  OF  I'HKPAUATION.  M 

be<>n  violated,  and  a  vast  territory  dedi<uted  to  freedom,  has  been 
op«'ntKl  to  slavery. 

This  act,  so  unjust  to  the  North,  has  lM>t>n  iM*riM>truted  under  cir- 
cumstances which  dceiM'n  its  |>erfldy.  An  Administration  placed  in 
power  by  Northern  voters  has  brought  to  bear  all  the  resources  of 
Executive  corruption  in  its  supi>ort. 

Northern  84'nators  and  Ueprescntatives,  in  the  face  of  the  over- 
whelming public  sentiment  of  the  North,  expressed  in  the  proceedings 
of  public  m(H.'tingB  and  solemn  remonstrances,  without  a  single  p<'ti- 
tion  in  its  favor  on  their  table,  and  not  daring  to  submit  this  great 
i|uestion  to  the  people,  have  yielded  to  the  seductions  of  Executive 
patronage,  and  Judus-like,  betrayed  the  cause  of  liberty;  whi!e  the 
Houth,  inspired  by  a  dominant  and  grasping  ambition,  has,  without 
distinction  of  party,  and  with  a  unanimity  almost  entire,  deliberately 
trampled  under  foot  the  solemn  <-omimct  entered  in  the  midst  of  a 
crisis  threatening  to  the  iH>ace  of  the  Tnion,  sanctioned  by  the  great- 
est names  of  our  history,  and  the  binding  force  of  which  has,  for  a 
period  of  more  than  thirty  years,  been  recognized  and  declared  by 
numerous  at^ts  of  legislation.  Huch  an  outrage  upon  liberty,  such  a 
violation  of  plighted  faith,  cannot  be  submitted  to.  This  great  wrong 
must  be  rightnl,  or  there  is  no  longer  a  North  in  the  councils  of  the 
Nation.  The  extension  of  slavery,  under  the  folds  of  the  American 
flag,  is  a  stigma  upon  liberty.  The  indefinite  increase  of  slave  repre- 
sentation in  Congress  is  destructive  to  that  equality  between  freemen 
which  is  essential  to  the  permanency  of  the  Union. 

The  safety  of  the  Union — the  rights  of  the  North — the  interests  of 
free  labor — the  destiny  of  a  vast  territory  and  its  untold  millions  for 
all  coming  time — and  finally,  the  high  aspirations  of  humanity  for 
universal  freedom,  ALL  are  involved  in  the  issue  forced  upon  the 
country  by  the  slave  power  and  its  plastic  Northern  tools. 

In  view,  therefore,  of  the  recent  a(;tion  of  Congress  upon  this  sub- 
ject, and  the  evident  designs  of  the  slave  power  to  attempt  still  further 
aggressions  upon  fre<?dom — we  invite  all  our  fellow  citizens,  without 
reference  to  former  political  associations,  who  think  that  the  time 
has  arrived  for  a  unicm  at  the  North  to  protect  LIBERTY  from  being 
overthrown  and  down-trodden,  to  assemble  in 

MASS  CONVENTION 

On  Thursday,  the  6th  of  July  Next, 

at  1  o'clock  p.  m., 

At  Jackson, 

there  to  take  such  measures  as  shall  be  thought  best  to  concentrate 
the  popular  sentiment  of  this  State  against  the  aggressions  of  the 
slave  power. 

The  response  to  this  call  was  prompt  and  emphatic.  To  the 
offices  of  newspapers  which  were  friendly  to  the  movement,  to  all 
classes  of  business  places,  and  to  the  men  who  were  personally  ran- 


1 


,^*; 


HJItiiiaiM 


vanHliiK,  uluiMMH  .aine  In  ..MiHtHiit  ntifuiuH.  In  u  fortnight  l«,000 
Hlirniitun'H  w.-ro  «btnhHMl,  nnd  tlH'.v  Incliul.'d  a  HurpriHlnR  numbir  of 
\hv  HtionK  n.».n  of  tin-  Ktatf.  Many  luindii'dn  of  them-  Kathennl  at 
.hukHon  frmi  all  tlu'  w'ttlnl  ^HMintM'K  and  prrHfUtiHl  a  notabU-  Inntann- 
of  tlH-  .apaclty  of  tlu'  AnuM-iran  imm.^U-  for  taking  the  Initiative  for 
creating  an  organlwitlon  "Hptinglng  from  tlu'insclveB." 


ill  1 1! 


^  V  «dif^  X -^<^ '^"-^■^ 


ight  10,000 
number  of 
athcnKl  ut 
lie  inHtunce 
Itlatlvf  for 


^  v.V 


m 
M 


c 

iS 

h 
« 

•9 
B 


..    '...  -  'Iff 


III.  . 

-THK  FIKST  ItKlMMLK'AN  (CONVENTION. 

r 

A  (/uick  KcMuonsH  to  ii  UoiiHiuy  ('all — Th«'  (Jifjil  Coiivoution  "lIiuhM- 
the  Oiiks"  at  JurkHon — An  Iiiiiur'nHt'   <fathennjjr  <>f   Hliong   and 
B«'i;r<*Ht»«tativf  Mfii-  A  Seiifs  of  Patriotic  and  Htirriiij;  Kcsohi- 
tiouK — Business  Trtinsacied    l).\    Oenuxratic   ^letluxlx — A    JUxty 
HannoniouH  in  Purjiosi-  and  JlcHalt»  -Tln^  Most  Noted  (iathei-in}? 
Kvei-  Held  in  Ihi'  Htate     Mtn  Who  Aftervvard»  He.-anie  rnMiilMcnt 
in  National  AtfairH — How  I  In-  I'aiiy  Recciv^'tt  Its  Name     The  Last 
of  Afichiiian  Wliii;  ("onventions-  (.'oiir.se  of  the  I'l'ohibinoniMts — 
The  T»eniorni(i<-  NoniiuafionK-  The  New  Party  ('onduit«  u  fc»hoi"t 
and  W'iniiinji  ('amitaijjii- 
Tlif  frathering  wliicli  was  to  take  its  phne  in  liistor\  as-the  llrst     _ 
l^!|)uMi(-au  Conveniion  in  the  countiy,  was  <jilh'd  to  ordei-  at  llron 
son's  Hall,  JaekKon.      Judge  L<'vi  Raxtei-.  of  Hillsdale,  was  made  tein-  ' 
porary  Cliainnan.  and  a  t'onjinittee  of  (wo  from  each  «"ongresHionaI 
IMstrirt  wan  apjiointed  i(»  select  |»ernia\ienr  otllcerss  of  the  Convention. 
The  crowd  and  the  entlniHiahni  were  much  greater  than  the  most  »;ih 
gnine  had  antjcipaled,  and  the  hall  wan  not  large  enough  to  contain 
either.      It  w.nild  hold  abuijt  fitMl  and  there  were  between  t.Otttt  and   ^ 
n,000     ho   wanted   to   get    iii.      .Adjournnieut    was,  had   To  an   oak 
gffrt'e  on  the  edge  of  the  then  smail  city,  at  ;i  i»oiMt  that  now  i  oversii  the 
corner  of  Washington  and  First  xtreetx.       li  wasi  tlUHbiantitul  grove 
thar  was  for  long  afterwiudn  c(>lelM-a(ed  us    rife    birtlijilacc    of    the 
Kepnbliean  jiarty,  and    i>arti<'ijm(ion  in    the   Convention  'Tuder  the 
Oaks,"  wan  a  token  of  honor  to  those  afiending  j«.  e»j>e<i{illy  to  those, 
who,  twenty-six  years  later,   were  Seleg^t-'S  to  u  Hepublican  State 
Nominating  t'oovention  in  the  same  cffy        The  attendance  of  uhmi 
from  other  parts  of  the  Stare  was  larj^*-.  and  uh  the  procession  took 
itB  <-ourse  to  the  grove,  it  drew  after  it  li«tif  the  twHiple  of  the  town. 
As  stated  in  a  contemporunettns  i^jK>rt :      "The  m-viw*  iit  the  grove  wtt« 
most  uniriiating.      The  excellent  bra«w  lm»'i  of  .J«<  knitn  was  present, 


; 


i'-Ul 


lU 


■'hi 


h 


Mi 


W--Ar.r 


•# 


'4  \ 


III. 


THE  PIR8T  REIT^BLICAN  CONVENTION. 


if'!n>s:' 


r:> 


A  Quirk  KeBUonse  to  a  KouBing  Call — The  Great  (Convention  "Under 
the  Oaks"  at  Jackson — An  luiiuenBe  Gathering  of  Strong  and 
Representative  Men — A  Series  of  Patriotic  and  Stirring  Resolu- 
tions— Business  Transacted  by  Democratic  Methods — A  Body 
Harmonious  in  Purpose  and  Itesults — The  Most  Noted  Gathering 
Ever  Held  in  the  State-  -Men  Who  Afterwards  Became  Prominent 
in  National  Affairs — How  the  Party  Received  Its  Name — The  Last 
of  Michigan  Whig  Conventions — Course  of  the  Prohibitionists — 
The  Democratic  Nominations — The  New  Party  Conducts  a  Sho't 
and  Winning  Campaign. 

The  gathering  which  was  to  take  its  place  in  history  as  the  first 
Republican  Convention  in  the  country,  was  call'xl  to  order  at  Bron- 
son's  Hall,  Jackson.  Judge  I^evi  Baxter,  of  Hillsdale,  was  made  tem- 
porary Chairman,  and  a  Committee  of  two  from  each  Congressional 
District  was  appointed  to  select  permanent  officers  of  the  Convention. 
The  crowd  and  the  enthusiasm  were  mu<'h  greater  than  the  most  san- 
guine had  anticipated,  and  the  hall  was  not  large  enough  to  contain 
either.  It  would  hold  about  600  and  there  were  between  4,000  and 
5,000  who  wanted  to  get  in.  Adjournment  was  had  to  an  oak 
grove  on  the  edge  of  the  then  small  city,  at  a  point  that  now  covers  the 
corner  of  Washington  and  First  streets.  It  was  this  beautiful  grove 
that  was  for  long  afterwards  celebrated  as  the  birthplace  of  the 
Republican  party,  and  participation  in  the  Convention  "Under  the 
Oaks,"  was  a  token  of  honor  to  those  attending  it,  especially  to  those, 
who,  twenty-six  years  later,  were  delegates  to  a  Republican  State 
Nominating  Convention  in  the  same  city.  The  attendance  of  men 
from  other  parts  of  the  State  was  large,  and  as  the  procession  took 
its  course  to  the  grove,  it  drew  after  it  half  the  people  of  the  town. 
As  stated  in  a  contemporaneous  report :  ''The  scene  at  the  grove  was 
most  animating.      The  excellent  brass  band  of  Jackson  was  present. 


nW 


se 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 


and  greatly  enlivened  the  occasion  by  its  muBie.  A  high  enthusiawrn 
pervaded  the  entire  asBembly,  and  there  was  every  prospecl  of  the 
harmonv  and  good  feeling  that  have  so  abundantly  prevailed. 

As  this  was  not  a  delegate  Convention  there  was  no  oef  sio"  for 
a  Committee  on  Credentials.  As  it  was  the  ftrst  of  its  kind,  there 
were  no  rules  and  no  precedents  to  govern  its  order  of  business  or 
course  of  action.  It  contained  some  incongruous  elements,  and  it 
was  so  large  as  to  be  unwieldy,  yet  so  great  was  the  desire  of  its  mem- 
bers  for  a  genuine  concert  of  action,  that  it  reached  conclusions  in 
ucr»  lui      K  harmony  and  transact- 

ed its  business  in  order. 
The  first  occasion  for 
any  concession  to  the 
desire  for  harmony 
came  in  the  Committee 
on  Permanent  Organi- 
sation.     Some  of  the 
Free  Soil  members  of 
the  Committee  desired 
that    Isaac    P.    Chris- 
tiancy,  their  last  candi- 
date for  G  o  V  e  r  n  o  r, 
should    be    i)ernianent 
Chairman.     But  it  was 
argued   that   the   tem- 
porary Chairman  was  a 
Free  Soiler,  that  senti- 
ment against  dropping 
old    party  names  and 
adopting  a  new  one  was 
stronger  among  the 
Whigs  than  among  Free  Soilers,  and  that  every  appearance  of 
crowding  the  latter  party  to  the  front  should  be  avoided.     The  choice, 
therefore   fell  upon  David  8.  Walbridge,  of  Kalamazoo,  a  zealous 
Whig  whose  selection,  it  was  thought,  would  Lave  some  inflxience  in 
inducing  reluctant  Whigs  to  acquiesce  in  the  union.      Twelve  Vice- 
Presidents  were  chosen,  taken  impartially  from  the  different  parties. 
Of  the  seven  Secretaries,  three,  J.  F.  Conover,  A.  B.  Turner  and  Q.  A. 
Fitch,  were  among  the  editors  who  had  aided  in  the  movement. 

The  next  action  was  the  appointment  of  a  Committee  on  Resolu- 


DAVID  S.  WALBRIDGE. 


'.  ?'H>V 


THE  FIRST  REPUBLICAN  CONVENTION. 


37 


hnthusiaBm 
ect  of  the 

Iccasion  for 
[kind,  there 
usinesB  or 
>nt8,  and  it 
of  its  mem- 
iclusions  in 
id  transact- 
'SB  in  order, 
iceasion  for 
iion  to  the 
r  harmony 
Committee 
ent  Organi- 
)uie  of  the 
ineroberg  of 
ttee  desired 
P.    (?hri8- 
r  last  candi- 
o  V  e  r  n  o  r, 
I>ermanent 
But  it  was 
it   the   tem- 
irman  was  a 
',  that  senti- 
ist  dropping 
names  and 
new  one  was 
r  among  the 
pearanoe  of 
The  choice, 
9,  a  zealous 
influence  in 
twelve  Vice- 
rent  parties, 
er  and  Q.  A. 
?ment. 
s  on  Resolu- 


tions, and  in  accordance  with  the  thoroughly  democratic*  character  of 
the  meeting  this  Committee  was  named  by  the  electors  of  the  several 
Congi'essional  Districts,  four  from  each  District,  making  sixteen  in 
all.  It  Included  a  number  of  strong  nen  of  very  positive  views,  and 
it  waa  deemed  quite  certain  that  if  tlvy  could  agree  upon  a  platform 
the  Convention  would  accept  it.  Th  »y  adjourned  to  the  edge  of  the 
oak  opening,  at  what  is  now  the  corner  f»f  Second  and  Franklin  streets, 
and  here  half  a  dozen  diiTcrent  platfori.i8  came  out  of  the  pockets  of 
members  of  the  CJommittJMj.  One  by  Au  itin  Blair  was  fiercely  radical. 
One  set  was  forwarded  by  Horace  Ortvley,  from  New  York.  Others 
were  by  Isaac  P.  Christiancy,  Jabez  Fox  and  Jacob  M.  Howard,  the 
latter  of  whom  was  Chairman  of  the  Committee.  His  resolutions  had 
been  very  carefully  prepared,  after  consultation  with  leading  members 
of  both  parties.  They  were  accepted  by  the  Committee,  with  some 
modifications  suggested  by  the  platforms  drawn  by  Mr.  Christiancy 
and  Mr.  Pox.  They  were  considered  by  Mr.  Blair  to  be  too  tame,  and 
in  the  Convention,  he  nmde  a  minority  report  covering  his  own  resolu- 
tions. This  was,  however,  tabled,  and  Mr.  Howard's  report  was 
almost  unanimously  adopted.      It  was  as  follows: 

The  freemen  of  Michigan  assembled  in  convention  in  pursuance 
of  a  spontaneous  call,  emanating  from  various  parts  of  the  Btate,  to 
consider  upon  the  measures  which  duty  demands  of  us,  as  citizens  of 
a  free  state  to  take,  in  reference  to  the  late  Acts  of  Congress  on  the 
subject  of  slavery  and  its  anticipated  further  extension,  do 

RESOLVE,  That  the  institution  of  slavery,  except  in  punishment 
of  crime,  is  a  great  moral,  social  and  political  evil;  that  it  was  so 
regarded  by  the  fathers  of  the  Republic,  the  founders  and  best  friends 
of  the  Union,  by  the  heroes  and  sages  of  the  Revolution  who  contem- 
plated and  intended  its  gradual  and  peaceful  extinction  as  an  element 
hostile  to  the  liberties  for  which  they  toiled;  that  its  history  in  the 
United  States,  the  experience  of  men  best  acquainted  with  its  work- 
ings,  the  dispassionate  confession  of  those  who  are  interested  in  it; 
its  tendency  to  relax  the  vigor  of  industry  and  enterprise  inherited  in 
the  white  man;  the  very  surf  acre  of  the  earth  where  it  subsists;  the 
vices  and  immoralities  which  are  its  natural  growth;  the  stringent 
police,  often  wanting  in  humanity'  an^  speaking;  to  the  sentiments  of 
every  generous  heart,  which  it  demands;  the  danger  it  has  already 
wrought  and  the  future  danger  which  it  portends  to  the  security  of 
the  Union  and  our  Constitutional  liberties — ^all  incontestably  prove  it 
to  be  such  evil.  Surely  that  institution  is  not  to  be  strengthened  and 
encouraged  against  which  Washington,  the  calmest  and  wisest  of  our 
Nation,  bore  unequivocal  testimony;  as  to  which  Jefferson,  filled  with 
a  love  of  liberty,  exclaimed :      "Can  the  liberties  of  a  Nation  be  ever 


mmm 


■  ■,;V-" 


'  — _-^- — ii- 


88 


HI8TORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 


thoiififht  secviro  when  we  have  removed  their  only  flrni  buBis,  a  convic- 
tion in  the  minds  of  the  people  that  their  liberties  are  the  GIFT  OF 
(JOD?  that  they  are  not  to  be  violated  but  with  His  wrath?  Indeed, 
I  tremble  for  my  country  when  I  reflect  that  Ood  is  just;  that  His 
justice  cannot  sleep  forever;  that,  considering  numbers,  nature  and 
national  means,  only  a  revolution  of  vhe  wheel  of  fortune,  an  exchange 
of  situation  is  among  possible  events;  that  it  may  become  probable  by 
supernatural  interference.  The  Almighty  has  no  attribute  which 
can  take  sides  with  us  in  such  a  contest."  And  as  to  which  another 
eminent  patriot  in  Virginia,  on  the  close  of  the  Revolution,  also 
exclaimed:  "Had  we  turned  our  eyes  inwardly  when  we  supplicated 
the  Father  of  Mercies  to  aid  the  injured  and  oppressed,  when  we 
invoked  the  Author  of  Righteousness  to  attest  the  purity  of  our 
motives  and  the  justice  of  our  cause,  and  implored  the  God  of  battles 
to  aid  our  exertion  in  its  defense,  should  we  not  have  stood  more  self- 
(onvicted  than  the  contrite  publican?"  We  believe  these  sentiments 
to  be  as  true  now  as  they  were  then. 

RESOLVED,  That  slavery  is  a  violation  of  the  rights  of  man  as 
man;  that  the  law  of  nature,  which  is  the  law  of  liberty, -gives  to  no 
man  rights  superior  to  those  of  another;  that  (}od  and  Nature  have 
secured  to  each  individual  the  inalienable  right  of  equality,  any  viola- 
tion of  which  must  be  the  result  of  su{)erior  force;  and  that  slavery, 
therefore,  is  a  perpetual  war  upon  its  victims;  that  whether  we  regard 
(he  institution  as  first  originating  in  captures  made  in  war,  or  the 
subjection  of  the  debtor  as  the  slave  of  his  creditor,  or  the  forcible 
seizure  and  sale  of  children  by  their  parents  or  subjects  by  their  king, 
and  whether  it  be  viewed  in  this  country  as  a  "necessary  evil"  or 
otherwise,  we  find  it  to  be,  like  imprisonment  for  debt,  but  a  relic  of 
barbarism  as  well  as  an  element  of  weakness  in  the  midst  of  the  State, 
inviting  the  attack  of  external  enemies,  and  a  ceaseless  cause  of  inter- 
nal apprehension  and  alarm.  Such  are  the  lessons  taught  us,  not 
only  by  the  histories  of  other  commonwealths,  but  by  that  of  our  own 
beloved  country. 

RESOLVED,  That  the  history  of  the  formation  of  the  Consti- 
tution, and  particularly  the  enactment  of  the  Ordinance  of  July  13, 
1787,  prohibiting  islavery  north  of  the  Ohio,  abundantly  shows  it  to 
have  been  the  purpose  of  our  fathers  not  to  promote,  but  to  prevent 
the  spread  of  slavery.  And,  we,  reverencing  their  memories  and 
cherishing  free  republican  faith  as  our  highest  inheritance,  which  we 
vow,  at  whatever  expense,  to  defend,  thus  publicly  proclaim  our 
determination  to  oppose,  by  all  the  powerful  and  honorable  means  in 
our  power,  now  and  henceforth,  all  attempts,  direct  or  indirect,  to 
extend  slavery  in  this  country,  or  to  permit  it  to  extend  into  any 
region  or  locality  in  which  it  does  not  now  exist  by  i>o8itive  law,  or 
to  aditait  new  slave  states  into  the  Union. 

RESOLVED,  That  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  gives 
to  Congress  full  and  complete  i)ower  for  the  municipal  government  of 


THE  FIRST  REPI^ULKVVN  TONVENTION. 


»\\ 


,  a  conviiv 
I  GIFT  OF 
Indeed, 
that  His 
[latnre  and 
exchange 
Irobable  by 
i>ute  whicii 
Icli  another 
lution,  also 
Supplicated 
I,  when  we 
|*ity  of  our 
of  battles 
1  more  self- 
sehtinients 

8  of  man  an 

gives  to  no 

ature  have 

,  any  viola - 

hat  slavery. 

r  we  regard 

war,  or  the 

the  forcible 

y  their  king, 

Hry  evil"  or 

ut  a  relic  of 

of  the  State, 

use  of  inter 

ight  us,  not 

t  of  our  own 

the  Consti- 
of  July  13, 
shows  it  to 
t  to  prevent 
Emories  and 
e,  which  we 
roclaim.  our 
lie  means  in 
indirect,  to 
id  into  any 
tive  law,  or 

states  gives 
I'ernment  of 


the  territories  thereof,  a  jmwer  which  from  its  nature  cannot  be 
either  alienated  or  abdicated  without  yielding  up  to  the  Territory  an 
absolute  political  inde|)endence,  which  invttlves  an  absurdity;  that 
the  exercise  of  this  power  necessarily  looks  to  the  formation  of  states 
to  be  admitted  into  the  Union;  and  on  the  (|uestion  whether  they  shall 
be  admitted  as  free  or  slave  states,  Congress  has  a  right  to  adopt 
such  prudential  and  preventative  measures  as  the  jirinciples  of 
liberty  and  the  interests  of  the  whole  country  require;  that  tliis 
(|uestion  is  one  of  the  gravest  importance  to  the  free  stateH, 
inasmuch  as  the  Constitution  itself  creates  an  equality  in  the  appor- 
tionment of  Representatives,  greatly  to  the  detriment  of  the  free  and 
to  the  advantage  of  the  slave  states.  This  question,  so  vital  to  the 
Interests  of  the  free  states  (but  which  we  are  told  by  certain  political 
doctors  of  modern  times,  is  to  be  trejited  with  utter  indifference),  is 
one  which  we  hold  it  our  right  to  discuss;  which  we  hold  it  the  duty 
of  Congress  in  every  instance  to  determine  in  unequivocal 
language,  and  in  a  manner  to  prevent  the  spread  of  slavery  and  the 
increase  of  such  unequal  representation.  In  short,  we  claim  that  the 
North  is  a  party  to  the  new  bargain,  and  is  entitled  to  have  a  vole** 
and  influence  in  settling  its  terms.  And  in  view  of  the  ambiti4>us 
designs  of  the  slave  power,  we  regard  the  man  or  the  party  who  would 
forego  this  right,  as  untrue  to  the  honor  and  interest  of  the  North 
and  unworthy  of  its  support.  •"  ,i      * 

RESOLVED,  That  the  repeal  of  the  "Missouri  Compromise." 
contained  in  the  recent  Act  of  Congress  for  the  creation  of  the  Terri- 
tories of  Nebraska  and  Kansas,  thus  admitting  slavery  into  a  region 
till  then  sealed  against  it  by  law,  equal  in  extent  to  the  thirteen  old 
states,  is  an  act  unprecedented  in  the  history  of  the  country,  and  cnie 
which  must  engage  the  earnest  and  serious  attention  of  every 
Northern  man.  And  as  Northern  freemen,  independent  of  all  former 
party  ties,  we  here  hold  this  measure  up  to  the  public  execration  for 
the  following  reasons: 

That  it  is  a  plain  departure  from  the  policy  of  the  fathers  of  the 
Republic  in  regard  to  slavery,  and  a  wanton  and  dangerous  frustra- 
tion of  their  purposes  and  their  hopes. 

That  it  actually  admits  and  was  intended  to  admit  slavery  into 
said  Territories,  and  thus  (to  use  the  words  applied  by  Judge  Tucker 
of  Virginia  to  the  fathers  of  that  commonwealth),  "sows  the  seeds  of 
an  evil  which  like  a  leprosy  hath  descended  upon  their  posterity  with 
accumulated  rancor,  visiting  the  sins  of  the  fathers  upon  succeeding 
generations."  That  it  was  sprung  upon  the  country  stealthily  and  by 
surprise,  without  necessity,  without  petition  and  without  previous 
discussion,  thus  violating  the  cardinal  principle  of  Republican  gov- 
ernment, which  requires  all  legislation  to  accord  with  the  opinions 
and  sentiments  of  the  people. 

That  on  the  part  of  the  South  it  is  an  open  and  undisguised 
breach  of  faith,  as  contracted  between  the  North  and  South  in  the 


fl 


!     ;l 


40 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY 


:!!;: 


Hettlement  of  the  MiHsouri  <|U(>fitiun  in  1820,  by  wliich  the  tranquillity 
of  the  two  8cc'tion8  was  rcHtonHl,  a  compromiBe  binding  upon  all  hon- 
orable men. 

That  it  is  al80  an  open  violation  of  the  Compromise  of  1850,  by 
which,  for  the  sake  of  {leace,  and  to  calm  the  distempered  impulse  of 
certain  enemies  of  the  Union  and  at  the  South,  the  North  accepted  and 
acquiesced  in  the  odious  Fugitive  Slave  Law  of  that  year. 

That  it  is  also  an  undisguised  and  unmanly  contempt  of  the 
pledge  given  to  the  country  by  the  present  dominant  party  at  their 
National  Convention  in  1862,  not  to  "agitate  the  subject  of  slavery  in 
or  out  of  Congress,"  being  the  same  (Convention  which  nominated 
Franklin  Pierce  to  the  Presidency. 

That  it  is  greatly  injurious  to  the  free  states,  and  to  the  terri- 
tories themselves,  tending  to  retard  the  settlement  and  to  prevent  the 
improvement  of  the  country  by  means  of  free  labor,  and  to  discourage 
foreign  immigrants  resorting  thither  for  their  homes. 

That  one  of  its  principal  aims  is  to  give  the  slave  states  such  a 
decided  and  practical  preponderance  in  all  the  measures  of  govern- 
ment as  shall  reduce  the  North  with  all  her  industry,  wealth  and 
enterprise,  to  be  the  mere  province  of  a  few  slave-holding  oligarchs 
of  the  South — to  a  condition  too  shameful  to  be  contemplated. 

Because  as  openly  avowed  by  its  Southern  friends.  It  is  intended 
as  an  entering  wedge  to  the  still  further  augmentation  of  the  slave 
power  by  the  acquisition  of  the  other  territories,  cursed  with  the  same 
"leprosy." 

RESOLVED,  That  the  obnoxious  measure  to  which  we  have 
alluded  ought  to  be  repealed,  and  a  provision  substituted  for  it,  pro- 
hibiting slavery  in  said  Territories,  and  each  of  them. 

RESOLVED,  That  after  this  gross  breach  of  faith  and  wanton 
aflfrout  to  us  as  Northern  men,  we  hold  ourselves  absolved  from  all 
"compromises,"  except  those  expressed  in  the  Constitution,  for  the 
protection  of  slavery  and  slaveowners,  that  we  now  demand  meas- 
ures of  protection  and  immunity  for  ourselves;  and  among  them  we 
demand  the  REPEAL  OF  THE  FUGITIVE  SLAVE  LAW,  and  an 
Act  to  abolish  slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia. 

RESOLVED,  That  we  notice  without  dismay  certain  popular 
indications  by  slaveholders  on  the  frontier  of  said  Territories  of  a 
purpose  on  their  part  to  prevent  by  violence  the  settlement  of  the 
country  by  non-slaveholding  men.  .  To  the  latter  we  say :  Be  of  good 
cheer,  persevere  in  the  right,  remem.ber  the  Republican  motto,  "THE 
NORTH  WILL  DEFEND  YOU." 

RESOLVED,  That  postponing  and  suspending  all  differences 
with  regard  to  political  economy  or  administrative  policy,  in  view  of 
the  imminent  danger  that  Kansas  and  Nebraska  will  be  grasped  by 
slavery,  and  a  thousand  miles  of  slave  soil  be  thus  interposed  between 


■s:im3ff~'mmM 


THE  FIRST  REPUBLICAN  CONVENTION. 


41 


pquillity 
all  hon- 

1850,  by 
ipnlse  of 
?pted  and 

|>t  of  the 
at  their 
jlavery  in 
dominated 

the  terri- 
•event  the 
iscourage 

68  such  a 
►f  govern- 
ealth  and 
oligarchH 
d. 

i  intended 

the  slave 

1  the  same 

1  we  have 
For  it,  pro- 
id  wanton 
I  from  all 
n,  for  the 
and  meas- 
f  them  we 
V,  and  an 

n  popular 
ories  of  a 
»nt  of  the 
3e  of  good 
tto,  "THE 

lififerencea 
n  view  of 
rasped  by 
i  between 


the  free  states  of  the  Atlantic  and  those  of  the  Paeiflo,  we  will  act 
cordially  and  faithfully  in  unison  to  avert  and  repeal  this  gigantic 
wrong  and  shame. 

REBOLVEI),  That  in  view  of  the  necessity  of  battling  for  the 
tfrst  principles  of  Republican  government,  and  against  the  schemes 
of  aristocracy,  the  most  revolting  and  oppressive  with  which  the  earth 
was  ever  cursed,  or  man  debased,  we  will  co-operate  and  be  known  as 
REPUBLICANB  until  the  contest  is  terminated. 

RESOLVED,  That  we  earnestly  recommend  the  calling  of  a  gen- 
eral convention  of  the  free  states,  and  such  of  the  slave-holding  states, 
or  portions  thereof,  as  may  desire  to  be  there  represented,  with  a  view 
to  the  adoption  of  other  moreextendednndeffectual measures  in  resist- 
ance to  the  encroucliments  of  slavery;  and  that  a  committee  of  five 
persons  be  appointed  to  correspond  and  co-operate  with  our  friends 
in  other  states  on  the  subject. 

RESOLVED,  That  in  relation  to  the  domestic  affairs  of  the  Stat? 
we  urge  a  nijore  economical  administration  of  the  government  and  a 
more  rigid  accountability  of  the  public  officers,  a  speedy  payment  of 
the  balance  of  the  public  debt,  and  the  lessening  of  the  amoust  of 
taxation,  a  careful  preservation  of  the  primary  school  and  university 
funds,  and  their  diligent  application  to  the  great  objects  for  which 
they  were  created,  and  also  further  legislation  to  prevent  the  unneces- 
sary or  imprudent  sale  of  the  lands  belonging  to  the  State. 

RESOLVED,  That  in  our  opinion,  the  commercial  wants  require 
the  enactment  of  a  general  railroad  law,  which,  while  it  shall  secure 
the  investment  uiid  encourage  the  enterprise  of  stockholders,  shall 
also  guard  and  protect  the  rights  of  the  public  and  of  individuals,  and 
that  the  preparation  of  such  a  measure  requires  the  first  talents  of  the 
State. 

If  these  resolutions  are  mild  one  can  imagine  what  Mr.  Blair's 
pronouncement  must  have  been.  The  difficulty  of  getting  at  the  exact 
facts  in  relation  to  an  incident  of  which  a  number  of  persons  have  a 
partial  knowledge,  is  illustrated  by  the  different  accounts  given  of 
the  naming  of  the  party  as  it  appears  in  the  piatforui.  George  A. 
Fitch,  of  the  Kalamazoo  Telegraph,  a  natural  political  organizer,  was 
in  full  accord  with  those,  who,  in  its  early  stages,  recognized  the 
importance  of  a  combination,  in  a  new  party  and  with  a  new  name,  of 
all  the  elements  of  opposition  to  the  Pro-Slavery  Democracy.  Some 
of  his  associates  in  the  local  movements  of  the  time,  aver  that  he  had 
a  compact,  made  in  writing,  between  leading  Free  Sellers  and  Liberal 
Whigs,  for  an  independent  organization  and  a  division  of  the  local 
nominations,  and  that  several  weeks  prior  to  July  6,  they  gave  the 
name  Republican  to  the  party  ip  the  compact.  It  is  not  known  that 
Mr.  Fitch  himself,  ever  set  up  this  claim. 


"ti 


v, 


-•» 


«i 


IlIHTORY  OF  TIIK  UEPT'HLICAN  PARTY. 


r.  V.  licTiiind,  in  a  h'tU'i-  written  (htolMT  21,  IWW.  mndo  thiH 
Htutcniciit  of  the  nmttor:  "The  honor  of  nuniinK  fhe  pnrr.v  belonics  to 
Zephaniuh  H.  Knight,  of  the  I'ontini-  Gazette.  He  {>ro|K»8ed  It  at  the 
February  ronferenie  and  advoratcMl  it  Hteadil.v.  He  wan  one  of  the 
('oniniitt(*e  on  I'hitforni  at  the  JackHon  (Convention,  and  moved  itH 
adoption  b.v  that  roniniittee,  and  it  wan  derided  favorably  by  a  vote 
of  eleven  for  Hepubllcan  iu  five  for  Union." 

Jogeph  Warren,  In  whoHe  life  the  .larkRon  tVmvention  wan  the 
({reatest  event,  and  whoHe  rerolleetion  of  ItH  detailH  wati  quite  minute, 
wrote  aH  follows,  In  a  letter  June  '.W,  18T!>:  "Having  had  houu' 
agency,  aH  well  in  the  naming  and  (■hrlHteniug,  an  in  the  meanureH 
which  led  to  the  organisation,  of  the  Republican  party,  and  claiming, 
therefore,  to  be  familiar  with  the  origin  of  ltd  name  and  its  applica- 
tion to  the  new  party,  the  writer  will  briefly  «tate  the  fa«'t8  in  regard 
to  it.  The  honor  of  having  named  and  chrlHtened  the  party,  the 
writer  Iuim  alwayH  claimed,  and  now  iuMlHtH,  lielongH  jointly  to  Jacob 
M.  Howard,  Hura.ce   Greeley  and   hiniHelf.       .  Soon  after    the 

writer  began  to  advocate  through  the  colnmnH  of  the  Tribune,  the 
orgnni9sati<»n  of  all  opitonentg  of  slavery  into  a  single  party,  Horace 
Greeley  voluntarily  ojiened  a  correspondence  with  him  in  regard  to 
this  moveni'/nt,  in  which  he  frankly  communicated  his  views,  and 
gave  him  many  valuable  suggestions  as  to  the  wisest  course  to  be 
pursued.  This  correspondence  was  necessarily  very  short,  as  it 
began  and  ended  in  June,  it  being  only  live  weeks  from  the  reiK'al  of 
Ihe  <'omprom.ise  to  the  Jackson  ('onvention.  In  his  last  letter,  re- 
ceived <»nly  a  day  or  two  before  it  was  t<>  assemble,  Mr.  (ireeley  sug- 
gested to  him  the  name  Republican.  This  met  the  writer's  cordial 
approval,  he  gave  Mr.  (ireeley's  letter,  containing  the  suggestion,  to 
Mr.  Howard,  on  the  day  of  the  <'onvention,  after  that  gentleman  had 
been  apjiointed  Chairman  of  the  Committee  <»n  Resolutions,  and 
strongly  advised  its  adoption.  This  was  done,  the  platform  was 
adopted  and  the  ticket  nominated." 

Jacob  M.  Howard's  recollection  of  the  incident,  as  told  to  his 
son,  Hamilton  G.  Howard,  is  this:  After  the  call  for  the  Jackson 
Convention  he  drew  up  a  series  of  resolutions  which  he  thought  suita- 
ble for  adoption,  but  left  the  name  of  the  new  party  blank.  Mean- 
time Mr.  Warren  had  some  correspondence  with  Horac-e  Greeley  on 
the  subject  of  the  (Convention,  and  Mr.  Greeley  forwarded  a  set  of 
resolutions,  not  knowing  that  Mr.  Howard  was  engaged  in  the  same 
work,  and  suggested  the  name,  I>emocratic-Republi(ran.  At  the  (Con- 
vention Mr.  Howard's  resolutions  were  reiiorted  by  the  Committee, 
of  which  he  was  Chairman.  The  matter  of  name  came  before  the 
Convention  in  the  form  of  a  motion  to  insert  the  one  proposed  by  Mr. 


THE  FIRBT  RKrmUrAN  (ON  VKNTION. 


v.\ 


nnd(>  ttiiH 
»elonK8  to 
1  it  at  the 

>tH'  Uf   tlu* 

moved  ItB 
by  a  vote 

n  wan  the 
te  inhiute. 
had    Hoiiic 

ineaBuren 
I  claiminK. 
ts  appHt-a- 
1  in  regard 
part.v,  the 
y  to  Jaeob    ' 

after    the 
•ibune,  the 
ty,  Horace 
1  regard  to 
views,  and 
lurse  to  be 
ihort,  an  it 
le  reiK*al  of 
t  letter,  re- 
treeley  sup- 
er's eordial 
jgestion,  to 
tleman  had 
ntions,  and 
iitfonn  was 

told  to  his 
the  Jackson 
ought  Buita- 
nk.      Mean- 
Greeley  on 
led  a  set  of 
in  the  same 
At  the  Con- 
Committee, 
B  before  the 
josed  by  Mr. 


■mt  of  '«"•'*'"'•"''''  „„,  „„„,  b,„  t„«  „(  .1...  ,..i|H-r.  wl>i.-..  mi- 
lt .■  a  <nrl(..i»  fi»-t  <..»'.  »"  ""  „,  ,,,.k,,,  „,  |,w"'n....v 
,K.rl.-.l  .!»•  ...k-  "•«'  ""•  f"'"""i   ,"„,,,!  vl.^  a.  ...........  ...<■ 

name,  as  though  to 
remind  the  Whigs  that 
they  had  lost  their  iden- 
tity as  well  as  their  dis- 
tinctive organization. 

After    the    adoption 
of    the    platform,    the 
Convention,    still    fol- 
lowing  out   its    Demo- 
eratic  methods,   called 
upon  the  electors  from 
the  several  Senatorial 
Districts  to  appoint  a 
Nominating  Committee 
of  three  members  from 
each  District.    In  three 
of  the  districts  a  less 
number  was  appointed, 
but  the  Committee  as 
it    was,    consisted    of 
eighty-eight  members,  a 

„„„  ,a,n.i.a.ed  ...is  work  ^/,  '°™"'  '.^^^^  «..-  nH*d  in  .-ef- 
nominated,  bnt  ,t  wa.  '''"JJ-  ' '''^^-«'™  ,,„t  „ere  on  .l,«t  tUket.  In 
ervnre  to  dropping  some  ot  .!.«  """«"  <  °^  ,;„„,    Rins- 

,.»ard  to  the  """"-'"'V::  .^  ."e  fo™"  "Lt,  w.«  »»  ab.e  and 
ley  8.  Bingham,  wbo  had  headwl  tne  i  ^, 

popniar  man.  and  UU  n^.e^  -b  ««»■  ,  ;^-«,;*  ,„,„„^  i,i„  to 
S^X™ 'w:,rr,:rti;e"Fr  L„.o,.rat.,  and  bi,  re.,.n..on  o,.  .b. 


JACOB   M.   HOWARD. 


..AM 


i 


li 


It  niHTORY  OP  TIIK  KEPUIILICAN  PARTY. 

ticket  wnH  niianiinniiiily  atiftpntod  to.  (JoorKe  A.  Ooo,  Whig,  took 
IIm'  plare  of  Nntlinn  IMorce,  f(»r  LleiitonantCrovernor,  and  John 
McKlnney,  that  of  Iwtvoll  Moore,  for  Heen'tary  of  Htate;  HilaH  M. 
Holmes  for  Htute  TreaHurer,  and  B«»,yniour  H.  Treadwell  for 
(.<onniiiMMion<>r  of  the  Ktate  Land  OWee,  were  retaineil  and  Whitney 
tfones  took  the  place  of  IMiilotuB  llayden,  for  Auditor  Oeneral.  The 
nomination  for  Attorney  (teneral  whh  a  Hurprise.  It  had  iMH^n  gener- 
ally ex|M'4ted  that  Ifovey  K.  Clarke  ,who  was  on  the  old  ticket,  would 
he  retained,  hut  W.  W.  Murphy,  of  .loneHville,  without  giving  any 
previouH  intiniatitm  of  hin  purpose,  in  an  adroit  and  earnest  8iM>ech, 
proponed  "Honest  Jake  Howard"  for  tlie  place,  and  Mr.  Howard  was, 
agaiuKt  his  own  jirotest,  placed  on  the  ticket.  This  wim  completed 
>>y  naming  Ira  Mayhew  for  Su]M>rintendent  of  Public  Instruction,  and 
«F<)lin  It.  Kellogg  and  Hiram  L.  Miller,  for  Men).bers  of  the  Htate  Hoard 
of  Education.  The  Convention  recognized  the  ticket  pro])osed  as  a 
strong  and  representative  one,  and  besides  had  confidence  in  its  large 
Committee,  whose  action  it  ratified  with  unanimity  and  enthusiasm. 
Mr.  Itingham  was  "rapturously  called  for,"  according  to  the  ofllcial 
report,  and  "addn'ssed  the  convention  in  a  most  happy  manner.  He 
was  evidently  affected  by  the  distinguished  favor  which  plaecMl  his 
name,  unsolicited  by  him,  in  the  paramount  position  it  occupies  as 
first  on  the  ticket."  With  Mr.  Itingham's  8i)eech  the  proceedings 
closed. 

The  actual  business  of  the  ('onvention  called  out  but  little  discus- 
sion, as  it  was  transacted  mainly  by  the  committees,  and  accepted  by 
the  larger  body.  Hut  while  waiting  for  the  comraittws  there  were 
numerous  Bi)eecheB  on  the  general  character  of  the  Anti-Slavery 
movement.  While  the  Committee  on  Permanent  Organization  was 
out  several  si)eeches  were  made,  among  them  one  by  Prof.  Haven, 
afterwards  President  of  Michigan  University.  During  the  long 
absence  of  the  Committee  on  Kesolutions  there  was  a  flow  of  oratory. 
Rev.  Arthur  St.  Clair  was  called  out,  and  Kinsley  H.  Hingham,  always 
a  favorite,  made  a  stirring  address,  which  was  loudly  applauded. 

Among  the  Whigs  who  were  reluctant  to  give  up  the  old  organi- 
zation and  name,  was  Zachariah  Chandler,  who  had  been  a  hard 
worker  in  the  party,  and  In  earlier  times  its  candidate  for  Mayor  of 
Detroit  and  Governor  of  the  State.  He  was  strong  in  his  personal 
and  party  attachments,  and  it  was  not  until  after  the  Kalamazoo  mas') 
meeting  that  he  fell  in  with  the  new  movement.  But  having  on.je 
decided,  he  went  into  it  witli  characteristic  zeal.  He  was  at  the  Co:  • 
vention,  and  followed  Mr.  Bingham  in  a  spee4;h.      He  <..ave  a  brief 


m 


TIIK  FIKHT  UKIMJULirAN  CONVKNTION. 


4r> 


ig,  took 
lid  John 
HilitH  M. 

Iwell  for 
WhitiH'y 

(al.      Tli«« 

I'll  ReiHT- 

A't,  would 
viiiK  any 

t   HlMHM'h, 

ard  wan, 

'oinploted 

*tion,  and 

ate  Hoard 

oHcd  an  a 

1  its  lai'K» 

ithuHiasni. 

Ik*  oflicial 

ner.      He 

blaced  his 

bcupies  as 

rocei'dingH 


II 


tie  discuB- 
(H'epted  by 
:here  were 
iti-8lavery 
lation  was 
>f.  Haven, 

the  long 
)f  oratory, 
m,  alwaj'8 
uded. 

•Id  organi- 
n  a   hard 

Mayor  of 
I  persona? 
azoo  mas') 
viug  on.je 
t  the  Co: 
I'e  a  brief 


niToiiiit  of  action  on  th(>  Wilniot  TroviHo,  h'>  far  hh  Michigan  whm 
('onr(M'ii«><l,  ((iioted  tlie  Anti-Hhivery  rrHoliitioiiM  paHHt-d  b,v  l)«'iiio>Tatic 
Ktate  Convention  of  1K4!),  and  (lie  liegiHliifivc  rfHolntioim  of  iiiHtruc- 
tionH  (o  the  Hi'iiatorH  and  HeprcHcntativeM  in  CongrcHM  on  tli«>  t^iuiie 
Hiibject,  and  tlicn  exclaimed:  "Not  one  of  onr  Uepr«>H«>ntiitiveH  waM 
ever  luMieHt  enough  to  carry  them  out  except  KiiiHlev  S,  Itinghain." 
He  was  here  interrupted  by  three  roiiHiiig  ch(><>rh  foi'  Mr.  Ilingham, 
and  other  demonHtrationM,  which  Hhowed  clearly  encnigh  that  he  was 
the  choic*'  of  the  ('onvention. 

Anothe-'  interesting  epiHode  of  the  Convention  wuh  a  short 
•{H'i'ch  by  I «  v.ls  Clar':e,  then,  and  for  many  years  afterwards  living  on 
a  ff  .m  ni  ,'r  SV'i;;  Jsor,  Ontario,  and  the  original  ot  (George  Harris,  in 
M'^M.  .Umve's  ''<rjcle  Tom's  Cabin."  His  piaiii,  simple  recital  of 
Wvniu  in  f.l)  ■  liiti  of  a  slave  and  fugitive,  deeply  moved  the  asHi'inbly. 
Oihi'.r  liMev^'hes.  at  thi'i  stage  of  the  pro<-eedings,  were  by  William  T. 
Hut^rli,  R'..  Charles  <'.  I'oote,  I'hilotus  Hayden,  Itev.  Jesse  McHrid*! 
iM\d  Rpv.  'At.  F'.'ste^ 

I'.jrli'x  the  «h«^nic/'  ul  tVe  r'on-.mittee  on  Uesolutions,  further 
Hdd'Tti»t.'«5  \v'  le  n.ude  by  AitKt'i;  Jllair,  Hovey  K.  Clarke,  Isaac  I*. 
(  hrisrinny  r.;ii}  «»rU'Th,  Xo  <;»;•  it'V4'niiig  the  crowd  tilled  four  public 
halle  »•  -<il  ;!ire>,'  i(')iijn''!ef,  wi'/j  eiiihu"/ istic  ratification  me<>tings,  and 
lH'i»id».j  ihi;,,  fl'jM.'vnw  iiiu^,\uvi\  r/Uln^sed  a  large  gathering  in  the 
op.'H  li    «>n  tht'  pufv.ic  souvi".-. 

In  (Lid  acc-^vnt  o'  jnoaedfiiwv,  ibi-  .vader  will  notice  the  names 
ViS"  Fv'.v«i-ul  ,;<ent;enH'n  who  a'ifrwarai  attained  National  distinction. 
Mnuy  IT  ivre  of  the  stin  e  class.  %<.h  »  aid  not  sjieak  at  the  Convention, 
■wer.'  citly'j'r  prcstnt  or  hsii).  I«  -n  i.-tively  engaged  in  the  preliminary 
wojv..  'Ji\)i8  roll  0.'  h{)»:er  i:it  hided  six  men  who  were  afterwards 
Governors  of  ^ht  Btale,  %<v  wh<;  became  XJnited  States  Senators,  one 
Supreme  Couif  /fvil'ce,  cr>i  I'abinet  Oftlcer,  a  number  connected  with 
'h"  1  Mplomf'.tic  Sen  ice,  e'ther  as  Ministers  or  Consuls,  about  twenty 
Mbr.aht'%  of  Cong/fi.i*  rtjd  many  more  who  rendered  the  State  and 
Nation  ;roo'i  service  n  the  Army,  in  the  I^egislature,  on  the  Circuit 
C'Mrt  J.V>nch  in  the  United  States  xJourts,  and  in  a  host  of  other 
ui'Violnrivc  positions.  No  single  Michigan  gathering,  before  or  since, 
has  ever  brought  together  so  many  able  and  patriotic  citizens. 
"v  The  enthusiasm  which  the  action  of  the  Convention  roused  in  the 
members  theniflelves,  was  echoed  by  almost  all  the  pajjers  in  the  State 
that  had  Anti-Slavery  leanings.  The  l>etroit  Tribune  heartily 
endorsed  every  action  of  the  Convention,  and  enthusiastically  sup- 
ported the  ticket.      The  Detroit  Free  Democrat  said,  editorially,  the 


win 


I 


'■i'  y^:'.': 


mm 


mm 


ana 


■WlBili 


HISTORY  OP  THF.  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 


m 


mm 


46 


next  day :    '''We  never  saw  in  any  deliberative  body  so  strong  a  desire 
for  harmony  manifested.      Every  member  of  the  Convention  seemed 
to    liave  eome  there  resolved  on   conciliation   and   tranquil  action. 
There  was  scarcely  a  dissenting  voice  from  the  action  resolved  upon. 
The  harmony  of  the  (Convention  was  especially  apparent  in  some  of 
the  most  critical  periods  of  its  deliberations."      The  paper  praised, 
the  platform  as  specific,  bold  and  uncompromising,  went  over  the  t 
ticket  in  detail,  and  added:      "With  such  a  ticket,  emanating  from  i 
such  a  Convention,  we  cannot  be  unsuccessful.      It  will  inspire  the 
confidence  of  freemen  in  the  State,  not  by  its  intrinsic  merit  only, 
but  by  the  purely  republican  manner  in  which  it  was  selected.      We 
are  confident   that    the   people  who  selected  it  will  see  that  it    is 
triumphantly  elected." 

The  Jackson  Citizen  commented  with  great  satisfaction  upon  the 
manner  in  which  the  Convention  received  Mr.  Chandler's  reference  to 
Mr.  Bingham,  praised  the  ticket  as  a  whole,  and  added:  "The  plat- 
form was  drawn  by  the  Hon.  Jacob  M.  Howard,  and  unanimously 
adopted,  and  we  are  willing  to  add  our  testlTiony  that  it  not  only  does 
credit  to  its  author,  but  challenges  comparison  with  any  political 
paper  of  the  day." 

The  trio  of  papers  in  Pontiac,  Grand  Rapids  and  Kalamazoo, 
which  had  already  contributed  so  largely  to  the  movement,  found  in 
the  result  the  fruition  of  their  long  cherished  hopes,  and  zealously 
supported  the  ticket,  and  all  the  Free  Soil  and  almost  all  the  Whig 
papers  in  the  State  came  promptly  into  line. 

But  there  was  one  note  of  discord.  The  Detroit  Advertiser  was 
then  owned  by  E.  A.  Wales,  and  edited  by  A.  S.  Williams.  It  had 
described  the  Kalamazoo  Convention  as  a  stormy  gathering,  and  had 
assailed  several  of  the  speakers  at  that  meeting  for  "disparaging  the 
character  of  that  great  and  gifted  American  statesman  and  patriot, 
Henry  Clay."  It  now,  jn  a  bitter  and  denunciatory  editorial,  rejected 
the  nominations,  introducing  its  comments  with  the  following: 
"Previous  to  its  meeting  we  called  upon  the  Whigs  to  attend  the 
Convention.  We  looked  to  their  influence  as  the  only  means  to  pro- 
mote the  interests  of  the  people.  The  indications  were  that  a 
sufiicient  number  of  Whigs  would  be  present  to  exert  a  beneficial 
influence.  All  those  signs  were  false.  The  Convention  was  con- 
trolled by  Free  Soilers  and  those  who  desired  to  break  up  the  Whig 
party.  Everything  the  Free  Democrats  desired  they  obtained.  They 
went  into  the  meeting  with  a  ticket  in  the  field.      They  procured  the 


ti" 


'"'-^"^mmmsmm^mS:'---,  ■«« 


r-% :  "W-  ^''■)-' 


■|r|W| 


a  desire 

seemed 

tl  action. 

I^ed  upon. 

some  of 

praised . 

lover  the 

ting  from 

jspire  the 

lerit  only, 

Jed.      We 

bat  it   is 

upon  the 

ference  to 

'The  plat- 

animously 

only  does 

political 

[alamazoo, 

;,  found  in 

zealously 

the  Whig 

jrtiser  was 
i.  It  had 
g,  and  had 
raging  the 
ad  patriot, 
il,  rejected 
following: 
attend  the 
ins  to  pro- 
re   that   a 

beneficial 
1  was  cou- 

the  Whig 
lied.  They 
ocured  the 


'm 


THE  FIRST  REPUBLICAN  CONVENTION. 


47 


adoption  of  just  such  planks  as  they  desired.  They  liuew  the  renom- 
ination  of  Kinsley  S.  Bingham  was  a  foregone  conclusion,  and  then 
their  Committee  withdrew  their  nominees." 

These,  and  similar  utterances  following,  induced  many  Whigs  to 
hold  aloof  from  the  new  movement  and  caused  great  uneasiness  to 
the  leaders  of  the  new  Republican  party.  A  month  later  a  circular 
was  issued,  addressed  to  the  Whig  Btate  Central  Committee,  and 
saying:  "The  undersigned,  more  than  ever  impressed  with  the 
responsibility  resting  upon  the  men  of  the  Whig  party,  and  entertain- 
ing a  high  sense  of  their  obligations  to  take  such  action  as  is 
necessary  to  advance  the  principles,  maintain  and  strengthen  the 
organization  and  preserve  the  integrity  of  that  party,  respectfully 
request  that  you  will  issue  a  call  for  a  Whig  State  Convention,  to  be 
held  at  an  early  day,  for  the  purpose  of  securing  these  important 
objects,  and  of  presenting  a  Whig  State  ticket,  to  be  supported  by  the 
people  of  Michigan,  at  the  election  in  November  next." 

This  was  circulated  in  nearly  all  the  counties  of  the  State,  and 
received  signatures  in  sufficient  number  to  demand  action  by  the  Com- 
mittee, who  accordingly,  called  a  convention,  to  be  held  at  the  Court 
House,  in  Marshall,  October  4,  for  the  purpose  of  nominating  cauui- 
dates  for  all  the  State  offices. 

This  action,  culminating  in  a  Convention  to  be  held  only  about  a 
month  before  election,  and  threatening  to  put  a  new  ticket  in  the  field, 
with  the  anticipated  result  of  dividing  the  Anti-Slavery  vote,  was  very 
disquieting,  and  led  to  forebodings  of  grave  disaster.  But  the  Con- 
vention itself,  did  not  merit  apprehension  on  the  one  hand,  nor  come 
up  to  expectation  on  the  other.  Only  about  200  delegates  were 
present,  though  these  represented  nearly  every  County  in  the  State. 
Those  that  did  attend  were  almost  all  in  favor  of  the  new  movenient. 
They  chose  as  President  of  the  ('onvention,  Rufus  Hosmer,  who  had 
left  the  Advertiser  because  he  did  not  agree  with  its  course,  and  who 
was  then  editing  the  Detroit  Enquirer,  in  the  interest  of  the  Repub- 
lican ticket.  With  him  were  chosen  as  Vice-Presidents,  Nathan 
Pierce,  of  Wayne;  Chester  Yost,  of  Washtenaw;  D.  C.  Buckland,  of 
Oakland,  and  Edward  D.  Cane,  of  Hillsdale,  all  supporters  of  the 
Republican  ticket.   ' 

A  Committee  appointed  to  nominate  a  State  Central  Committee, 
selected  as  the  Detroit  members  Joseph  Warren  and  Frederick  Mor- 
ley,  both  strongly  in  favor  of  the  Republican  ticket,  and  the  latter 
associated   with  Mr.   Hosmer  in   the  management  of  the  Detroit 


'"1 


II 


■hMii 


.-',■*,- 

■.'V 


■■ 


filJ! 


48 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 


Enquirer.  Mr.  Warren  was  especially  distasteful  to  the  Advertiser 
clique,  and  a  motion  was  made  to  substitute  for  his  name  that  of  E.  N. 
Willcox.  Upon  this  m.otion  the  issue  was  drawn,  and  a  long  discus- 
sion followed,  in  which  three  or  four  speeches  were  made,  bitterly 
denouncing  Mr.  Warren  for  his  activity  in  promoting  Republican  con- 
ventions throughout  the  State.  When  it  came  to  the  test,  however, 
there  were  only  four  votes  in  favor  of  the  substitute  motion,  all  of 
those  coming  from  Detroit,  and  two  of  them  from  the  Advertiser 
office.  A  motion  was  afterwards  made  by  Gen.  A.  S.  Williams  that 
Mr.  Warren  be  expelled  from  the  Convention  on  the  ground  that  he 
had  ceased  to  be  a  Whig,  but  this  only  received  the  same  four  votes. 
The  four  then  withdrew,  after  Mr.  Wales  had  filed  a  formal  protest 
against  the  sins  which  the  Convention  had  committed,  as  well  as  those 
it  was  about  to  commit,  or  as  he  phrased  it,  against  its  action  "in 
choosing  for  its  presiding  officer  a  man  who  was  the  avowed  Chairman 
of  the  Republican  State  Central  Committee,"  and  "for  other  action, 
had  or  to  be  taken,  which  is  not  strictly  in  accordance  with  Whig 
precedents.  Whig  principles  and  Whig  organization. 

This  withdrawal  left  a  Convention  which  was  not  only  har- 
monious, but  unanimous.  It  made  no  nominations,  but  framed  a 
stirring  address,  referring  to  the  glorious  history  and  principles  of  the 
Whig  party,  and  to  the  need  of  concerted  and  united  action  in  opposi- 
tion to  the  spread  of  slavery.      It  concluded  as  follows: 

"We  are  convinced  that  the  path  of  duty  is  plain  before  us.  We 
are  called  upon  not  to  abandon  the  Whig  party,  not  to  forsake  a  single 
Whig  principle,  but  to  make  a  deep  sacrifice  for  our  country's  sake. 
We  propose  merely  to  abstain  from  making  distinct  nominations  at 
this  time,  so  that  all  the  friends  in  the  cause  of  liberty,  feeling  alike 
on  the  absorbing  issue  now  jiending,  may  together  strike  and  achieve 
a  glorious  triumph. 

"We  therefore  respectfully  but  earnestly  appeal  to  the  Whigs  of 
Michigan  to  take  that  course  in  the  coming  contest,  which  will  best 
unite,  combine,  develop  and  evidence  the  free  and  true  spirit  of  the 
North. 

"Let  us  throw  all  distraction  to  the  winds,  forget  all  minor  differ- 
ences, and  exhibit  the  glorious  spectacle  of  a  patriotic  band  of 
freemen,  arousing  at  the  trumi)et  call  of  liberty,  with  a  free  soil 
beneath  our  feet,  and  freedom's  banner  over  us,  marching  forward 
in  solid,  united  and  invincible  columns  to  battle  and  to  victory." 


m 


i;i!- 


dvertiser 

|at  of  E.  N. 

ing  dr'scoB- 

le,  bitterly 

Iblican  con- 

:,  however, 

ion,  all  of 

Advertiser 

[lliams  that 

nd  that  he 

four  votes. 

nal  protest 

ell  as  those 

ion  "in 

i  Chairman 

ther  action, 

with  Whig 

t  only  har- 
it  framed  a 
ciples  of  the 
»n  in  opposi- 

ore  us.  We 
take  a  single 
intry's  sake, 
ninations  at 
Feeling  alike 
and  achieve 

lie  Whigs  of 
ch  will  best 
spirit  of  the 

minor  differ- 
tic  band  of 
a  free  soil 
ing  forward 
to  victory." 


THE  FIRST  UKl'l  HLICAN  CONVENTION. 


4!) 


This  was  the  last  of  the  State  Convention  appeals  made  to 
Michigan  voters  in  this  memorable  campaign.  The  result  was 
not,  of  course,  satisfactory  to  the  Advertiser.  After  reviewing  the 
action  of  the  Convention,  and  pointing  out  what  might  have  been 
done,  it  said:  "As  it  is  there  is  cause  for  dissatisfaction  which  will 
produce  its  elTects.  No  one  regrets  this  more  than  we  do.  We  yet 
hope  that  a  little  time  may  heal  the  discords  of  our  party — that  those 
who  have  given  allegiance  to  another  organization  may  return  to 
their  old  love.  This  we  hope,  but  whether  our  wishes  shall  be 
realized  or  not,  our  own  course  is  plain.  We  shair  pursue  the  even 
tenor  of  our  way,  exerting  whatever  influence  we  may  have  to  forward 
Whig  principles,  and  Whig  measures,  and  preserve  the  integrity  of 
the  Whig  party." 

But  the  Whig  party  had  held  its  last  Convention  of  any  conse- 
quence in  Michigtvn.  Joseph  Warren  was  elected  Chairman  of  the 
new  State  Central  Committee,  and  a  resolution  was  adopted,  leaving 
it  with  him  to  convene. the  Committee  or  to  call  a  Convention,  whenever 
he  deemed  it  expedient.  And  Mr.  Warren  carried  the  Whig  party  of 
Michigan  in  his  ]iocket  from  that  time  till  the  day  of  his  death;  for 
no  organization,  except  a  State  Convention  had  power  to  depose  him 
from  the  Chairmanship,  and  he  never  found  it  expedient  to  call 
another  ('onvention.  The  name  Whig  never  appeared  again  upon  a 
Michigan  State  ticket.  • 

But  there  was  still  another  element  which,  for  a  time,  added  to 
the  uncertainty  of  this  campaign.  Four  years  earlier  than  this  the 
Constitution,  under  which  the  State  has  ever  since  conducted  its 
affairs,  was  adopted,  and  with  it  a  clause  prohibiting  the  manufacture 
and  sale  of  intoxicating  litjuors.  A  law,  but  not  a  very  effective  one. 
had  been  passed  to  carry  out  this  Constitutional  prohibition.  Temper- 
ance sentiment  was  then  strong  in  the  old  parties,  and  since  the 
State  was  organized  there  had  been  no  separate  temperance  ticket  in 
the  field.  The  Free  Democratic  Convention  at  Jackson  February  22. 
resolved  in  its  platform  that  it  was  in  favor  of  the  re-enactment  of 
the  law  for  the  suppression  of  the  traffic  in  intoxicating  liquors, 
with  such  amendments  as  should  remove  all  Constitutional  doubts 
and  secure  the  highest  degree  of  efficiency. 

At  the  Kalamazoo  Convention  Rev.  Arthur  St.  Clair  moved  that 
the  report  of  the  Committee  on  Resolutions  be  re-committed,  with 
instructions  te  incorporate  the  Prohii'itory  Law  in  tl»e  platform;  but 
while  no  opposition  was  voiced  in  the  Convention  to  the  law  itself, 


|1 

i 
I 


m 
i 


'■Mi 


.v;;f- 


50 


HISTORY  OF  THE  KEPIBLICAN  PARTY 


it  M'as  Anally  tbonght  advisable  to  leave  the  question  oi)eu  to  the  maHH 
convention,  already  called,  to  meet  at  Jaokaon,  July  6.  V; 

Five  days  later,  on  the  26th  of  June,  a  State  Temperance  Con- 
vention was  held  at  Jackson.  Without  nominating  a  ticket,  it 
adopted  a  platform  of  which  the  most  significant  plank  declared: 
''We  intend  not  only  that  our  votes  shall  express  onr  sentiments,  but 
they  shall  give  efllciency  to  our  principles,  and  therefore,  we  will 
not  vote,  at  the  next  November  election,  for  any  man  for  the  office 
of  Governor,  Lieutenant-Governor,  member  of  either  House  of  the 
Legislature  of  Michigan,  or  Prosecuting  Attorney,  who  is  not  known 
from  his  past  history  to  be,  from,  principle,  in  favor  of  prohibiting  by 
law  the  manufacture  of  all  intoxicating  liquors  as  a  beverage." 

This  was  the  last  formal  action  taken  on  the  subject  in  this  cam- 
paign. The  Jackson  Convention  of  July  6,  as  has  already  been 
noted,  confined  its  attention  mainly  to  National  aflfairs,  and  did  not 
touch  upon  this  question.  P^xcept  as  related  to  individual  candidates, 
the  men  who  afterwards  organized  the  Temperance  party,  were  not 
a  well-deflned  factor  in  the  campaign  which  followed,  though  a 
majority  of  them,  then  and  for  some  years  afterwards,  undoubtedly 
voted  for  tlie  Republicans.  They  did  not  put  a  separate  ticket  in 
the  field  till  1870. 

Although  the  varied  and  <>omplicated  movements  which  resulted 
in  the  concentration  of  Anti-Slavery  sentiment  in  the  Republican 
organization  were  so  long  in  operation,  and  were  accompanied  by 
such  strong  expressions  of  feeling,  and  by  such  large  gatherings  of 
the  people,  the  Democrats  were  very  slow  in  learning  their  real 
significance  or  their  formidable  character.  The  party  papers 
sneered  at  the  movement  up  to  the  time  of  the  Jackson  Convention, 
though  some  of  them  were  bitter  enough  against  it  afterwards.  The 
Detroit  Free  Press,  then  the  leading  Democratic  paper  in  Michigan, 
was  edited  by  WilbuJ*  F.  Storey,  who  had  been  about  ten  years  in  the 
State,  and  a  year  and  a  half  in  Detroit.  It  took  great  interest  in  the 
Kansas-Nebraska  controversy,  and  on  May  25,  1854,  announced  the 
passage  of  the  Nebraska  bill  in  a  big  head-line,  "Glorious  News  From 
Washington,"  followed  by  a  rooster  liolding  a  streamer  with  "Democ- 
racy Triumphant"  printed  on  it.  Over  the  telegraphic  report  of 
(Congressional  proceedings,  it  had  a  cannon  and  flag,  and  an  editorial 
announced  the  passage  of  the  act  "with  unbounded  satisfaction." 

Mr.  Storey  evidently  really  believed  that  the  course  of  the 
Republicans  and  Free  Soilers  was  calculated  to  disrupt  and  ruin  the 


«N\ 


TriE  FIKHT  KEI'lTRlilCAN  CONVENTION. 


51 


|to  the  luasB 

ranee  Con- 

ticket,  it 

|k  declared: 

iments,  but 

re,  we  will 

r  the  office 

onse  of  the 

not  known 

ohibiting  by 

verage." 

in  this  cam- 

il  ready  been 

and  did  not 

1  candidates, 

ty,  were  not 

d.   though  a 

undoubtedly 

ate  ticket  in 

hich  resulted 
a  Republican 
ompanied  by 
gatherings  of 
ig  their  real 
)arty  papers 
1  Convention, 
wards.  The 
in  Michigan, 
I  years  in  the 
aterest  in  the 
mounced  the 
3  News  From 
(vith  "Democ- 
lic  report  of 
1  an  editorial 
'action." 
)urBe  of  the 
and  ruiu  the 


country,  and  this  belief  was  shared  by  other  Democratic  editors.  But 
they  failed  to  apprehend  the  fact  that  others  might  have  convictions, 
equally  sincere  and  more  profound,  upon  the  other  side,  and  it  was 
this  failure  that  led  them  to  underrate  the  strength  of  the  new  party. 
They  continued  to  deride  the  movement  after  it  had  really  gained 
great  momentum. 

Two  days  before  the  (Convention  tl:e  Free  Press  commenced  an 
editorial  with:  '*We  are  really  curious  to  see  the  platform  of  the 
'fusion'  Convention  at  Jackson,"  but  it  never  printed  that  platform 
in  its  columns.  Its  news  report  of  the  pro«;eeding8  of  a  body  which 
siibseqnently  overturned  the  politics  of  the  State  and  Nation,  occupied 
only  56  lines,  ^iviny  neither  the  committees,  the  platform  nor  the 
siieeches.  Editorially  it  denounced  the  ('onvention  as  "a  body  of 
unmitigated  Abolitionists  and  Disunionists,"  and  either  ridiculed  or 
abused  the  candidates  on  the  ticket,  Jacob  M.  Howard  coming  in  for 
an  especially  large  share  of  its  attacks.  As  late  as  July  9,  it 
commenced  an  editorial  with  the  announcement  that:  "The  coalition 
is  a  dead  failure,"  and  ended  it  with:  "Altogether  the  coalition  is  in 
a  horrible  bad  way  and  in  horrible  bad  odor.  It  emits  a  stench 
already."  On  thtf  12th  it  said:  "In  this  State,  when  three  months 
shall  have  passed  the  number  of  people  in  favor  of  repealing  the 
Nebraska  bill  can  be  soon  counted."  The  next  day  it  spoke  of  Jacob 
M.  Howari  as  "the  midwife  and  priest  at  the  birth  and  christening 
of  the  llepublicau  party,"  and  Zachariah  Chandler  as  "its  traveling 
agent."  In  the  same  editorial  it  said :  "There  is  abundant  reason  to 
believe  that  this  new  Republican  party,  this  bastard  issue  of  illicit 
intercourse,  this  fruit  of  unnatural  amalgamation,  will  die  young 
and  have  an  early  burial.  It  is,  indeed,  already  struck  with  death." 
The  same  editorial  referred  to  a  number  of  Whig  papers  in  the 
country  that  disapprovett  the  action  of  their  party  associates  in  this 
State,  and  closed  as  follows:  "We  predict  that  if  the  Whigs  of 
Michigan  bring  out  a  straight  ticket  of  their  own  it  will  lead  the 
coalition  ticket  by  thousands."  It  was  evidently  in  this  hope  that  it 
commenced,  with  great  glee,  upon  the  Advertiser's  criticism  of  the 
Convention.  Other  papers  followed  its  lead  in  alternately  denounc- 
ing the  new  party  and  belittling  its  prospects,  some  of  them  also 
becoming  curiously  mixed  as  to  the  composition  of  the  party  and 
the  standing  of  the  press  in  relai  .on  to  it.  One  of  them,  in  the 
western  part  of  the  State,  as  late  as  August  17,  characterized  the 


'■\ff 


•"f. 


li'fi! 


ii     el 


I  !  F 


§ 


!;*; 


li 


02 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY 


Advei'tiser  as  ''the  or^uti  of  Uuukor  Whiggery,"  the  Tribune  "of 
Woolly  Whiggery,"  and  the  Democrat  as  a  fair  representative  of  "tlie 
one-legged  party  of  our  State/' 

But  even  whistling  did  not  keep  their  courage  up  for  long.  The 
signs  began  to  be  ominous  and  there  were  indications  of  a  tremendous 
upheaval.  A  few  days  after  the  Convention  the  Ionia  Observer,  an 
old  Democratic  paper,  came  out  for  the  ticket,  and  contained  the 
names  of  4U0  Democrats  who  had  done  the  same,  and  from  all  parts 
of  the  State  there  were  many  similar  accessions. 

It  was  under  these  circumstances  that  on  the  26th  of  July,  the 
call  for  a  Democratic  State  Convention  was  issued.  It  was  signed 
by  Alfred  Williams,  Cornelius  O'Flynn,  D.  Munger,  A,  T.  McReynolds, 
T.  E.  Wing,  A.  L.  Porter,  Jacob  Beeson,  Frederick  Hall  and  H.  Carter. 
It  contained  no  reference  to  the  principles  of  the  party,  nor  to  current 
issues. 

The  Convention  met  in  the  City  Hall.  Detroit,  September  14,  with 
Anthony  TenEyck  in  the  chair.  It  numbered  less  than  150  delegates 
and  was  a  very  subdued  assembly.  The  boastful  spirit  of  two 
months  earlier  had  disappt^ared.  The  defections  from  the  old  Demo- 
cratic party  had  bt^en  numerous,  and  their  loss  had  not  been  made 
good  by  accessions  from  the  ranks  of  the  Conservative  Whigs.  John 
S.  Barry,  who  was  Governor  in  1850  and  1851.  received  the  nomination 
again,  having  120  votes,  against  11  for  Michael  Shoemaker,  and  10 
for  Andrew  l*arsons.  The  rest  of  the  ticket  was  as  follows:  Lieu- 
tenant-Governor, William.  A.  Richmond;  Secretary  of  State,  William 
L.  Bancroft;  State  Treasurer,  Derastus  Hinman;  Commissioner  of  the 
State  Land  Office,  Allen  Goodrich;  Auditor  General,  John  Swegles; 
Attorney  General,  B.  F.  H.  Witherell;  Superintendent  of  Public 
Instruction,  Francis  W.  Shearman;  Members  of  the  State  Board  of 
Education,  Channvey  Joslyn  and  Elijah  H.  Pilcher. 

The  list  of  delegates  did  not  include  many  prominent  names. 
Those  who  were  afterwards  best  known  were  the  following:  Ex- 
Oovernor  Epaphroditas  Ransom,  George  W.  Peck,  of  Ingham,  elected 
Member  of  Congress  in  November  following;  George  B.  Cooper,  of 
Jackson,  returned  to  Congress  in  1859,  but  unseated  on  a  contest; 
Augustus  C.  Baldwin,  of  Pontiac,  elected  to  Congress  in  1862,  and 
afterwards  Circuit  Judge;  Jabez  G.  Sutherland,  of  Saginaw,  elected 
to  Congress  in  1870;  John  Logan  Chipman,  of  Detroit,  afterwards 
Judge  of  the  Superior  Court,  and  Member  of  Congress;  M.  E.  Crofoot, 
of  Pontiac;  Wm.  M.  Penton,  of  Fenton,  Lieutenant-Governor  1848-52; 


t^- 


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ifcSS.- 


i 


ribune  "of 
ivp  of  "tlie 

)ng.  The 
IremendouB 

)Berver,  an 

gained  the 

all  parts 

If  July,  the 
(was  Bigned 
[cReynoldB, 

H.  Carter. 

to  current 

|ber  14,  with 
0  delegates 
irit  of  two 
le  old  Demo- 
:  been  made 
'^higs.  John 
^  nomination 
iker,  and  10 
Hows:  Lieu- 
ate,  William 
sioner  of  the 
>bn  Swegles; 
it  of  Public 
ite  Board  of 

nent  names. 
»wing:  Ex- 
;ham,  elected 
t.  Cooper,  of 
n  a  contest; 
in  1862,  and 
naw,  elected 
,  afterwards 
[.  E.  Crofoot, 
rnor  1848-52; 


THE  FIRST  REPUBLICAN  CONVENTION. 


53 


Oen.  A.  T.  McReynolds,  then  of  Detroit;  (.'hauncey  Joslyn,  of  NN'ushte- 
naw,  and  A.  Smith  Bagg,  of  Detroit.  (Icn.  Cass  was  not  a  delegate, 
but  was  present  by  invitation  and  made  a  speech. 

The  platform  adopted  was  short.  The  first  two  planks  approved 
Governor  Harry's  former  administration,  and  commended  him  to  the 
voters  for  re-election;  the  third  favored  a  general  railroad  law,  and 
the  fourth  resolved,  "That  Ihe  delegated  Democra<'y  of  the  Htate  of 
Michigan  here  aflirm  their  continued  support  of  the  principles 
embraced  in  the  resolutions  adopted  by  the  Democratic  National  (^<m- 
vention.  which  assembled  in  Baltimore  in  June,  1852,  and  that  the 
doctrine  of  Congressional  non-intervention  in  the  domestic  legislation 
of  the  states  and  territories,  therein  embodied,  harmonizes  with  the 
true  spirit  of  our  institutions,  and  is  the  only  platform  upon  which 
the  Democratic  party  of  the  Inion  can  maintain  its  nationality  and 
its  ascendancy,  and  preserve  the  Union." 

The  short  campaign  that  followed  was  a  warm  one.  The  Detroit 
papers  then  had  three  editors  who  were  all  masters  of  a  corrosive 
style  of  literature,  if  that  phrase  may  be  allowed  as  descriptive  of 
their  vitriolic  writings.  Mr.  Storey  was  an  unsocial  person,  a  bitter 
partisan,  a  vindictive  hater,  and  an  abusive  writer.  In  a  salutatory, 
written  when  he  took  charge  of  the  Free  Press,  he  had  said:  "With 
his  conteniporarieft  of  the  press  the  undersigned  will  seek  to  cultivate 
relations  of  the  utmost  courtesy.  Though  editors  of  political  papers 
may  occupy  attitudes  of  opposition  to  each  other,  there  is  yet  nothing 
in  their  position  that  should  allow  them  for  a  moment  to  forget  that 
they  are,  or  at  least,  ought  to  be,  gentlemen."  In  the  heat  of  this 
campaign  these  amiable  sentiments  were  forgotten,  and  not  without 
provocation.  His  contemporary  and  rival,  Joseph  Warren,  of  the 
Tribune,  is  described  by  one  who  was  afterwards  associated  with  him 
in  editorial  work,  as  "a  sedate,  gentle,  kind-hearted  man  personally, 
but  one  who  wrote  with  a  pen  dipped  in  gall.  When  engaged  in 
controversy  nothing  was  too  bitter  for  him  to  say."  As  genial  and 
kindly  in  his  family  relations  as  any  man  in  the  City,  he  was  in 
politics,  bitter  and  intolerant.  To  him  every  Northern  man  who 
favort^d  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law  and  the  Kansas-Nebraska  bill,  was  a 
"doughface,"  just  as  during  the  war  every  Democrat  was  a  "copper- 
head." He  was  now  in  his  prime,  at  a  time  when  fighting  qualities 
were  in  demand,  a  fit  contemporary  of  Wilbur  F.  Storey  and  of  Rufus 
Hosmer.  The  latter  was  the  most  famous  newspaper  wit  of  the 
time,  a  genial  and  social  companion,  but  a  hard  hitter  in  a  political 


i 


:y/~ 


maRqpBfsmpwBn 


mi 


■.K-- 


I 


B4 


HISTORY  OP  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 


fight.  He  was  said  to  be  the  only  man  who  ever  made  "old  Store.v 
Rqiieal,"  in  a  eonteit  of  perHonalitiea. 

1 1  may  be  asBumed  that  in  this  war  of  personalities  the  candidates 
did  not  escape,  so  that  between  the  mixed  condition  of  political 
parties,  and  the  character  of  its  newspaper  literature  the  campaign 
was  a  unique  one.  It  was  especially  warm  in  the  First  and  Fourth 
Congressional  Districts.  In  the  First  District  William  A.  Howard 
was  nominated  for  Congress  by  a  Whig  delegate  Convention  at  Ann 
Arbor,  September  20,  and  by  a  Republican  mass  Convention  the  sanije 
day.  David  Stuart,  the  Democratic  nominee,  was  a  veteran  and 
able  campaigner,  and  immediately  issued  a  challenge  to  Howard  to 
meet  him  in  joint  debate.  Howard  had  business  engagements  East, 
and  was  not  able,  for  some  time,  to  respond.  This  delay  was  charged 
to  unwillingness  on  his  part  to  discuss  the  issues  of  the  campaign, 
and  the  challenge,  which  was  published  daily  in  the  Free  Press,  was 
read  with  glee  by  the  Democrats,  and  with  some  discomflture  by  the 
Republicans.  On  Mr.  Howard's  return,  however,  he  accepted  the 
challenge  and  joint  debates  were  had  at  Detroit,  Ann  Arbor,  Jackson 
and  Howell.  Although  the  meetings  were  long  they  w^re  attended 
by  thousands,  and  were  memorable  oratorical  contests.  Mr.  Howard 
was  afterwards  spoken  of  as  the  "only  man  in  the  First  District  who 
could  mieet  Dave  Stuart  on  the  stump,"  and  laid  in  this  campaign  the 
durable  foundations  of  his  reputation  as  one  of  the  most  effective 
(.'ampaign  speakers  of  the  Northwest. 

In  the  other  Congressional  districts  the  nominations  were  as 
follows:  Second,  Whig  and  Republican,  Henry  Waldron;  Demo- 
cratic, David  A.  Noble;  Third,  Whig  and  Republican,  David  S.  Wal- 
bridge;  Democratic,  Samuel  Clark;  Fourth,  Whig  and  Republican, 
Moses  Wisner;  Democratic,  George  W.  Peck.  The  successful  candi- 
dates, with  their  majorities,  were:  Howard,  1,144;  Waldron,  2,942; 
Walbridge,  2,687,  and  Peck,  1,370. 

For  their  State  ticket  the  Democrats  made  a  vigorous  effort. 
General  Cass,  the  most  conspicuous  Democrat  in  the  Northwest,  felt 
that  his  own  political  fortunes  were  at  stake,  and  addressed  several 
targe  meetings  in  strong  and  able  speeches,  and  he  was  backed  by  a 
number  of  the  old  leaders.  All  through  the  cam.paign  the  Democrats 
claimed  that  they  would  win,  and  some  of  them  put  their  majority 
as  high  as  8,000  or  10,000.  Rut  the  current  was  stronger  than  they 
supposed,  and  swept  them  to  utter  and  irretrievable  defeat. 

The  vote  for  Governor  was:  Bingham,  43,6.^2;  Barry,  38,675,  a 
Republican  majority  of  4,977.      In  the  First  District,  particularly  in 


"^  ■••1 


M  Store.v 

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political 

campaign 

(1  Fourth 

.  Howard 

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the  8ani« 

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Press,  was 

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istrict  who 

tnpaign  the 

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IS  were  as 
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7,  38,675,  a 
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THE  FIRST  UEPtTMUCAN  CONVENTION. 


5B 


Detroit,  the  work  of  the  Advertiser  and  the  re<'ali'ltrnnt  old  line 
Whigs,  told  against  liingham,  and  liis  vote  fell  conslderui  .>  below 
thbt  of  Howard.  This  defection  was  not  wholly  made  up  in  other 
districts,  for  the  net  Republican  majority  on  (Congressman  was  5,403, 
or  420  more  than  for  (Governor.  In  the  Ijegislature  the  party  affilia- 
tions of  members  could  not  be  exactly  deflned,  but  there  was  an 
overwhelming  majority  against  the  Democrats. 

Tlie  triumph  was  all  tlie  more  striking  by  contrast  with  the  result 
two  years  earlier.  Then  their  candidate  for  Governor  had  8,138 
plurality  and  2,288  clear  majority.  They  had  elected  all  four  candi- 
dates for  Congress,  with  25  out  of  32  Members  of  the  Ktate  Senate, 
and  51  out  of  72  in  the  House.  The  Democrats  even  now  were  not 
willing  to  admit  that  their  attitude  on  the  slavery  question  was  tlie 
main  cause  of  their  disastrous  defeat.  At  least  many  of  them,  and 
their  principal  organ,  with  the  rest,  charged  it  to  the  secret  machina- 
tions of  the  Know  Nothing  order.  It  was,  however,  hailed  throughout 
the  country,  as  a  straight  Republican  triumph.  And  it  was  an 
enduring  one.  For  the  next  28  years  in  Michigan  the  Democrats  did 
not  choose  a  single  State  ofKcer,  either  at  the  fall  or  spring  elections. 
They  did  not  have  a  majority  in  either  House  of  any  I^egislature,  and 
so,  of  course,  could  not  elect  a  United  States  Senator,  and  out  of  02 
Congressmen,  they'chose  only  6.  So  sweeping  and  lasting  a  political 
revolution  has  rarely  taken  place  in  this  country. 


.■"''•'■Kitl 


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taAM»{i^i>:^;'Aft.Wi''-r,.-jjia-'.!MB! 


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SOLIDIFYING  THE   I'AKTY.  . 

Clninm  to  rriorily  In  ()rKanl.ation-Mix.d  Condition  and  VarlouH      , 
Nanu-H  of  Tartien  in  1«54-Tl.e  (Conduct  of  Affairs  in  Kan«a« 
araduullv  Hrin««  all  Anti-Hlavery  Element-  Together-A  Land 
Trick  m  the  Interest  of  the  Mi«BOurian«-Free  State  Emigrant 
Aid  8orietie«-M«rder«  and  Depredations  by  the  MissourianB-- 
Eleetions  Carried  by  Force  and  Fraud-Heroic  R*'«;«t^n;«  *>y 
Free  State  Men  and  Subsequent  Gain  in  Influence-Their  Final 
Success-Kansas  at  Last  Adn.itted  as  a  Free  State,  with  Republi- 
can Officers  and  Legislature. 
\«  there  was  some  difference  of  opinion  on  the  question  of  indi- 

flftn  anniveiBttij  (Convention  was  the  first  one  of  its 

was  set  ^^l^^^l^Z^X::'^  same  time  for  Vermont, 
name.      8  mi  ar  ^  '«'"'«^Y  j  -^  ^^^  ^^de  that  "The  Repub- 

Ohio  and  Indiana.      8t  II  !^f;.  *f  ,7'"",,  ^^^  ^.^titled  to  the  honor. 

'"'"m  Mi^igan  State  Convention,  who^  inception  »"<« ;-'«•;- 

::rrh.a"tn  .e,a  >n  ■^^'^^^i^i^  :ix^zx\zi;:^ 

l„„ed  July  9,  for  a  ma,»  ™"^™«'»°  °'J^'„^™  °?The  Slave  Tower," 
C:rrJ  Z^Z:^  r-r^e  ...  .a^atea  ..  an. 


KOLiniFYFNO  TITK  1»ARTY. 


r»7 


id  VariouM 
in  Kaimas 
?r — A  Land 
e  Emigrant 
88011  riang — 
Biitance  by 
Their  Final 
ith  Republi- 


ition  of  indi- 
for  the  new 
by  different 
I  the  twenty- 
8,  the  claim 
■8t  one  of  itB 
for  Vermont, 
"The  Repub- 

0  the  honor, 
tion  was  not 
in  State  Con- 
the  otherB  i8 
B  matters  of 

1  results  are 
record,  was 

ti-Nebraska" 
,  a  call  was 
to  the  repeal 
ave  Power." 
ated  for  any 


new  party  that  niiKht  ^row  out  of  it,  althoiiKh  .\.  H.  Itovay.  one  of  the 
movers  in  the  matter,  had  already  stilted  to  Horace  Oreeley  that  he 
intended  to  propose  the  name  Uepublican.  The  Convention  was  lifld  at 
Madison,  July  V.\,  lNu4,  and  anions;  the  reHoliitions  adopted  was  one 
"that  we  accept  the  issue  forced  upon  uh  by  the  Slave  I'ower,  and  in 
defense  of  freedom  will  co-o|K?rate  and  be  known  as  UepiiblicanH." 

In  Massa<-husettH  a  (convention,  of  Hiiiiilar  spoiitaneouH  origin, 
was  held  at  Worcester,  July  111,  1Kr)4,  at  which  the  name  Uepublican 
was  adoptiHl  by  the  resolution  "that  in  co-o|MM'ation  with  the  fi-iends 
of  freedom  in  sister  states,  we  Iwreby  form  the  U(>piiblican  party  of 
Massachusetts."  Rut  the  Anti-Sliiv(>ry  people  in  that  State  were  in 
such  very  decided  preponderan<'e  that  they  did  not  feel  under  tlie 
same  necessity  for  concentration  hh  their  associates  in  other  states. 
The  bulk  of  the  Anti-Slavery  vote  went  to  the  Know  Nothing  ticket, 
though  th  re  were  also  Whig  and  Free  Soil  tickets  in  the  tl.'Id. 

In  Vermont,  July  13, 1854,  a  mass  (convention  was  held  of  persons 
"in  favor  of  resisting,  by  all  (Constitutional  means,  the  usurpations  of 
the  propagandists  of  slavery,''  and  among  the  resolutions  adopted  was 
one  closing  as  follows:  "We  propose  and  respectfully  recommend 
to  the  friends  of  freedom  in  other  states  to  co-o|)erate  and  be  known  as 
Republicans.'*  A  State  ticket  was  nominated  under  this  name,  but 
the  State  committees  of  various  parties  were  authorized  "to  fill 
vacancies"  on  their  tickets.  Under  this  power,  and  by  amicable 
agreements,  a  Fusion  ticket  was  afterwards  made  up  and  elected 
under  that  name.  ,:  ; 

On  the  same  day  a  Convention  was  held  at  Columbus,  Ohio,  of 
those  in  favor  of  "breaking  the  chains  now  forging  to  bind  the  Nation 
to  the  car  of  American  slavery."  The  party  which  there  nominated 
a  ticket  was  generally  known,  throughout  the  campaign,  as  Repub- 
lican. 

This  seems  to  have  been  a  good  date  for  State  Conventions,  for 
on  the  same  day  one  was  held  in  Indiana,  at  which  speeches  were 
made  by  Henry  S.  Lane,  Henry  L.  Ellsworth  and  Schuyler  Colfax,  a 
ticket  was  nominated,  and  the  name  Republican  was  adopted.  In 
both  these  states  the  campaign  and  its  results  were  similar  to  those  in 
Michigan. 

The  movement  in  Michigan  had  a  great  effect  in  promoting  and 
directing  that  in  Ohio  and  Indiana,  which  border  upon  it.  Its  influ- 
ence was  Ies8  marked  in  Massachusetts  and  Vermont,  and  it  is  not 
quite  certain  that  in  the  latter  state  the  name  Republican  was  wit- 
tingly borrowed  from  the  Western  example.      The  adoption  of  the 


*i 


•"1 


I    I 


I 


58  HIHTOBY  t)P  THE  RKITBLK'AN  PAUTY. 

nn.no  thorrlav  have  b.^.,.  h  .oin.KhM.,..  ln«t..Hd  of  an  appn.pHatlon^ 
"ut  tlH    Lt  rnnalnn  that  Mlrhlgan  lle„ubll.an«  were  the  flr«t  to 

the  An  i-Hhfvery  n.oven.ent  tc»ok  varlouB  forms,  and  w.uked  under 
ffm"  Zuel  ThiH  rannot.  ,KMha,»«,  be  better  «hown  than  by 
tak  n«  the  denlgnatK.n.  of  partlen  in  the  different  states  as  contained 
iroreeley's  Whi«  Almanae,  in  Klving  the  returns  after  election. 
They  were  as  follows: 

Maim— Kepublican,  Rum,  Whig,  Demmrat. 
New  Hampshlr.-Whlg,  Demoeratn,  Free  S<,.1. 
Vermont— Fusion,  l>emoeratU',  *ree  won.  „.>„  w..^^  rti.ll 

RlasSiust'tts-Whlg.  Know  Nothing,  Demoeratie,  Free  Holl. 
uSe  Island-VVhig  and  Maine  Law,  l^emoeratus 

5r^S^:S,'^lSr"  N^fi^^S^^  I— atlc,    Boft 

DtMiioeratic.  xT„K«uuUn 

New  Jersey-Whig,  Temperance,  Nebraska, 
reunsyhania— Whig,  Democratic. 
I  )elaware — American,  Democrat  ic. 
Ohio— Republican,  Nebraska. 
Indiana— Republican,  Nebraska. 
Michigan— Republican,  Democratic 
Illinois— Republican,  Nebraska. 
Iowa— Republican,  Nebraska. 
Wisconsin— Republican,  Democratic. 

crats. 

The  Republican  party,  under  that  name,  was  «*">  ^  !«-;^;^«^^^^^^ 
tion.  But  less  than  two  years  later  it  became  National,  with  a 
Presidential  ticket  in  the  field. 

The  history  of  the  organization  of  this  party  would  not  be  quite 
com  Jlete  Xut  a  brief  reference  to  the  American,  or  Know  Nothing 
TaTtv  through  which  many  of  the  old  Whigs  found  their  way  into  its 
ra2'  The  plrty  was  based  on  the  apprehension  that  the  Bo«ia» 
rntholic  rhunh  had  designs  upon  the  government,  and  that  its 
knlwn  and  avowed  hostility  to  the  American  public  school  system 
bod^d  disaster  to  the  country.  Coupled  with  this  was  the  belief 
Jhat  the  iilence  of  foreign-born  voters  was  becoming  dangerously 
grl  It  propoBition  to  amend  the  suffrage  laws  so  as  to  require  a 
resid;nce  of  14  or  even  21  years,  before  an  immigrant  should  be 


'SSSB2i~ 


RMd 


•oprUitlon, 
w  flrHt  to 

em  states 
k«'d  under 
n  than  by 
I  contained 
r  election. 


ree  Hoil. 
ratic,   Soft 


erick  Demo- 

cal  organiza- 
)nal,  with  a 

not  be  quite 
now  Nothing 

way  into  its 
t  the  Roman 
ind  that  itB 
chool  system 
as  the  belief 

dangerously 
s  to  require  a 
nt  should  be 


WIUDIFYINO  TUK  I'AUTY. 


m 


.,,„,.,  t.  VOLS  .a«  d,.nu.d  by  nuu.y  not ';-'--';;;;;  jj;;;..::  :;;;i 

(Jatlu,H.*,ltw«si.n..r«ry  totlioH     it        n  ^^^  ^^^^^^ 

those  n^Hons,  and  aiso  »>7;-V         ;;•",:,,;'' Irilliant.  were    not 

lasting.    Its  exiHtence,  however,  f u. "in  » d  «  i.ro-Slaver.v 

WhigH  who  could  not  join  the  ' >*;'";"'  ";;;;; V  ;;,,  Hu.  Ue„ubii.an 
,u.tion,  but  who  were  not  yH  ready  t    go  (ht  1.  n g t hH  1   ^^^^^^^^ 

1-ty  in  opposition  ^o  fhat^  i-  ^;^;- ^^,,^     ^l^^ 

HUch\VhlgsasJohnBe!l,ofTenn  sm      w  Missouri  Com 

in  the  Senate  who  voted  again      th e       k .1  «  ^^^^^^  ^^^^^.^ 

pr<,».ise;  Hun.phrey  Marshall          ^^  "^     '^y'  !;  .^  jj^  not  ,.btaln 

of  Maryland,  and  Horace  Maynard.  "' [^^  nm  ss  ^^^^,^ 

«reat  foothold  in  the  West  ^-^^^ ^^^^:t:::^ U,  -Us  those 
States,  it  was  very  strong  /  *^;j\f;;„^.„,.,.  i„  t,,.  ,ou«try,  many 
who  were  genuinely  fearful  "[^'''^^^XllZy  to  divert  attention 
WhigH  who  were  in  hopes,  *';;--f »  ^/'^^s^',  voters  who  were 
from  the  slavery  ^l^^f^^^^.^^^^^^^  in  their  own 

r<ady  to  join  any  parly  whuh  K^ve  tiu  ,  democrats. 

locality,  of  conducting  a  «««««««  "^^^"^"XZ    by  this  party,  as 
The  Northern  men  who  were  elected  ^o    -»«^;      ^^.^^  ^^^  ^,„ti. 

^Z:ZJ:::rJ::^^  Xl  t^'  a  mV  when  congress 

met.  ^  ^  ..       .  ..     Pro-Slavery  Deniojrats  alone  made 

The  strange  fatuity  of  the  ^r««'^';^'^^^       nossible.      Thirteen 

«ueh  a  consolidation  of  t^-^^^^-t^^"^^^^  *^"^  "''" 

months  intervened  between  the  «»f  ^^s  ;«  1«5*.  ^,  ^^^ 

the  congress  t^-^^Xn"^^  ^^^^^^^K, 

Pro-Slavery  men  in  reference  w  f^"        '  ..,^^8  to  determine  the 

They  did  not  intend  to  l>«""'*/«";/,^^ '^"^invaders  from  the 
question  of  slavery,  but  depended  "P^"  on  the  ^e^itory-  Nearly 
Missouri  border  counties  ^<>;>"!J««^J>^^;^'^;,",*ferS  Uianreser- 
alltheaccessible  portionof  t^^-J«>«-^«:  Ts  ,oSe«^«*  ^"'^'^  ^ 
vations  o.  which  settlement  ^^  J^f  ^.^^^^^^^^  bill. 

Bhort  i>eriod  preceding  the  Pass^ge  o  ^^  ^^^^^^^ 

treaties  were  quietly  "^^^e  at  Washington  wmi  a  ^^^  ^^ 

tribes,  under  -^ch  most  of  the  s^^^^^^^^^^^ 


III 


Hi  STORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 


secret  societies  to  take  possession  of  Kansas  in  the  interest  of  slavery. 
Within  a  few  days  after  the  passage  of  the  Kansas-Nebraslia  Act, 
hnndrods  of  Missourians  selected  parcels  of  land,  held  a  few  meetings 
and  then  returned  to  Missouri.  At  one  of  these  meetings  the  follow- 
ing resolutions  were  adopted:  "That  we  will  afford  protection  to  no 
Abolitionist  as  a  settler  of  this  Teri'itory."  "That  we  recognize  the 
institution  of  slavery  as  already  existing  in  this  Territory  and  we 
advise  slave-holders  to  introduce  their  property  as  early  as  possible." 

Meantime,  largely  through  the  energy  and  influence  of  Eli  Thayer, 
of  Worcester,  Mass.,  a  movement  for  free  State  immigration  into 
Kansas  from  New  England,  was  inaugurated.  Mr.  Thayer  was  a  New 
England  man,  a  graduate  from  Brown  University,  a  Member  of 
Congress  from  Massachusetts,  a  forceful  speaker  and  a  fine  organizer. 
Within  a  month  after  the  passage  of  the  Kansas-Nebraska  bill,  he  bad 
organized  the  Massachusetts  Emigrant  Aid  Society,  designed  to  make 
Kansas  a  free  State  by  actual  settlement.  He  succeeded,  at  the  very 
outset,  in  obtaining  substantial  financial  backing  for  his  plan. 
Boston  merchants  made  very  liberal  contributions  to  the  cause. 
Charles  Francis  Adams  subscribed  f25,000,  and  J.  S.  N.  Williams 
110,000,  and  other  large  sums  were  contributed. 

Two  colonies  were  speedily  sent  out  and  founded  the  City  of 
Lawrence,  but  the  Mipso^urians  determined  to  check  this  movement. 
At  one  of  their  meetings,  held  at  Westport,  Mo.,  early  in  July,  1854, 
they  adopted  the  following: 

"RESOLVED,  That  this  Association  will,  whenever  called  upon 
by  any  of  the  citizens  of  Kansas  Territory,  hold  itself  in  readiness 
together  to  assist  and  remove  any  and  all  immigrants  who  go  there 
under  the  auspices  of  the  Northern  Emigrant  Aid  Societies. 

"RESOLVED,  That  we  recommend  to  the  citizens  of  other 
counties,  particularly  those  bordering  on  Kansas  Territory,  to  adopt 
regulations  similar  to  those  of  this  Association,  and  to  indicate  their 
readiness  to  co-operate  in  the  objects  of  the  resolution." 

These  oi)en  threats  and  some  actual  deeds  of  violence,,  led  the 
Free  State  immigrants  to  prepare  to  defend  themselve?).  Meetings 
were  held  in  many  of  the  churches  and  public  halls  in  New  England 
and  New  York  City,  for  the  purpose  of  purchasing  rifles  for  the  emi- 
grants. Neither  this  movement  nor  the  organization  of  Emigrant 
Aid  Societies  met  with  much  encouragement  from  the  newspapers 


v-;^ 


^^i. 


•St*"'.---- 


»f  alavery. 
ska  Act, 
meetings 
[he  follow- 
Ition  to  no 
gnize  the 
•y  and  we 
possible." 
li  Thayer, 
lation  into 
as  a  New 
ember  of 
organizer. 
)ill,  he  bad 
ed  to  make 
at  the  very 
his  plan.- 
the  cause. 
Williams 

he  City  of 
movement. 
July,  1854, 

called  upon 
n  readiness 
bo  go  there 

(S. 

s  of  other 
•y,  to  adopt 
iicate  their 

ice,,  led  the 
Meetings 
w  England 
or  the  emi- 
r  Emigrant 
lewspapers 


.-JW^ft-'-.iijfiaMii 


80LIDIFYIN0  THE  PARTY. 


01 


that  were  afterward  Republican,  and  botii  were  denounced  by  the 
extreme  xibolitionists.  But  Mr.  Thayer  was  determined  in  his 
purpose,  and  was  a  man  of  untiring  energy.  In  preaching  his  crusade 
and  in  inciting  the  people  of  the  North  to  action,  he  traveled  60,000 
miles,  and  made  hundreds  of  speeches.  The  movement  continued  to 
gather  in  momentum,  and  the  Anti-Slavery  people  soon  had  a  majority 
of  the  actual  settlers. 

The  Territory  was  formally  established  by  the  appointment,  by 
President  Pierce,  of  Andrew  H.  Reeder,  of  Pennsylvania,  as  Governor, 
and  Daniel  Woodson,  of  Arkansas,  Secretary  of  the  Territory.  The 
Territorial  Government  was  organized  in  the  Autumn  of  1854,  and  in 
November  an  election  for  Delegate  in  Congress  was  held.  John  W. 
Whitfield,  an  Indian  Agent,  the  Missouri  candidate,  was  returned  as 
elected.  He  received  2,871  votes,  of  which  1,729  were  cast  by  resi- 
dents of  Missouri.  These  facts  were  fully  shown  in  a  report  to 
Congress,  but  Mr.  Whitfield  was  seated,  and  was  allowed  to  retain 
his  seat  throughout  that  Congress.  Early  in  1855,  Governor  Reeder 
ordered  an  election  for  the  first  Territorial  Legislature,  to  be  held  on 
the  ItSth  of  March.  The  Border  Missourians  were  on  hand  in  force  for 
this  election.  They  came  In  wagons  and  on  horseback,  and  were 
armed  with  revolvers,  pistols  and  bowie  knives.  They  had  tents, 
flags  and  music.  Nearly  a  thousand  of  them  encamped  in  a  ravine 
near  the  new  town  of  Lawrence,  which  they  menaced  with  two  pieces 
of  cannon  loaded  with  musk€>t  balls.  Finding  that  they  had  more 
men  than  they  needed  to  carry  the  Lawrence  district,  they  sent  detach- 
ments to  carry  two  others.  The  result  of  this  invasion  was  that  the 
Missourians  elected  all  the  Members  of  the  Legislature  with  the  excep- 
tion of  two,  who  were  chosen  from  a  remote  inland  district  which  the 
invaders  overlooked.  Only  -831  legal  electors  voted,  though  there 
were  no  less  than  G,320  votes  polled.  It  was  the  greatest  farce  of  an 
election  held  in  this  country  up  to  that  time. 

The  Missouri  newspapers  boldly  admitted  the  invasion  and 
exulted  in  the  crime.  ''It  is  a  safe  calculation  that  two  thousand 
squatters  have  passed  over  into  the  proniised  land  from  this  part  of 
the  State  within  four  days."  said  the  Western  Reiwrter  the  day  before 
election.  "It  is  to  be  admitted  that  the  Missourians  have  conquered 
Kansas,"  the  PJatte  Argus  declared  when  the  result  was  known. 
When  th«  Missouri  Brunswicker  learned  that  Governor  Reeder  had 
refused  to  give  certificates  to  certain  of  the  men  who  claimed  election, 
it  said:  "This  infernal  scoundrel  will  have  to  be  hemped."  ..- 


■  V  *  8.'*, 


■M 

■.■"SI 


iiiiiiii»iii»iwiM)r<wwiwwww,wiii:«fti. 


HIHTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 


1>.  R.  Atchison,  Tnited  States  Senator  from  Missouri,  a  few  weeks 
before  one  of  these  elections,  said:  "When  you  reside  within  one 
day's  journey  of  the  Territory,  and  where  your  peace,  quiet,  and  your 
property  depend  upon  your  action,  you  can  without  any  exertion,  send 
500  of  your  young  men  who  will  vote  in  favor  of  your  institutions." 
The  Legislature  was  called  to  meet  at  Pawnee  City,  on  the  Kansas 
River,  a  hundred  miles  west  of  the  border.  It  was  immediately 
adjourned,  over  the  Governor's  veto,  to  Shawnee  Mission.  Among 
the  Acts  which  it  passed,  was  one  extending  over  the  Territory  the 

laws  of  Missouri  with 
-  others,  establishing  and 
fortifying  the  slave 
system.  The  Acts  of 
this  fraudulent  Legis- 
lature wei'e  systemati- 
cally vetoed  by  Gov. 
Reeder,  but  they  were 
passed  over  his  head. 
The  Southerners 
feared,  when  Reeder 
was  appointed,  that  he 
would  not  be  sufficient- 
ly pliable  for  their 
purposes.  The  Presi- 
dent was  now  memori- 
alized for  his  removal, 
which  was  effected,  and 
Wilson  Shannon,  of 
Ohio,  was  appointed  in 
his  stead.  Shannon 
NATHANIEL  V.  BANKH,  JR.  announced,  on  his  way 

to  the  Territory,  that  he  was  for  slavery  in  Kansas,  and  recognized  the 
fraudulent  Legislature  as  a  legal  assembly. 

The  actual  settlers  of  Kansas  held  a  mass  convention  at  Big 
Springs  on  the  5th  of  September,  in  which  they  repudiated  the  laws 
and  officers  imposed  on  the  Territory  by  tb^  border  ruffian  election 
and  Legislature.  They  further  resolved  not  to  vote  at  the  election 
for  Delegate  to  Congress,  which  the  bogus  liegislature  had  appointed 
to  be  lield  on  the  Ist  of  October.  They  appointed  another  election  for 
delegate  and  nominated  Governor  Reeder  for  the  position.      Then  on 


'ew  weeks 
ithin  one 
and  your 
tion,  send 
ititutions." 
he  KansaB 
mediately 
Among 
ritory  the 
souri  with 
lishing  and 
he  slave 
le  Acts  of 
lent   Legis- 
systemati- 
by    Gov. 
they  were 
his   head, 
h  e  f  n  e  r  8 
en     Reeder 
ted,  that  he 
>e  Buffldent- 
for     their 
The  Presi- 
ow  memori- 
lis  removal, 
ffected,  and 
Shannon,  of 
ippointed  in 
Shannon 
on  his  way 
'ogclzed  the 

tion  at  Big 
ed  the  laws 
Ian  election 
the  election 
il  appointed 
election  for 
Then  on 


■,"v!.\v  ■•:!.  ..«■■".; 


SOLIDIFYING  THE  I'AKTY. 


63 


the  23d  of  October  a  Constitutional  Convention,  chosen  by  the  Free 
State  settlers,  assembled  at  Topeka,  and  formed  a  Free  State  Consti- 
tution, under  which  they  asked  admission  into  the  Union  as  a  State. 

In  the  Thirty-fourth  Congress  no  party  had  a  majority  in  the 
House  and  for  several  weeks  that  body  remained  unorganized.  It 
was  finally  decided  that  a  plurality  should  be  sufBcient  to  elect  after 
three  more  ballots.  Under  this  rule  Nathaniel  P.  Banks,  Jr.,  from 
Massachusetts,  received  103  votes  to  100  for  William  Aiken,  of  South 
Carolina. 

William  A.  Howard,  of  Michigan,  was  a  member  of  the  House 
that  elected  Banks  Speaker.  In  a  speech  at  the  State  Convention  at 
Grand  Rapids,  May  10th,  1876,  he  gave  interesting  reminiscences  of 
that  occasion.  The  contest  had  bf»en  carried  on  for  weeks,  and  the 
Republican  members  were  discouraged.  The  night  before  the  election 
was  brought  about  a  Republican  caucus  was  held,  and  many  members 
were  in  favor  of  giving  up  their  randidate,  and  accepting  "  com- 
prjuiise.  In  fact  this  came  to  be  the  general  feeling  of  the  caucus. 
About  midnight  Mr.  Howard  took  the  floor  and  protester]  against  any 
taltering.  He  told  the  caucus  that  he  was  the  first  man  nominated 
t<>  Congress  on  a  Republiian  ticket.  His  con<iticuent»4  had  entrusted 
him  with  the  Republican  Banner,  and  he  would  stand  by  the  Flag 
even  if  alone,  until  he  fell  with  it,  or  until  he  could  carry  it  home  to 
thoBe  who  entrusted  him  with  it.  When  he  commenced  speaking  he 
stood  alone  in  the  middle  of  the  floor,  but  before  he  finished  85  men 
had  gathered  around  him,  and  the  idea  of  compromise  was  abandoned. 
The  next  day  Banks  was  elected  Speaker,  and  the  disintegration  of  the 
party  was  prevented. 

Under  a  vote  of  the  same  House  Mr.  Howard,  with  John  Sherman, 
of  Ohio,  and  Mordecai  Oliver,  of  Missouri,  were  appointed  a  committee 
to  proceed  to  Kansas  and  report  on  the  condition  of  affairs  there. 
This  report,  written  mainly  by  Mr.  Howard,  gave  him  a  high  standing 
among  Republican  Statesmen.  This  able  document,  which  weut 
thoroughly  into  the  history  of  events  in  the  Territory,  arrived  at  eight 
conclusions,  the  only  one  that  is  pertinent  to  the  subsequent  history 
of  the  Territory  being  as  follows:  "In  the  present  condition  of  the 
Territory  a  fair  election  cannot  be  held  without  a  new  census,  a 
stringent  and  well  guar<le»i  election  law,  the  election  of  impartial 
Judges,  and  the  presence  ni  United  States  troops  at  every  place  of 
election.'' 

The  bill  adnitting  Kansa.;),  under  her  free  Constitution,  passed 
the  House  by  09  yeas  to  1)7  nays.      The  Senate,  which  was  strongly 


'^c  •■<  v.n-Mijy^'' 


64 


■^^ 


HISTORY  OF  THE  KEPUBLICAN  PARTY. 


\\i. 


Pro-Slavery,  defented  it.  The  legislature  chosen  under  theFree  State 
Constitution,  was  summoned  to  meet  at  Topeka  on  the  4th  of  July, 
1856,  but  the  members  were  dispersed  by  a  force  of  regulars  under 
order  of  President  I'ierce.  For  the  next  three  years  the  Territory 
had  a  double  government,  neither  side  recognizing  the  government  set 
up  by  the  other.  Thfcre  were  frequeut  disturbances  brought  on 
mainly  by  the  Missourians.  They  captured  and  sacked  part  of  the 
Cities  of  Lawrence  and  Tioaven worth,  and  committed  many  murders 

and  depredations.  Put 
the  Free  State  men  had 
better  staying  quali- 
ties than  the  roving 
bands  of  border  ruf- 
fians who  ,yere  not 
making  improvements, 
and  were  not  attached 
to  the  soil.  The  Free 
State  element  in  the 
end  became  the  pre- 
ponderating ore,  and 
another  Constitutional 
Convention  assembled 
at  Wyandot  in  Maii-h 
185J).  It  adopted  a 
FreeStateConstit  ution, 
which  was  afterwards 
ratified  at  an  election 
in  October.  A  bill  for 
the  admission  of  the 
JOHN  SHBKMAN.  f^jate,  under  that  Con- 

stitution, passed  the  House  of  Congress,  April  11th  1800.  Tht- 
Senate,  however,  refused  to  take  it  up,  being  still  Democratic.  At 
the  nei '.  session  the  application  was  renewed,  and  it  was  pabjci  ou 
the  same  day  that  the  resignation  of  a  number  of  the  Southern  Sena- 
tors, by  abandoning  their  seats,  made  that  body  Republican. 

Thus  the  Territory,  whose  organization  called  the  Republican 
party  into  existence,  and  whose  history  constautly  stimulated  Repub- 
licans to  close  union,  became  a  Fi-ee  State  on  the  very  day  on  whivh 
that  party  came  into  a  clear  majority  in  both  Houses  of  Congress. 
And  for  a  scwre  of  .vears  thereafter  it  was  one  of  the  strongest  Re- 
licau  States  in  the  Union. 


i'ree  State 
li  of  July,      x 
ars  under     V' 
Territory     J 
nmont  set 
rought  on 
art  of  the     . 
y  murders 
ions.    But 
:e  men  had 
ng    quali- 
he    roving 
order   ruf- 
were    not 
rovements, 
»t  attached 

The  Free 
mt  in  the 
<:    the    pre- 

ore,  and 
Qstitutional 

assembled 
:   in  Maii'h 
adopted    a 
onstit  ition, 
afterwards 
an  election 
A  bill  for 
lion   of   the 
»r  that  Con- 
18G0.      The 
K'tatic.      At 
IS  tjabiC'i  ou 
uthern  Hena- 
icau. 

»  Republican 
ilated  Repub- 
lay  on  which 
of  Congress, 
strongest  Be- 


TONVKNTION  AND  CAMPAIGN  OF  ISSfi. 

First  Republican  National  (V>nvention-Nonunati«n  of  Fremont  and 
Dayton  with  a  Strong  Phitform-A  Spirited  Campaign  With 
Ardent  Iloj^es  of  Success-The  0<tober  Elections  Have  a  Depres- 
sing  Ettect-In    November    Kuchanan    is    Elected   by    Narrow 
Margins  in  the  Middle  States-The  Election  Considered  a  Moral 
Triumph  for  the  Republicann,  and  a  Sure  Indication  of  Future 
Success-An  Exciting  and  Vigorously  (Conducted  Campaign  in 
Michigan-The  Result  a  Decisive  and  Enduring  Triumph-The 
Old  S<.hool   Demo<ra.y  of  the  Veniusnlar  State  In  Its  Death 
Throes.  ?^ 

Ry  185.5  the  Anti-Slav.uy  men  <.f  the  North  had  enough  in  common 
to  briig  them  together  in  National  Convention.      0"Jf --^^  j^^^J 
Mmt  vear  the  first  National  Republican  meeting  was  held  at  1  ittsburg, 
tt  thJugli  it  did  not  assume  all  the  functions  of  a  «:««v«f '^^'f^J. "" 
nlina'tions  were  made.     Subsequently  a  call  was  issued  Jn-  the  Con^ 
vention  that  met  in  Philadelphia  on  the  17th  of  June.      This  shaied 
lomewhat  in  the  spontaneousness  of  the  Michigan  gathering  two  years 
Tuer.      NO  settled  rule  had  been  adopted  for  ^^-^^f^XtiZl 
and  there  was  no  fixed  ratio  of  representation.      All  the  Free  States 
;te  ;;rese„ted.   together    with  the  bordei-  states  of  Delaware 
Marvland  and  Kentucky.      The  delegates  met  as  members  of  a  new 
p^;;      and  representcHi'all  former  shad.,  of  Anti-Slavery  opinion, 
Abolitionists,  Free  Soilers,  Free  Demo.rats  and  Wh.gs^ 

William  H  Seward  was  the  most  conspicuous  man  of  the  party 
and  n-lbTy  mig1.t  have  been  nominated  for  ^f^^^^^^ 
to  have  bis  name  presented,  preferring  to  take  his  chance  latei. 
Salmon  r  Chase,  who  was  th^n  Governor  of  Ohio,  was  a.so  a  fav- 
or te  of  the  part;,  but  did  not  apparently,  see  much  hope  of  success^ 
T   that  time  the  Whig  element  of  the  Convention  was  favorable  to 


ii! 


i,Tf,i3iaKa«K: 


-;.gH!iw*-*'i»l1'^'***W^**IWWI>WWW»> ' 


Ui 


i: 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 

J 
the  nomination  of  Judge  McLean,  of  the  Supreme  Court,  but  the 

young  men  were  cauglit  with  the  dash,  and  Hpirit,  and  fame  of  John  C. 
Fremont,  of  California,  who  on  the  llrst  ballot  received  359  votes  to 
196  for  John  Mcl^ean,  of  Ohio. 

An  informal  ballot  was  taken  for  a  candidate  for  Vice-President, 
in  which  William  L.  Dayton,  of  New  Jersey,  received  259  votes,  Abra- 
ham Lincoln,  of  Illinois,  110;  N.  P.  Banks,  of  Massachusetts,  40; 
David  Wilmot,  of  Pennsylvania,  48,  ar>d  a  large  number  of  others 
scattered  among  (*harles  8umner,  of  Massachusetts;  Jacob  Collamer, 

of    Vermont ;    Preston 
I  King,  of  New  York;  S. 

C.  Pomeroy,  of  Kansas ; 
Henry  Wilson,  of  Mass- 
achusetts ;  Cassius  M. 
Clay,  of  Kentucky; 
Joshua  R.  Qiddings,  of 
Ohio;  Wm.  F.  John 
ston,  of  Pennsylvania, 
and  William  Penning- 
ton, of  New  Jersey. 

It  was  an  illustrious 
array  of  men  to  be 
counted  as  candidates 
for  the  second  place  on 
a  ticket.  Judge  Day- 
ton, Sumner,  Collamer 
and  King,  hadall 
served  with  distinction 
in  the  United  States 
Senate,  besides  having 
held  other  public  posi- 
tions. Lincoln  had  a  high  standing  -^  the  Western  bar,  and  was 
already  known  as  one  of  the  most  vigorous  and  effective  speakers 
against  slavery  aggression.  Banks  liad  been  Speaker  of  the  House; 
W'ilmot,  who  was  famous  because  of  the  P  'oviso  that  bore  bis  name, 
was  President  Judfe,  of  a  Pennsylvania  Judicial  District;  (May  was 
well  known  ae  a  Kentucky  Free  Soiler,  who  stoutly  maintained  and 
advocated  principles  that  were  generally  unpopular  in  the  State; 
Oiddipgs  was  the  fantous  Ohio  Abolitionist,  and  Pomeroy  was  one  of 
the  men  who  went  from  Massachusetts  to  Kansas  to  aid  in  the  work 


JOHN  C.  FRBMONT. 


I! 


but  the 
John  ('. 
votes  to 

resident, 
es,  Abra- 
setts,  40; 

of  others 

Collamer, 

Preston 

York;  8. 

>f  Kansas ; 
,  of  Mass- 

assius   M. 

n  t  u  c  k  y ; 

iddings,  of 

F.    John 
iiiHvlvania, 
Penning- 

Jersey. 

illustrious 
len    to    be 

candidates 
nd  place  on 
fudge  Day- 
r,  Col  lamer 
;,  h  a  d  a  1 1 

distinction 
ited  States 
ides  having 
public  posi- 
.r,  and  was 
i'e  speakers 
the  House; 
e  bis  name, 
:;  Clay  was 
itained  and 
the   State; 

was  one  of 
in  the  work 


."A 


M- 


CONVENTION  AND  CAMPAIGN  OP  lHo«. 


67 


of  the  Emigrant  Aid  Society.       Mr.  Dayton  had  such  a  preponder- 
ance of  votes  that  the  choice  fell  upon  him  without  a  formal  ballot. 

The  Convention  was  in  session  three  days,  with  Henry  S.  Ijane 
as  President.  It  was  made  up  largely  of  aggressive  young  men,  who 
knew  that  they  were  laying  the  foundation  for  the  future  upbuilding 
of  a  great  and  successful  party.  "  *  *  .;\     -t/ '*    '^ '     «    •: 

There  was  a  flavor  of  Westcrnism  about  the  man  selected  as 
Permanent  Chairman  of  this  body.  llenry  H.  Lane,  of  Crawfords- 
ville,  Indiana,  a  gallant  officer  during  the  Mexican  War,  at  one  time 
one     of     the     leadi  ig  ,?^v      >^   '  vi         " 

Whigs  in  the  West, 
and  after  that  one  of 
the  founders  of  the  Re- 
publican party,  was  at 
this  time  the  most  pop- 
ular man  in  his  State, 
but  his  was  not  a  figure 
that  would  adorn  an 
Eastern  drawing  room. 
As  he  came  forward  to 
take  the  platform  he 
was  the  victim  of  some 
noticeable  ridicule.  His 
hair  and  whiskers  were 
not  of  the  latest  cut, 
and  he  wore  jeans  cloth- 
ing not  very  new,  and 
with  a  lien  tail  coat. 
The  following  picture 
of  him  was  given  by  a 
newspaper  correspond- 
ent at  the  time. 

"He  stood  forth  on  the  platform,  a  man  abour  six  h^t  high,  mar- 
velously  lean,  his  front  teelh  out,  his  complexion  bt;  .vch  i,  si  suublister 
and  the  yellow  fever,  and  his  small  eyes  glittering  like  those  of  a 
wildcat.  The  New  Yorkers,  near  whose  delegation  I  sat,  were  first 
amused  and  then  delighted.  He  'went  in'  and  made  the  most 
astounding  Bpe<>ch  ever  heard  in  these  parts.  He  smacked  his  fist 
horribly  at  the  close  of  every  emphatic  period,  'bringing  down  the 
house'  with  every  lick,  in  a  tremendous  outburst  of  screams,  huzzas 


WILLIAM  L.  DATTON. 


w 


68 


HISTORY  OV  THE  KKITBLKAN  PARTY. 


m 


and  8tuinpiiiK — '\N't'Ht«M-n  all  over.'  But  he  Htirred  the  multitude  a» 
with  a  thouHaud  Hharp  HtickH.  From  a  ridiculed  'thin|{'  he  became  an 
idol.  When  the  himvcIi  was  j-oncluded  and  he  asMumed  charge  of  the 
Convention,  he  continued  IiIh  'WesterniHrn*,'  as  the  New  Yorkers 
called  them,  bv  iillinf;  IiIh  mouth  with  tobacco.  i)lacinK  one  leg  over 
ihe  table  behind  which  he  Hat.  He  put  the  vote  and  made  his 
deciHiouH  in  the  nioHt  otT-hand  wa.v  imaginable,  wl'.Voi.  rising,  and 
infuHing  into  everything  a  spirit  of  peculiar  humor  that  was  irre- 
sistible." 

Mr.  Lane,  on  taking  the  chair,  assured  the  Convention,  as  "friends 
of  freedou)  and  friends  of  free  men,"  that  the  time,  the  place  and  the 
occasion — tlie  anniversary  of  Itunker  Hill — and  the  vicinity  of  Inde- 
pendence Hall,  all  consi)ired  to  make  the  liour  memoT-iible.  He  went 
on:  "It  is  now  a  struggle  for  free  men,  free  i bought  and  free  labor, 
and  1  hope  it  will  meet  with  hearty  response.  This  day  inaugurates 
a  new  era  in  American  politics.  It  inaugurates  the  sovereignty  of 
the  people,  the  rule  of  man,  the  resurrection  of  the  North.  There  is, 
to  my  mind,  a  great  signifli-ance  in  these  mighty  upheavals  of  the 
masses.  A  sense  of  common  danger  luis  brought  together  men 
hitherto  divid(*d  politically,  because  they  owed  no  responsibility 
equal  to  that  they  owed  to  freedom.  1  followed  the  lead  of  the 
glorious  Clay,  of  Kentucky;  but  since  the  Nebraska  bill  has  passed, 
my  alliance  to  old  party  ties  slept  in  the  grave  of  the  patriot  Clay.  .  . 
We  look  for  the  day  that  the  sun  shall  shine  on  no  slave — North  or 
South.  WV  look  for  the  speedy  admission  of  Kansas  as  a  Free  State. 
There  is  nothing  revolutionary  in  that.  There  is  authority  for  it, 
and  necessity  for  it.  Two  short  years  ago  i>eace  reigned  throughout 
the  land.  The  Compromise  Measures  were  quietly  submitted  by  the 
cold  and  v-ruel  calculation  of  heartless  demagogues.  The  ambition  of 
Stephen  A.  Do  .glas  o{)ened  up  afresh  the  agitation.  It  was  brought 
on  by  no  acti'  n  of  ours,  but  I  trust  God  that  we  will  mjeet  it  as  men. 

"Scenes  .ave  been  enacted  in  Kansas  that  have  bad  no  parallel 
since  the  days  when  the  Goths  and  Vandals  overran  Italy.  Whether 
that  administration  was  more  fool  or  knave  let  the  muse  of  history 
determine.     .  They  were  made  felons  by  the  Draconian  laws 

there.  They  recollect<fd  the  history  of  Barber,  wl  o  for  daring  to 
proclaim  the  equality  of  all  men,  was  struck  down  in  cold  blood,  and 
whose  widow  now  roams  a  raving  maniac  around  her  prairie  home. 
Such  c>  >ellion  as  tlieirH  was  sanclioned  by  God  and  man.  The 
laws  (.■.  .i^unsas  were  vitiated  by  force  and  fraud,  and  had  no  binding 


iltitudc  UM 
I  becanio  an 
irge  of  the 
Yorkers 
ln'  leg  over 
|l  made  his 
IriBitug,  and 
It  was  irre- 

as  "friends 

ace  and  the 

ity  of  Inde- 

He  went 

i  free  labor, 

inaugurates 

vereignty  of 

There  is, 

avals  of  the 

[>gether  men 

esponsibility 

lead  of   the 

has  passed, 

iot  Clay.   .    . 

ire — North  or 

a  Free  State. 

hority  for  it, 

i  throughout 

nitted  by  the 

e  ambition  of 

was  brought 

eet  it  as  men. 

d  no  parallel 

ly.    Whether 

se  of  history 

aconian  laws 

or  daring  to 

Id  blood,  and 

jrairie  home. 

man.      The 

d  no  binding 


1     •M>i<iM»i 


CONVENTION  AND  CAMI'AION  OK  \Hm. 


60 


effect  on  any  man.  The  Hible  of  triilli  was  even  ostracised  by  the 
Kansas  l^egislature,  for  so  Umg  as  we  believed  in  the  iuiiiiortality  of 
the  soul,  we  must  believe  thai  glorious  revelation  was  an  Anti-Klavery 
document. 

**VVhy  does  the  Democratic  party  disturb  the  Missouri  Com- 
promise? I  know  not,  and  yet  with  unparalleled  effrontery  they 
proceeded  to  \m»»  resolutions  at  Cincinnati  to  discontinue  the  further 
agitation  of  slavery.  Their  promise  was  'like  Dead  Hea  fruits — tempt 
the  eye,  but  turn  to  ashes  <m  the  lips.'  " 

The  Michigan  Delegation  to  this  tJrst  National  (.Nmveution  were: 
At  har^v — E.  J.  rennimaii,  Fernando  C.  Keanuin,  Noyes  L.  Avery, 
Tlion><is  J.  Drake,  Zachariah  Chandler,  Oeorge  Jerome.  Hv  Districts 
— First,  Kinsley  H.  Kingham,  1).  Mclntyre,  M.  A.  McNaughton; 
Hecond,  Oeorge  A.  Coe,  Isaac  P.  Christiancy.  ^N'itter  J.  Baxter;  Third, 
Uezekiah  O.  Wells,  John  B.  Kellogg,  Uandolph  Htrickland;  Fourth. 
Whitney  Jones,  A.  P.  Davis  and  H.  It.  Hhunk. 

While  giving  prominence  to  the  paramount  issue  of  slavery  in  the 
territories,  the  Convention  at  once  gave  the  new  organization  standing 
as  a  party  of  progress,  by  taking  up  new  issues.  The  platform,  as 
finally  adopted,  was  in  full  as  follows:  *'    ^ 

This  convention  of  delegates,  assembled  in  pursuance  of  a  call 
audressed  to  the  people  of  the  United  States,  without  regard  to  past 
political  differences  or  divisions,  who  are  opposed  to  the  repeal  of  the 
Missouri  ('ompromise,  to  the  policy  of  the  present  Administration,  to 
the  extension  of  slavery  into  free  territory;  in  favor  of  admitting 
Kansas  as  a  Free  State;  of  restoring  the  action  of  the  Federal  Oovern- 
ment  to  the  principles  of  Washington,  and  who  puriiose  to  unite  in 
presenting  candidates  for  the  office  of  President  and  Vice-President, 
do  resolve  as  follows: 

RESOLVED,  That  the  maiutenance  of  the  principles  promul- 
gated in  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  and  embodied  in  the  Federal 
Constitution,  is  essential  to  the  preservation  of  our  Republican  insti- 
tutio:.d,  and  that  the  Federal  Constitution,  the  rights  of  the  states, 
and  the  Union  of  the  states,  shall  be  preserved. 

RESOLVED,  That  with  our  Republican  fathers,  we  hold  ;t  to  be 
a  self-evident  truth  that  all  men  are  endowed  with  the  inalienable 
rights  of  life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness,  and  that  the 
primary  object  and  ulterior  design  of  our  Federal  (lovernment  we»*;' 
to  secure  these  rights  to  all  persons  within  its  exclusive  jurisdiction; 
that  us  our  Republican  fathers,  when  they  had  abolished  slavery  in  all 
our  National  territory,  ordained  that  no  i)erson  should  be  deprived 
of  life,  liberty,  or  prqi)erty,  without  due  process  of  law,  it  becomes  our 
duty  to  maintain  this  provision  of  the  Constitution  against  all 
attempts  to  violate  it  for  the  purpose  of  establishing  slavery  in  any 


n 


m 


m 


■t' 


.6^ 


HIHTOUV  OF  TlIK  UKl'UULICAN  PARTY. 


i 


in 


Territory  of  (tic  l-nilcd  KtiitcH,  by  poBitive  leglHlutioii,  pnthibiting  itit 
rxiHlence  or  ('Vlt'iiMion  theri-in.  Tliat  we  deny  the  authority  of 
CoiigreHH,  of  u  Terfititriul  LegiHlulure,  <if  any  iiidividiiul  or  aHHoeiatioii 
of  individiialM,  to  jrive  legal  exiHieiice  to  slavery  in  any  Territory  of 
the  United  HtattH,  while  the  preHent  CoUBtitutlon  hIuiII  be  maintained. 

RESOLVED,  That  th»'  (.'onfttitution  confers  upon  (.'ongresH 
Hovereign  power  over  the  Territories  of  the  United  Ktates  for  their 
government,  and  that  in  the  exerciHe  of  this  power  it  iH  Itoth  the  right 
and  the  imperative  duty  of  CongreHH  to  prohibit  in  the  tcti'ltories  those 
twin  relies  of  barbarism,  polygamy  and  slavery. 

RESOLVED,  That  while  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States 
was  ordained  and  established,  in  order  to  form  a  luore  perfect  union, 
establish  justice,  insure  domestic  tranquillity,  provide  for  the  common 
defence,  promote  the  general  welfare,  and  secure  the  blessings  of 
liberty;  and  contains  aniple  provisitm  for  the  proiection  of  the  life, 
liberty  and  property  of  every  citi/.en,  the  dearest  Constitutional  rights 
of  the  people  of  Kansas  have  be<>u  fraudulently  and  violently  taken 
from  them;  their  Territory  has  been  invaded  by  an  armed  force; 
spurious  and  pretended  legislative.  Judicial,  and  Executive  officers 
have  been  set  over  them,  by  whose  usuri>ed  authority,  sustained  by 
the  military  {lower  of  the  government,  tyrannical  and  unconstitutional 
laws  have  been  enacted  ai.il  enforced;  the  rights  of  the  people  to  keep 
and  bear  arms  have  been  infringed;  test  oaths  of  an  extraordinary 
and  entangling  nature  have  been  imposed,  as  a  condition  of  exercising 
the  right  of  suffrage  and  holding  oflice;  the  right  of  an  accused  person 
to  a  speedy  and  public  trial  by  an  impartial  jury  has  been  denied;  the 
right  of  the  people  to  be  secure  in  their  persons,  houses,  papers  and 
elTects  against  unreasonable  searclies  and  seizures,  has  been  violated; 
they  have  been  deprived  of  life,  liberty  and  property  without  due 
process  of  law;  that  the  freedom  of  speech  and  of  the  press  has  been 
abridged;  the  right  to  choose  their  representatives  has  been  made  of 
no  effect;  murders,  robberies  and  arsons  have  been  instigated  or 
encouraged,  and  the  offenders  have  been  allowed  to  go  unpunished; 
that  all  these  things  have  been  done  with  the  knowledge,  sanction  and 
procurement  of  the  present  National  Administration,  and  that  for  this 
high  crime  against  the  Constitution,  the  Union  and  humanity,  we 
arraign  the  I'resident,  his  advisers,  agents,  supporters,  apologists  and 
accessories,  either  before  or  after  the  facts,  before  the  country  and 
before  the  world,  and  that  it  is  our  fixed  purpose  to  bring  the  actual 
perpetrators  of  these  atrocious  outrages,  and  their  accomplices,  to  a 
sure  and  condign  punishment  hereafter. 

RESOLVED,  That  Kansas  should  be  immediately  admitted  as 
a  State  of  the  Union  with  her  present  free  Constitution,  as  at  once 
the  most  effectual  way  of  securing  to  her  citizens  the  enjoyment  of  the 
rights  and  jirivileges  to  which  they  are  entitled,  and  of  ending  the  civil 
strife  nj)w  raging  in  her  Territory. 


CJiStaif 


lihitiiiK  itM 
|tliurit>'  of 
iHMociation 
J'ri'ltory  of 
liuintainod. 

(^'ongrcHH 

for  their 

III  the  right 

loi'ieH  thOHe 


ited  BtateH 

feet  uuioii, 

he  cumiuou 

leHHingB  of 

of  the  life, 

ouul  right 8 

*ntly  taken 

med   force; 

ive  ofHccrs 

iiMtained  b}' 

UHtitutioiml 

i»|)le  to  keep 

tniordinary 

if  exerelBing 

used  person 

I  denied ;  the 

papers  and 

'en  violated; 

(vithout  due 

^88  has  been 

een  made  of 

istigated  or 

unpunished; 

lanction  and 

that  for  this 

imanity,  we 

ologists  and 

country  and 

g  the  actual 

upltces,  to  a 

admitted  as 
,  as  at  once 
rment  of  the 
ing  the  civil 


,  NX 


COW  KNTION  AND  CAMPAIUN  OK  IHm. 


71 


KKHOliVKI^  Tliiit  the  higliwa.viimirM  plea  that  "might  make» 
right,"  embodied  in  tli(>  OMtciid  circular,  waHin  ever.v  rcHpert  unworli  ' 
of  American  diploiiiii<-,v,  uiul  would  bring  Hhame  and  dlHlionor  i;()<m 
any  government  <»r  pcoph-  11  ii  gave  it  their  Hanction. 

UKHOLVKI),  That  u  railroad  to  the  I'acitic  Ocean,  by  the  most 
«-enlral  and  prarticable  route,  iH  imperatively  deuuinded  by  the  inter- 
ests of  the  whole  country,  and  tluil  I  he  Federal  (Sovernment  ought  to 

efllcient  aid  in    ilH  couHtruction,  and,  uh    an 
immediate  conHlru<-tion  of  an  emigrant  rout4>  on 


render  imnuHliat 
auxiliary  thereto, 
the  line  of  the  railroad 

KKSOIiVKh,  That  appropriationK  ui  ( 'ongr(>HH  for  the  improve- 
ment of  rivers  and  liarborH  of  a  Naitional  rhanKter,  re«|uired  for  the 
accommodation  and  security  of  our  4'xiHting  commerce,  are  author- 
ized by  the  Constitution  and  justihed  by  tin*  obligation  of  (hivernment 
to  protect  the  lives  and  property  of  its  citizens. 

KKKOLVEl),  That  we  invite  the  afllliation  and  co-operation  of 
the  men  of  all  parties,  however  dilTering  from  us  in  other  respects,  in 
support  of  the  principles  herein  declared;  and  believing  that  the 
si»irit  of  our  institutions,  as  well  as  the  Constitution  of  our  country, 
guarantees  liberty  of  conscience  and  ecpiality  of  rights  among  citizens, 
we  oppose  all  proscriptive  legislation  alTecting  their  security.    , 

An  American,  or  Know  Nothing,  Convention,  held  in  Philadel- 
phia, February  2'2d  to  L'oth,  183(),  had  nominated  for  President, 
Millard  Fillmore,  of  New  York,  and  for  V'i<'e-l>resident,  Andrew 
Jackson  Donnelson,  of  Tennessee,  on  a  platform  which  gave  emphasis 
to  its  jieculiar  views  in  reference  to  naturalization  and  citizenship, 
and  gave  a  sweeping  criticism  to  the  existing  Administratinu.  A 
Whig  Convention,  held  at  Baltimore,  Heptember  17th  and  IMtli  liiti  te.! 
the  nominations  of  Fillmore  and  Donnelson,  on  a  rather  non-com- 
mittal platform,  in  favor  of  the  Constitution  and  the  Unitm. 

The  Democratic  Convention  met  at  Cincinnati  on  the  2d  of  June, 
John  E.  Ward,  of  Georgia,  presiding.  On  the  first  ballot  its  votes 
for  Presidential  candidates  were:  James  Buchanan,  i:{5;  Franklin 
Pierce,  122;  Stephen  A.  Douglas,  33;  I^wis  (^ass,  5.  Buchanan  and 
Douglas  gained  quite  steadily,  while  Pierce  lost,  and  on  the  sixteenth 
ballot  Buchanan  had  1G8  votes  and  Douglas  121.  This  gave  Buchanan 
such  a  decided  lead  that  on  the  next  ballot  he  was  nominated  with 
practical  unanimity.  He  had  been  in  the  field  for  the  Presidential 
nomination  ever  sin<e  1844,  and  his  time  had  now  come.  Being 
absent  from  the  country  as  Minister  to  England,  during  most  of 
IMerce's  Administration,  he  had  nothing  to  do  with  the  repeal  of  the 
Missouri  Compromise,  and  this  added  to  his  availability  as  a  candi- 
date. ■■>|..'^--^''M  ■""V'--.r 


:n 


tf-t.l 


f« 


72 


IIIHTOUY  OFTIIK  HKIMTIILK'AN  PARTY 


On  th(>  tti'Ht  ballot  f<»r  ViccPrcHidciit,  John  A.  (jnitinnn,  of  MIm- 
HiHHi|»])i,  rocHviHl  the  liiPKCHt  vol*',  th«'  i'«'Hf  '»''ln>j  wltl'ly  HrHtt«M'«Hl. 
On  llu^  H<>cond,  hlH  naiix'  wuh  withdrawn,  and  ;ohn  ('.  HrcckinridKc. 
of  K)>ntu«-k.v,  waft  nnuniniouMly  nominated.  Tnc  platform  waH  inor- 
dinately lonK,  j'overinjjt  a  k'"**"^  variety  of  MnbJeetH,  The  iitteranreH 
moHt  Mif'^.i^cant  on  the  Hiavery  ipieHtion  were  an  i'oHowm:  "That 
ConKreHM  'i.um  no  iM)wer,  under  the  (VinHtitution,  to  i)>:  -fere  with  or 
eontrol  the  donieMtie  inntitiitionH  of  the  tieveral  HtateH,  »)<l  rha(  <reh 
viiateH  are  tlie  Hole  and  proper  Jad^eH  of  everything  upj««'iliinliij;  to 

their  own   aH'i)'-ki,    not 
1  '  pndiibited  by  tlie  ('om- 

Htitution;  that  all 
effortH  of  the  Aboil- 
'li.aiHtH  or  otherH,  made 
to  induce  ('o:i}{reHH  to 
intJ'c/'v've  with  the  queg- 
tiong  o*  slavery,  or  to 
f.ike  inriiient  Htepg  in 
relation  thereto,  are 
calculated  to  lead  to 
the  most  alarming  and 
danger  o  u  a  c  o  n  h  e- 
quences;  and  that  all 
8uch  elTortB  have  an 
inevitable  tendeni-y  to 
diminish  the  happineMg 
of  the  people,  and  en- 
danger the  Btability  of 
the  Union,  and  ought 
not  to  be  countenanced 
by  any  friend  of  our 
political  inHtitutions. 
"That  the  foregoing  proposition  covers,  and  was  intended  to 
embrace,  the  whole  subject  of  Hiavery  agitation  in  Congress,  and 
therefore  the  Democratic  party  of  the  Tnion,  standing  on  this 
National  platform,  will  abide  by  and  adhere  to  the  faithful  execution 
of  the  Acts  known  as  the  Compromise  Measures,  settled  by  the 
(.''ongress  of  1850;  the  Act  for  reclaiming  fugitives  from  service  or 
labor  included,  which  Act,  being  designed  to  carry  out  an  expressed 
provision  of  the  Constitution,  cannot,  with  fidelity  thereto,  be  repealed 
or  so  changed  as  to  impair  its  efllciency." 


JAMES  BUCHANAN. 


,  of  MiH 

kinri(l^<^ 
viiH  inor- 
tt»*ram«'H 
"That 
•  with  or 
hn(    iM'h 
rjilii};  to 
'».h-«,   Jiot, 
fh«'  <'on- 
that   all 
u'    Aboll- 
it'i-H,  made 

inj^lTHH  to 
I  tlH'  qu«'B- 
prv,  or  to 
t  gte])8  in 
veto,  avo 
^  h'ad  to 
i-miiig  and 

g  e  o  n  B  e- 

1  that   all 

have   an 

nden<y  to 

happineBB 
e,  and  en- 
itability  of 
and  ought 
intenanced 
nd  of  our 
titntiouB. 
atended  to 
[igreBB,  and 
ag  on  this 
il  execution 
led  by  the 
1  service  or 
n  expressed 

be  repealed 


^■^ 


4i  •*^       -'  «"! 


,r 


PI 


I,' 


CIHM/ICMH 

Microfiche 

Series. 


CIHIVI/ICIVIH 
Collection  de 
microfiches. 


Cn.d..n  .n..,.u..  ..r  H..,.r.c.,  M.c,.r.pr.-«c..o„.  /  .n...u.  c.„.d..n  d.  ™icro«pr.duc«.n.  h.....,u„ 


CONVENTION  AND  CAMPAIGN  OP  185G. 


78 


Those  views  of  the  slavery  question  are  reiterated  in  various 
forms  in  tlie  platform.  The  <-amiiaign  that  followed  was  a  very  a<*tive 
and  spirited  one.  Fremont  was  the  ideal  candidate  for  a  younjj  and 
vigorous  party.  His  career  had  been  adventurous  and  of  great 
service  to  the  country.  As  early  as  his  27th  year  he  had  explored 
the  South  Pass  to  the  Rocky  Mountains,  and  the  great  Salt  Lakes. 
Still  later  he  explored  the  Alta  California,  Sierra  Nevada,  and  the 
valleys  of  the  San  Joaquin,  and  had  earned  the  title  of  the  "Pathfinder,'' 
by  doing  more  than  any  one  else  to  open  a  means  of  communication 
between  the  Mississippi  Valley  and  the  Pacific  Coast.  At  tlie  age  of 
thirty-six  he  had  come  back  to  Washington  as  the  first  Senator  from 
Ihe  new  State  of  California. 

His  life  had  also  a  touch  of  romance.  When  a  young  Lieutenant 
In  the  Army  he  had  eloped  with  Jessie  Benton,  the  charming  daughter 
of  the  Senator  from  Missouri,  and  in  some  phases  of  the  <-ampaign, 
the  name  of  Jessie  Benton  was  received  with  almost  as  great  popu- 
larity as  that  of  Fremont  himself. 

The  campaign  medal  took  a  greater  part  in  this  canvass  than  it 
had  ever  done  before.  One  of  the  medals  was  a  head  and  bust  of 
Fremont,  with  his  •  name  above,  and  "Jessie's  Choice"  beneath. 
Another  represented  a  party  surveying  a  mountain,  on  the  top  of 
which  was  the  White  House,  and  underneath,  "Honor  to  whom  Honor 
is  Due!"  Another  had  a  fine  portrait  of  Fremont  on  the  obverse  and 
on  the  reverse  a  wreath  enclosing  these  inscriptions:  "The  Rocky 
Mountains  Echo  Back  Fremont;"  "The  I'eople's  Choice  for  1856;" 
"Constitutional  Freedom."  Beneath  the  wreath  was  a  scroll  with 
"Free"  in  the  middle,  and  "Men"  and  "Soil"  at  either  end. 

The  Buchanan  medals  were  few  in  number,  but  one  of  them  was 
especially  handsome,  showing  on  the  obverse  a  buck  leaping  over  a 
cannon,  with  the  words,  "and  Breckinridge,"  underneath.  The  Know 
Nothings  had  three  medals,  one  containing  a  portrait  of  Millard 
Fillmore,  one  an  American  Flag  with  three  rents,  and  the  inscription : 
"Our  Flag  Trampled  ITpon,"  and  one  with  the  motto,  "Beware  of 
Foreign  Influence." 

The  torch-light  parade  and  out-door  mass  meetings  figured  largely 
in  this  campaign,  but  much  of  bitterness  also  entered  into  it.  Just 
before  the  Republican  Convention  at  Philadelphia,  Senator  Sumner 
was  stricken  down  in  his  seat  in  the  Senate  by  Preston  S.  Brooks,  a 
Representative  from  South  Carolina.  Sumner  had  been  speaking  for 
two  days  against  the  designs  of  the  South  in  behalf  of  slavery,  a 


i;,;si 


HBBf? in»iipi)"iwwwww— «wwpw 


■    M.*T^ 


15. 


l» 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 


firf 

If; 


:'vi>; 


i 


r 


Biieech  that  was  widely  circulated  during  the  campaign,  with  the 
title  of  "The  Crime  Against  Kansas."  He  had  been  especially  bitter 
against  the  State  of  Sonth  Carolina,  and  Arthnr  P.  Bntler,  one  of  its 
Senators.  Preston  S.  Brooks,  a  member  from  South  Carolina,  and  a 
nephew  of  Butler's,  went  over  from  the  House  the  next  day  to  avenge 
his  uncle  and  his  State,  The  Senate  had  adjourned,  but  Sumner  was 
at  his  desk  absorbed  in  letter  writing.  "1  have  read  your  speech  twice 
over  carefully,"  said  Brooks,  coming  up  behind  Sumner.  "It  is  a 
libel  on  Sonth  Carolina,  and  Mr.  Butler,  who  is  a  relative  of  mine!" 

With  that  he  began 
.  beating  Mr.  Sumner's 
head  and  shoulders 
with  a  bludgeon.  Sum- 
ner was  beaten  to  the 
floor,  and  it  was  many 
months  before  he  re- 
covered from  the  effects 
of  the  blows.  The  Sen- 
ate made  a  complaint 
to  the  House,  and  in 
anticipation  of  expul- 
sion, Brooks  resigned. 
He  was  not  only  re- 
elected, but  was  treated 
as  a  hero  in  South  (Car- 
olina. Some  of  his 
admirers  presented  him 
with  a  cane,  inscribed: 
"Use  knock-down  argu- 
ments" and  others  gave 
CHARLES  stjMNER.  him  a  caue  bearing  the 

inscription:    "Hit  him  again." 

In  the  North  this  act  added  to  the  deep  indignation  which  was  felt 
at  the  violent  and  murderous  methods  of  the  slave-holders.  Anson 
Burlingame,  then  a  member  of  the  House,  from  Massachusetts, 
denounced  the  assault  in  the  House  and  was  challenged  by  Brooks. 
He  accepted  the  challenge,  named  rifles  as  the  weapons,  and  the  Clifton 
House,  (Canada,  as  the  place  of  meeting.  But  as  the  Massachusetts 
Representative  was  a  dead  shot  with  the  rifle,  Brooks  objected  to  the 
meeting  place,  and  the  duel  never  came  off.      Representative  Potter,  a 


1,  with  the 
•ially  bitter 
r,  one  of  its 
lina,  and  a 
y  to  avenge 
Sumner  was 
peech  twice 
"It  is  a 
e  of  mine  I" 

he  began 
.    Sumner's 

shoulders 
;eon.  Sum- 
aten  to  the 
:  was  many 
fore  he  re- 
n  the  effects 
J.  The  8en- 
L  complaint 
ise,  and   in 

of  expul- 
:8  resigned. 
>t  only  re- 
was  treated 
South  (^ar- 
ne  of  his 
esented  him 
(,  inscribed: 
-down  argu- 
others  gave 
bearing  the 

lich  was  felt 
rs.  Anson 
Bsachusetts, 
by  Brooks. 
1  the  Clifton 
issachusetts 
ected  to  the 
ive  Potter,  a 


CONVENTION  AND  CAMrAION  OF  185fi. 


75 


stalwart  six-footer  from  Wisconsin,  also  received  a  challenge  from 
Lawrence  M.  Keitt,  who  was  accessory  to  lirooks'  assault  on  Sumner. 
Potter  accepted  jind  named  boM'ie  knives  as  the  weapons,  and  two 
paces  the  distance.  But  Keitt  objected  to  the  weapons  as  barbar- 
ous, and  this  duel  never  took  place.  The  willingness,  however,  of 
these  Northern  men  to  fight  from  the  front,  and  with  weapons  that 
were  elfective,  had  the  effect  of  checking  the  insolence  of  Southern 
Members  of  Congress. 

This  outrage  upon  Sumner  and  the  incidents  following  afforde<l 
such  clear  demonstration  of  the  Southern  temper  as  to  add  many 
votes  to  the  Republican  ticket.  The  various  incidents  in  connection 
with  the  settlement  of  Kansas  also  added  to  the  feeling  on  the  part  of 
the  North,  while  on  the  other  side,  Fremont  was  denounced  as  a  sec- 
tional candidate,  and  the  Southerners  resorti'd  to  the  old  threat  to 
dissolve  the  Union  if  he  was  elected  by  Northern  votes  on  an  Anti- 
Slavery  platform. 

One  noticeable  thing  in  the  campaign  was  the  extent  to  which 
joung  men  were  brought  into  the  Republican  service.  The  older 
Anti-Slavery  men,  Seward,  Chase  and  Hale,  were  not  especially  active 
in  the  canvass,  but  the  following,  who  were  comparatively  new  to 
public  life,  were  often  mentioned  as  speakers  in  the  great  meetings 
held  in  the  cities  and  at  the  county  mass  meetings:  N.  P.  Banks  and 
John  Sherman,  who  were  then  in  their  second  terms  in  Congress;  Eli 
Thayer,  who  originated  the  Emigrant  Aid  Societies;  Roscoe  Conkling, 
Thaddeus  Stevens,  .lohn  A.  Jtingham,  (ialusha  A.  Orow,  James  G. 
Blaine,  Andrew  G.  Curtin,  Austin  Jilair,  Schuyler  Colfax  and  Oliver 
P.  Morton.  y 

Up  to  the  time  of  the  October  elections,  which  came  then  in  Ohio, 
Pennsylvania,  Indiana  and  Iowa,  the  Republicans  were  confident  of 
success.  In  the  October  election  in  Pennsylvania,  the  State  was 
counted  for  the  Democrats  by  about  2,000  plurality,  although  it  was . 
subsequently  proved  beyond  doubt  that  more  than  this  number  of 
Democratic  votes  were  obtained  on  fraudulent  naturalization  papers. 
But  the  loss  of  Pennsylvania  and  Indiana  discouraged  the  Republi- 
cans, and  the  current  began  to  set  against  them.  In  the  November 
election  the  Republicans  carried  all  the  Free  States  except  five,  but 
these  five  were  on  narrow  margins.  The  Democrats  had  only  925 
plurality  in  Pennsylvania,  and  1,809  in  Indiana,  while  New  Jersey  and 
California  were  lost  to  the  Republicans  in  consequence  of  the  Ameri- 
can vote.      The  popular  vote  was  l,8a8,169  for  Buchanan,  1,341,264  for 


'    I 


:l        ' 


iiiiii 


Hi 


If 


;  if 


.'    u 


(ini'fl  WMiWiMiliWl'iWlWIMI.I. ;  , 


76 


HISTORY  OP  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 


Fremont,  and  874,534  for  Fillmore.  The  electoral  vote  was  174  for 
Huchanan  and  Breckinridge,  114  for  Fremont  and  Dayton,  and  8  for 
Fillmore  and  Oonnelson.  During  the  Adminstration,  thus  chosen, 
the  political  complexion  of  Congress  was  as  follows: 

Thirty-flfth  Congress. 
Senate— Democrats,  39;  Republicans,  20;  Ameri<'ans,  5, 
House— Democrats,  131;  Republicans,  !)U;  Americans,  14. 

Thirty-sixth  Congress. 
Senate— Democrats,  38;  Republicans,  26;  Americans,  2. 
House— Democrats,  101;  Republicans,  103;  Independents,  13. 

The  moral  etfect  of  the  election  made  it  almost  a  Republi<'an 
victory,  for  if  a  new  party  could  at  its  first  general  election,  carry 
New  York  by  80,000  plurality,  and  all  of  New  England  and  the  North- 
west by  large  majorities,  while  the  Democrats  carried  Indiana  and 
Pennsylvania  by  such  narrow  margins,  it  was  easy  to  see  that  the 
battle  for  "Free  Soil,  Free  Speech  and  Free  Men,"  would  speedily  be 
won. 

In  Michigan  the  campaign  rivaled  that  of  1840  in  excitement. 
General  Cass  recognized  the  fact  that  his  political  future  was  at  stake, 
and  made  desperate  efforts  to  regain  the  State  to  the  Democracy. 
He  made  many  speeches  himself  and  brought  into  the  State  some  of 
the  most  noted  Democratic  orators  in  the  country.  Immense  mass 
meetings  were  held  at  Kalamazoo,  Battle  Creek,  Centerville  and  other 
places.  John  Van  Buren,  of  New  Y'ork,  was  then  counted  a  prince 
among  campaign  orators,  and  he  and  General  Cass  together  stumped 
Southern  Michigan.  The  following  distinguished  speakers  also  took 
part  in  the  campaign:  Jesse  D.  Bright,  of  Indiana,  then  President  of 
the  Senate;  Daniel  S.  Dickinson,  of  New  Y'ork;  John  C.  Breckinridge 
and  Colonel  Preston,  of  Kentucky;  Stephen  A.  Douglas,  of  Illinois, 
'with  G.  V.  N.  Lothrop,  Charles  E.  Stuart,  Robert  McClelland,  John 
Van  Arman  and  Flavins  J.  Littlejohn,  of  Michigan. 

The  Republicans  rivaled  the  Democrats  in  the  number  and  magni- 
tude of  their  meetings.  Abraham  Lincoln  was  one  of  their  speakers, 
although  they  depended  mainly  upon  the  brilliant  array  of  home 
talent  which  the  party  in  Michigan  offered.  As  the  campaign  neared 
its  end  it  became  evident  that  the  Michigan  Democracy  was  in  its 
death  throes.  The  vote  of  the  State  was  as  follows:  Fremont, 
71,762;  Buchanan,  52,139,  and  Fillmore,  1,660.  The  Republicans 
elected  all  four  Congressmen,  as  follows:    William  A.  Howard,  Dewitt 


■■if«u,;.ttillimfm»limm~«.^  .. 


as  174  for 

and  8  for 

ii8  choHen, 


14. 

»> 
>nt8, 13. 

{epnblican 
ion,  carry 
the  North- 
diana  and 
e  that  the 
peedily  be 

xeitement. 
H  at  stake, 
►emocracy. 
te  some  of 
ense  mass 
and  other 
d  a  prince 
r  stumped 
)  also  took 
resident  of 
eckinridge 
of  Illinois, 
land,  John 

ind  magni- 
r  speakers, 
■  of  home 
ign  neared 
was  in  its 
Fremont, 
epublioans 
ird,  Dewitt 


tSimimii^ 


CONVENTION  AND  CAMPAKJN  OP  1856. 


77 


V.  I^each,  David  8.  \>  albridgi'  and  Henry  \\  aldron.  Tlu'  Presidential 
electors  were  Fernando  ( ■.  Beanuui,  Oliver  Johnson,  Harmon  (Jham- 
berlin,  W.  H.  Withey,  Chauncey  H.  Millen  and  Thomas  J.  Drake. 
Hut  its  most  important  achievement  in  this  election  was  the  ch:»ice  of 
a  Legislature  which  elected  Zachariuh  Chandler  to  succeed  Lewis 
Cass  in  the  t'nited  States  Senate.  Mr.  Chandler  was  for  more  than 
twenty  years  thereafter  the  most  conspicuous  figure  in  Michigan 
history  and  politics.  It  was  during  the  next  four  years  also  that 
Michigan  Republicans  commenced  the  election  of  those  four  illus- 
trious Jurists,  Campbell,  Christiancy,  Cooley  and  Graves,  who,  for 
many  years,  gave  wide  fame  to  the  Michigan  Supreme  Court.  At 
this  election  Kinsley  S.  Kinghnm  was  reelected  Governor,  by  a  vote 
of  71,402,  against  54,085  for  Alpheus  Felch,  Democrat. 


:\>-"'  ■ .  .  .< 


w- 


m 


'1  'IlS 


«     'i 


,•  Id 


*k 


A 


PRESIDENT  HUCliANAN'R  ADMINISTRATION. 

A  PieBh  Shock  to  the  North— The  Died  Scott  Decision— Its  Elfect 
''  Was  to  Nationalize  Slavery — The  Decision  Known  to  the  Presi- 
dent in  Advan<'e — The  Colored  People  Not  Citizens  Nor  Possessed 
of  Rights  Which  the  White  Men  Were  Bound  to  Respect — The 
Black  Men  Not  Thought  of  Except  us  Property — The  John  Brown 
Raid  and  Its  Effect  Upon  the  South — Character  and  Career  of/ 
Brown — The  Great  Debates  Between  Lincoln  and  Douglas — Last  ; 
Successful  Opposition  to  Internal  Improvements — A  Prophetic 
Utterance. 

The  Administration  of  President  Buchanan  did  not  do  anything 
to  allay  the  excitement  in  th«'  North.  His  influence  in  Kansas  affairs 
was  steadily  exerted  in  favor  of  the  Pro-Slavery  claims,  and  of  fraudu- 
lent elections  and  disorders. 

At  the  very  opening  of  his  administration  the  North  received  a 
still  greater  shock  in  a  Supreme  (vourt  decision,  the  intent  of.  which 
was  to  carry  slavery  into  all  the  territories.  Dred  Scott,  a  negro,  was, 
in  18.'}4,  held  as  a  slave  in  Missouri  by  Dr.  Emerson,  an  army  surgeon. 
In  that  year  Dr.  Emerson  was  transferred  to  Rock  Island,  111.,  which 
was  a  Free  State,  and  took  his  slave  with  him.  Two  years  later  he 
was  sent  to  Fort  Snelling,  in  what  is  now  Minn<'Sota,  which  was  also 
free  territory.  He  there  bought  a  black  woman,  who  was  afterwards 
married  to  Dred  Scott.  Two  children  were  born  to  this  slave  couple, 
Eliza,  on  a  Mississippi  steamboat.  North  of  the  Missouri  line,  and 
Lizzie,  at  Jefferson  Barracks,  in  Missouri.  The  entire  family  was 
afterwards  Bold  to  John  A.  H.  Sanford,  of  the  City  of  New  York. 

Dred  Scott  brought  suit  for  his  freedom  on  the  claim  that  his 
master,  by  taking  him  into  a  Free  State,  had  lost  the  right  to  his 
services.  The  Circuit  Court  of  St.  Louis  County  rendered  judgment 
in  his  favor.  This  was  reversed  by  the  Missouri  Supreme  Court, 
and  the  case  was  appealed  to  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States. 


'-•\. 


■■Ml 


Its  Effect 
the  Presi- 
PossesBed 
pect — The 
hn  Brown 
Career  of 
flas — Last 
Prophetic 


I  anythinj; 
sus  affairs 
of  f raudu- 

[•eceived  a 
:  of.  which 
egro,  was, 
y  surgeon. 
111.,  which 
'8  later  he 
1  was  also 
fterwards 
ive  couple, 
line,  and 
imily  was 
fork. 
i  that  his 
?ht  to  his 
judgment 
me  Court, 
:ed  States. 


PRESIDENT  BUCHANAN'S  ADMINISTIIATION. 


71) 


It  was  heard  in  May,  1854.  It  was  understood  that  a  decision  would 
be  rendered  early  in  185«,  but  on  account  of  the  pending  Presidential 
election,  judgment  was  deferred  until  the  next  session  of  the  Cotirt. 
It  is  now  o.uite  generally  believed  that  if  the  decision  had  been 
rendered  before  the  Presidential  election,  it  would  have  reversed  the 
result  of  that  contest,  and  that  the  political  wisdom  of  a  partisan 
court  dictated  the  withholding  of  the  decision. 

The  opinions  in  the  case  had  not  been  made  public  when  Mr. 
Buchanan  was  inaugurated.  But  a  paragraph  in  his  inaugural 
address  indicates  that  he  had  been  privately  informed  of  their  scope. 
In  that  address  he  said:  "What  a  happy  concejition  was  it  for 
Congress  to  apply  the  simple  rule  that  the  will  of  the  majority  shall 
govern  in  the  settlement  of  the  question  of  domestic  slavery  in  the 
territories.  Congress  is  neither  to  legislate  slavery  into  any  Terri 
tory  or  State,  nor  to  exclude  it  therefrom,  but  to  leave  the  people 
thereof  perfectly  free  to  form  and  regulate  their  domestic  institutions 
in  their  own  way,  subject  only  to  the  (Constitution  of  the  United 
States.  As  a  natural  consequence  Congress  has  already  prescribed 
that  when  the  Territory  of  Kansas  shall  be  admitted  as  a  State,  it 
shall  be  received  into  the  Union,  with  or  without  slavery,  as  their 
Constitution  may  prescribe  at  the  time  of  their  admission.  A  differ- 
ence of  opinion  has  arisen  in  regard  to  the  point  of  time  when  the 
people  of  a  Territory  will  decide  this  question  for  themselves.  This 
is  happily  a  matter  of  but  little  practical  importance.  Besides  it  is 
a  judicial  question  which  legitimately  belongs  to  the  Supreme  Court 
of  the  United  States,  before  whom  it  is  now  pending,  and  will,  it  is 
understood,  be  speedily  and  finally  settled.  To  their  decision  in 
common  with  all  good  citizens,  I  shall  cheerfully  submit." 

The  decision  came  a  few  days  later,  rendered  by  Chief  Justice 
Roger  B.  Taney,  six  of  the  other  Judges  concurring  in  the  main 
opinion,  though  dissenting  en  some  other  points.  Judge  Taney  com- 
menced by  denying  to  Dr>  '•  Ticott,  or  to  any  person  whose  ancestors 
were  imported  into  this  cot  try,  any  right  to  sue  in  a  Court  of  the 
United  States.  He  said:  "'The  question  before  us  is  whether  the 
class  of  persons,  described  in  the  plea  in  abatement,  compose  a  portion 
of  this  people  and  are  constituent  members  of  this  sovereignty.  We 
think  they  are  not  included,  and  were  not  intended  to  be  included, 
under  the  word  citizens-in  the  Constitution,  and  can  therefore  claim 
none  of  the  rights  and  privileges  which  that  instrument  provides  for 
and  secures  to  citizens  of  the  United  States.      On  the  contrary  they 


'        I 

(  1 

Ei   ' 

1 

i.'^ 

! 

'smimmmam^ 


VYtfuSAMMMWi 


r 


_^^^0atA 


80 


HISTORY  Op^  TIIK  KKITMLirAN  PAKTY. 


were,  at  Unit  time,  coiiHiih'i'tMl  att  a  Hiiboi-dinate  and  inferior  rIaHM  of 
bein^'H,  wlio  liud  been  MiibjiiKated,  and  whetlier  einaneipated  or  not, 
.vet  remained  Hubjeet  to  tlieir  autliority,  and  had  nu  ri^litH  or  privi- 
le^eH  but  Hueh  aH  thoHe  wlio  held  the  power  and  the  government 
might  eliooHi'  to  grant  them."  He  then  went  on  to  Hay,  not  only 
that  no  perHonH,  who  hail  be<'n  or  whose  ant-eMtorH  had  been  HiaveH, 
wer<'  regarded  aH  citizens  ])reviouHly  to  or  at  the  time  of  adopting  tlie 
Federal  ConHtitiition.  bat  thait  no  State  ban  or  can  have  any  right  to 
confer  <  itizeuship  on  such  personu. 

•  ^^,.&  '^''i"  ^'^^  "  HUlHcient- 

ly  Htr<mg  denial  of 
rightH  to  the  col- 
ored people,  but  the 
following  paragraph 
touched  Northern  sen- 
t  i  m  e  n  t  much  more 
strongly:  "It  is  diffl- 
cult,  at  this  day,  to 
realize  the  state  of  pub- 
lic opinion  in  relation 
to  that  unfortunate 
race,  which  prevailed 
in  the  civilized  and 
enlightened  portions  of 
the  world  at  the  time 
of  the  Declaration  of 
Independ ence,  and 
when  the  Constitution 
of  the  United  States 
was  framed  and  adopt- 
ed, but  the  public 
history  «»f  every  European  nation  displays  it  in  a  manner  too  plain 
to  be  mistaken.  They  had,  for  more  than  a  century  before,  been 
regarded  as  beings  of  an  inferior  order,  and  altogether  unfit  to  asso- 
ciate with  the  white  race,  and  so  far  inferior  that  they  had  no  rights 
which  a  white  man  was  bound  to  respect,  and  that  the  negroes  might 
justly  and  lawfully  be  reduced  to  slavery  for  his  benefit." 

In  still  another  paragraph  he  made  an  argument  agiainst  any 
application,  to  the  negro  slave,  of  the  language  of  the  preamble  to  the 
Declaration  of  Independence,  wherein  life,  liberty  and  the  pursuit  of 


ROGER   B.   TANEY. 


iitftmm 


ior  clUHM  of 
iti'd  or  not, 
itH  or  privi- 
IjoverniiK'nt 
y,  not  only 
won  Hluvt'H, 
dopting  the 
my  rifjlit  to 

a  HulHfient- 

dcnial     of 

the      col- 

[*,    but    the 

paragraph 
rthern  sen- 
nuch    more 

"It  iH  dlffl- 
iIh  day,  to 
itate  of  pub- 

in  relation 
unfortunate 
1    prevailed 

ilixed    and 

portions  of 
it  the  time 
laration  of 
d  ence,  and 
Constitution 
ited    States 

and  adopt- 
the  public 
n-  too  plain 
►efore,  been 
nflt  to  asso- 
id  no  rights 
groes  might 

Eigiainst  any 
imble  to  the 
e  pursuit  of 


I'UKHFDKNT  lUiniAXANH  ADMINIHTKATION. 


HI 


liappinrHH  arc  pronounced  the  inalienable  rights  of  all  men.  In  the 
course  of  this  argument  he  said:  "The  unhappy  black  race  were  sep- 
arated from  the  white  by  indelibl(>  marks  ami  laws,  long  before 
established,  and  were  never  thought  of,  except  iis  property,  and  when 
the  claims  of  the  owner  or  the  profit  of  the  trader  were  supposed  to 
need  protection.  This  state  of  ]>ublic  opinion  had  undergon(>  no 
change  when  the  Constitution  wan  adopted,  as  is  ecjually  evident  from 
its  provisions  and  language." 

Justice  Taney  further  argued,  at  <'onsiderable  length,  that  Dred 
Hcott,  being  a  negro,  and  descended  from  slaves,  had  no  standing  in 
the  Court,  and  that  the  Court  had  no  authority  in  the  premises,  yet 
he  immediately  proce<>ded  to  take  jurisdiction.  He  (pioted  that  clause 
of  the  Constitution  which  says:  "('ongress  shall  have  power  to 
dispose  of  and  uwike  all  rules  and  regulations  respecting  the  territory 
or  other  ju'operty  of  the  Cnited  States."  He  asserted  that  this 
applied  only  to  such  territ<u*y  as  belonged  to  the  United  States  at  the 
tinu*  the  Constitution  was  framed,  and  that  the  territory  covered  by 
the  Missouri  Restriction,  having  all  been  acquired  since  that  time, 
was  not  subject  to  this  provision. 

He  ftirther  atllriued  that  by  the  mere  fact  of  our  acquiring  terri- 
tory, the  (lovernnient  and  the  citissen  both  enter  it  under  authority  of 
the  (constitution;  that  is  to  say  that  the  Constitution  takes  etTect  upon 
any  territory  the  Government  nuiy  acquire,  in  such  way  that  any 
slave-holder  may  at  once  take  his  slaves  thither  and  hold  them  as 
projK'rty.  He  denied  the  power  of  Congress  to  negative  this  right, 
and  nullified  the  Aiissouri  Restriction  in  the  following  announcement: 
"Upon  these  conditions,  it  is  the  opinion  of  the  ( 'ourt  that  the  Act  of 
Congress  which  prohibited  a  citizen  from  holding  property  of  this 
kind  in  the  Territory  of  the  United  States,  North  of  the  line  therein 
mentioned,  is  not  warranted  by  the  Constitution,  and  it  is  therefore 
void;  and  that  neither  Dred  Scott  himself,  nor  any  of  his  family,  were 
made  free  by  being  carried  into  territory,  even,  if  they  had  been 
carried  there  by  the  owner,  with  the  intention  of  becoming  a  perma- 
nent resident."  ,        ,, 

Dred  Scott's  freedom  had  been  further  claimed  on  the  gronnd 
that  he  had  been  taken,  by  his  master,  into  the  Free  State  of  Hlinois, 
and  there  kept  for  two  or  three  years;  but  the  Chief  Justice  disposed 
of  this  by  saying  that  it  was  a  matter  to  be  adjudged  by  the  Court  of 
Missouri  alone.  It  was  not  properly  before  the  Supreme  Court. 
Having  thus  played  rather  fast  and  loose  with  the  whole  question  of 


,141 


s(     ij 


I.    I 


*       'i 


•Mmm 


^^   11 .  > 


r 


at  HIKTOKY  OF  TIIK  UKIMIIMCAN  I»AKTY. 

jiiiiM<ll«li«m,  ln'  ««HHlml«'d  liin  «l«MiHiuii  hh  follown:  "Ipoii  Hio  wli(»l«'. 
tlMTrfore,  it  Ih  the  JmlKinciit  ot  tliiH  Couil,  tliat  il  iippciHH  b.v  tin- 
ivcord  iM'forc  iih,  tliiit  tin*  iiliiiiititT  in  ornn-  iH  not  a  fitiz^'n  of  MiHMoiiii, 
in  tlu'  HOHH*'  in  wliitli  that  won!  in  uwd  in  tlic  ConMtitution,  and  tliat 
tiM'  CliMult  Court  of  tlH'  I'nitiMl  HtatoH,  for  tliat  mmon.  Inid  no  juiin 
dirtlon  in  the  chw,  and  rouid  nWc  no  jn<lKnn'nt  in  it.  Hh  judKuimt 
for  tlu'  d<'f«'ndant  niuHt,  <onH«M|ii«'ntlv.  Im>  i«'v»'iM«'d,  and  a  nuindatr 
iHHiH'd,  din'ctinn  thr  Huit  to  Im-  diHmiHHcd  for  want  of  Jurindirtion." 

Tlic  jud^nirnl  of  th«'  riiicf  .InHtirt-  waH  ((unnin'd  in,  in  nioHt  of 
itM  conciuHionM,  b.v  Hix  of  tln'  AKHociatf  .lndK»'B,  tin*  oni.v  on«'H  diHwnt- 
InK  iM'in).'  .hiHtiirn  McLean,  of  Oliio,  and  CnrtiHH,  of  MaHHaclium'ttH. 
Tlii'w  of  tin*  AHHociate  .hiHticcH,  Wavne,  of  (JeoiKia;  l>ani«'i,  of  Vir 
jfinia,  and  Campbell,  of  Alabama,  ((Muuried  with  the  Chief  .luHtin'  in 
all  hJH  concluHionH.  JuHtice  Cati-cm,  of  TenneHHee,  iook  the  cuiiouH 
Ki'ound  that  Conj,'i'e8M  had  the  power  to  govern  the  territorieH,  but  at 
the  same  time  that  Hlave-holdern  had  the  rijfht,  without  reference  to 
ActH  <»f  CtmnreHH,  to  take  their  slaveH  into  the  territorieH.  The  ((Hi- 
eluHionH  ()f  JuHtiee  Nelnon.  of  New  York,  and  drier,  of  Pennnvlvania, 
involved  the  abnurdity  that  Conp-eHH  miKht  le^jiHlnte  slavery  into  the 
territories,  but  could  not  prohibit  it. 

.lustice  Daniel,  of  Virginia,  took  this  extreme  ground:  "Now  the 
f<»llowinjj  are  truths  which  a  knowh-dne  of  the  history  of  the  world, 
and  i)articularly  that  of  our  own  c«Mintry,  compels  us  to  know,  that 
the  African  negro  race  have  never  been  acknowledged  as  belonging  to 
the  family  of  nations;  that,  as  amongst  them,  there  never  has  been 
known  or  recognized  by  the  inhabitants  of  other  countries  anything 
partaking  of  the  character  of  nationality,  or  civil  or  political  polity; 
that  this  race  has  been,  by  all  the  nations  of  tJurope,  regarded  as 
subjects  of  capture  or  purchase,  as  subjects  of  <ommerce  or  tralfl«'; 
and  that  the  introduction  of  that  race  into  every  section  of  this 
country  was  not  as  members  of  civil  or  politi<'al  society,  but  as  slaves, 
as  property,  in  the  strictest  sense  of  the  term." 

The  logical  result  of  the  various  opinions,  filed  by  the  majority  of 
the  Justices,  was  that  any  slave-owner  might  take  his  property  into 
a  Free  Htate  and  hold  it  there,  and  it  fairly  justified  the  boast  of 
Robert  Toombs  that  he  would  yet  call  the  roll  of  his  slaves  under  the 
shadow  of  Bunker  Hill  Monument. 

The  Northern  indignation  at  these  utterances  of  the  Sui)reme 
Court  Justices  was  not  at  all  mitigated  by  a  consideration  of  the 
composition  of  the  Court  itself.      A  majority  of  the  members  were 


f'^ 


tlu>  wlioli', 
HTM  b.v  tlio 
f  MiHMoiii-i, 
[1,  aiul  tliat 
(1  no  JiiriM- 

t  JllllKIIH'Ilt 

a  iiiaiidatc 
di«ti(»n." 

ill  IIIOHt  of 
ICH  (liHHCIlt- 
HacllllHOttH. 

i«'l,  of  Vir- 
r  tIuMti(<>  in 
Ww  <Mii-iouM 
I'icH,  hut  at 

I'fclHMUH'  to 

The  <(Ui- 
iniMvivania, 
'ry  into  the 

"Now  the 
the  world, 
Ivnow,  that 
t>Ionp;ing  to 
T  ha8  been 
's  anything 
ical  polity; 
egarded  as 
i  or  tralflr; 
ion  of  thiH 
it  SL»  »\a.vv», 

majority  of 
■operty  into 
lie  boast  of 
8  under  the 

le  Sujireme 
tion  of  the 
tnberB  were 


PKKHIhKNT  nrCIIANAN'H  ADMINIHTKATION. 


83 


from  the  Houtli,  and  they,  iih  well  iih  their  aHHociateH  from  the  North, 
liad  K<'»('i'nlly  hevn  appoiiiled  for  poliiiral  reuHoiiH,  and  not  on  arcoiiiil 
t»f  any  Hpe*-ial  (inalitlralioiiH  for  a  jiidit-ial  pimitloii. 

Itiit  if  the  N'(»rllieriierH  were  aroiiHed  lo  indignation  at  thiH  judi- 
tial  HiiltverMion  of  tlie  <'onHtitulion,  tlie  Houtli  wuh  put  into  a  <-oiidilioii 
of  alarm  and  wrath,  by  the  'lohn  Itrowii  attack  up<»n  the  iirHenal  at 
llarper'H  Ferry,  Virginia,  in  IH'ti).  TIiIh  remarkable  man,  who  with 
Heventeeii  wliite  and  five  negro  aHHoriatcH,  Htartled  and  aHtouiid(>d  the 
whole  coiintry.  had  already  had  a  very  Htirring  career  in  KaimaH.  Of 
liiM  charact<'r,  IiIh  follower  and  biographer,  .Iiim.  Kedpath,  Hiiid:  "It  Iiiih 
be<>ii  aHHcrted  thai  he  wiih  a  nuMiiber  of  tlie  Uepublican  party.  It  Ih 
falMc.  lie  deH|iiH(d  the  Uepublican  party.  It  Ih  true  that,  like  every 
.VbolitionlHt,  he  wuh  opponed  to  the  exteiiHion  of  Hiavery;  and  like  the 
majority  of  Anti-Wlavery  men,  in  favor,  al8o,  of  organized  political 
action  ngaiiiHt  it.  Itut  he  wuh  too  earncHt  a  man,  and  too  devout  a 
ChriHtian,  to  rent  HJitinfied  with  the  only  actionagaiiist  slavery  coiiHiHt- 
ent  with  oiie'H  duty  as  a  citizen  ac»ording  to  the  UHual  Uepublican 
interiu-etation  <»f  the  Federal  <'oiiHtitiilion.  It  teachen  that  we  muMt 
content  ourHelvew  witli  rcHiKting  the  exteuHion  of  Hiavery.  Where  the 
UepublicauH  naid  'lltilt,'  .l()hii  Mrown  nhouted  'Forward, to  the  reHcm-!' 
He  waH  an  AbolitioniHt  of  the  Uuiiker  Hill  hcIiooI.  He  followed 
neither  (JarriHon  nor  Heward,  (Jerrit  Hiiiith  nor  Wendell  riiillipH;  but 
the  Oolden  Uule  and  the  Declaration  of  hub'pendence,  in  tln'  Hpirit 
of  the  Hebr<*w  warriors,  and  in  the  (}od-a]>]ilauded  mode  that  they 
adopted."  Uedjiath  visitJ'd  one  of  John  Urown's  camps  in  Kansas, 
and  gives  this  account  of  what  he  learned  there:  "In  this  camp,  no 
manner  of  jirofane  language  was  permitted;  no  man  of  immornl  char- 
acter was  allowed  to  stay,  except  as  a  prisoner  of  war.  He  made 
prayers,  in  which  all  the  company  united,  every  morning  and  evening, 
and  no  food  was  ever  tasted  by  his  men  until  the  Divine  blessing  had 
been  asked  on  it.  After  every  im'al,  thanks  were  returned  to  the 
Bountiful  (liver. 

"Often,  1  was  told,  the  old  man  would  retire  to  the  densest  soli- 
tudes and  wrestle  with  his  (lod  in  secret  prayer.  One  of  his  company 
subsequently  informed  me  that,  after  these  retirings,  he  would  say 
that  the  I^rd  had  directed  him,  in  visions,  what  to  do;  that,  for 
himself,  he  did  not  love  warfar<%  but  peace,  only  acting  in  obedience  to 
the  will  of  the  Lord,  and  fighting  Ood's  battles  for  his  children's  sake. 
It  was  at  this  time  that  the  old  man  said  to  me:  'I  w(Mild  rather 
have  the  small-pox,  jellow-fever  and  cholera  all  tiigether  in  my  camp, 


^!i 


1  IF 


:;ii 

''!' 

; 

''^ 

iii 

!-; 

^\ 

1 

ill 

i. 

* 

1 

i*Fj;-;*iss«w»s*'«**"''***'"  '  ■"  " 


r^i 


s>. 


84 


HISTORY  OF  THE  KErUBLK  AN  PARITY. 


than  a  man  without  principles.  It's  a  mistake,  sir,'  he  continued, 
'that  our  people  make,  when  they  think  that  bullies  are  the  best 
fighters,  or  that  they  are  the  men  fit  to  oppose  these  Southerners. 
Give  me  men  of  good  princijiles,  God-fearing  men,  and  men  who 
respect  themselves,  and,  with  a  dozen  of  them,  I  will  oppose  any 
hundred  such  men  as  the  Buford  rufHans.'  I  remained  in  the  camp 
about  an  hour.  Never  before  had  I  met  such  a  band  of  men.  They 
were  not  earnest,  but  earnestness  incarnate.  Six  of  them  were  John 
Brown's  sons." 

Brown's  entrance  into  Kansas  affairs  came  about  in  this  way. 
His  four  oldest  sons  migrated  from  Ohio  to  that  Territory  and  settled 
in  Lykens  County,  in  the  Southern  part  of  the  State,  and  not  far  from 
the  Mipsoiiri  border.  They  were  here  so  harrassed,  insulted  and 
plundered  that  they  found  they  could  not  live  without  arms,  and  wrote 
to  their  father  to  that  effect.  He  procured  a  supply  and  went  with 
them.  He  at  once  organized  small  bands  of  men  to  resist  the  aggres- 
sions of  the  Missourians.  His  first  exploit  was  in  a  skirmish  at 
Bla(k  Jak,  of  which  the  records  are  scant.  His  second  was  the 
battle  ol  Osawatomie,  which  gave  him  the  name  Osawatomie  Brown, 
Here,  with  thirty  men  skillfully  posted  under  cover,  he  met  a  force  of 
500  Missourians,  killed  32  and  wounded  50  more,  and  held  them  at 
bay  until  his  ammunition  was  exhausted,  when  he  made  a  safe  retreat, 
having  lost  only  five  men.  There  were  enough  other  exploits  of  this 
kind  to  make  his  name  a  terror  to  the  Missourians  and  to  partly 
account  for  the  consternation  which  his  later  and  larger  venture 
. caused. 

When  Brown  finally  left  Kansas  he  picked  up  twelve  slaves  in 
going  through  Missouri,  brought  them  to  Detroit,  whence  they  were 
passed  over  to  Canada.  He  vhen  went  :>st  to  prepare  for  his  scheme 
of  freeing  the  slaves  in  the  South,  to  which  he  thought  visions  from 
the  Lord  had  directed  him.  The  first  movement  in  this  scheme,  the 
occupation  of  Harper's  Ferry,  was  arranged  with  great  ability  and 
with  equally  great  boldness.  Brown's  force  consisted  of  seventeen 
white  men  and  five  negroes.  This  handful  of  men,  on  the  night  of 
the  15th  of  October,  quietly  entered  Harper's  Ferry,  and  took  pos- 
session of  the  armory  buildings,  which  were  guarded  by  only  three 
watchmen,  who  were  seized  and  placed  in  the  guard-house.  Then 
the  watchmen  at  the  Potomac  bridge  were  captured  and  secured.  At 
a  quarter  past  one  the  Western  train,  on  the  Baltimore  &  Ohio 
Railroad   arrived,   and    found  the   bridge  guarded   by  armed  men. 


continued, 
(  the  best 
utherners. 
men  who 
ppose  any 
1  the  camp 
en.  They 
were  John 

this  way. 
ind  settled 
)t  far  from 
suited  and 
and  wrote 
went  with 
the  aggres- 
kirmish  at 
d  was  the 
oie  Brown, 
I  a  force  of 
Id  them  at 
afe  retreat, 
oits  of  this 
I  to  partly 
;er  venture 

e  slaves  in 
they  were 
his  scheme 
isions  from 
icheme,  the 
ability  and 
F  seventeen 
lie  night  of 
1  took  po8- 
only  three 
ise.  Then 
(cured.  At 
)re  &  Ohio 
irmed  men. 


PRESIDENT  BUCHANAN'S  ADMINISTRATION. 


85 


Almost  simultaneously  with  the  delciition  of  the  train,  the  house  of 
(.'olonei  Lewis  W.  Washington  was  visited  by  Brown's  men,  under 
Captain  Stevens,  who  seized  his  arms  and  horses,  and  liberated  his 
slaves.  Every  male  citizen  who  ventured  into  the  street  during  the 
rest  of  the  night,  was  captured  nnd  confined  in  the  armory,  until  the 
number  of  prisoners  was  between  40  and  50.  One  of  the  workmen 
asked  by  what  authority  the  arsenal  had  been  seized,  and  was  told: 
"By  the  authority  of  Almighty  Ood."  Every  workman  who 
approached  the  armory,  as  day  dawned,  was  seized  and  imprisoned. 
By  8  o'clock  the  number  of  prisoners  exceeded  ♦>().  Soon  after 
daybreak  the  fight  began,  and  a  grocer,  named  Boerly,  was  killed  by 
the  return  Are  from  the  army  of  occupation.  Soon  afterward  one  of 
Brown's  sons,  Walter,  was  mortally  wounded  by  a  shot  fired  by  some 
Virginians,  who  had  obtained  possession  of  a  room  overlooking  the 
armory  gates.  The  alarm  was  spread  over  the  surrounding  country, 
and  at  noon  a  militia  force,  consisting  of  1(M>  men,  arrived  from 
f -harlestown,  the  County  Seat,  and  were  so  disposed  as  to  command 
every  available  exit  from  the  armory.  The  attacking  force  was 
rapidly  augmented  and  the  fight  was  continued,  another  of  Brown's 
sons,  Oliver,  meeting  the  fate  of  his  brother  earlier  in  the  day.  The 
assailants  being  in  overwhelming  force,  Brown  retreated  to  the 
engine  house,  where  he  succeeded  in  repulsing  them,  with  a  loss  to 
the  Virginians  of  two  killed  and  six  wounded.  Night  found  in 
Brown's  force  only  three  unWounded  whites  besides  himself.  Eight 
of  his  men  were  already  dead,  another  was  dying,  two  were  captives, 
mortally  wounded,  and  one  was  a  prisoner  unhurt.  A  party,  sent 
out  to  capture  slave-holders  and  liberate  slaves  early  in  the  day,  was 
absent.  They  fled  during  the  night  through  Maryland,  into  Pennsyl- 
vania, but  most  of  them  were  ultimately  taken.  It  was  not  till  the 
next  morning  that  the  engine  house  was  captured  by  a  force  of  United 
States  Marines,  two  of  the  Marines  being  wounded.  Brown  was 
struck  in  the  face  by  a  saber,  and  knocked  down.  After  he  fell  the 
old  man  received  two  bayonet  thrusts  at  the  hands  of  an  infuriated 
soldier.  Brown  and  the  rest  of  his  little  band,  who  fell  into  the  hands 
of  the  Virginians,  were  tried  and  executed  at  the  Town  of  Charles- 
town,  all  of  them  dying  with  calm  and  unflinching  courage.  The 
invasion  was  a  nmd  scheme,  with  a  tragic  ending,  but  it  has  been  im- 
mortalized in  song  and  story,  in  every  land  where  the  spirit  of  liberty 
is  cherished. 

« 

The   event   took  on  some   politi<'al    importance  on  account  of 
attempts  in  both  Houses  of  Congress  to  fasten  the  responsibility 


ill  M 


yMwMMNM 


imm 


m 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 


upon  the  Republican  party,  and  to  make  out  that  it  was  one  of  many 
such  movements  planned.  But  the  charge  was  so  manifestly  absurd, 
that  it  made  little  impression  either  on  Congress  or  the  people. 

During  this  Administration  a  more  peaceful  event,  but  one  of 
the  greatest  political  importance,  occurred.  This  was  the  series  of 
joint  debates  between  Abraham  Lincoln  and  Stephen  A.  Douglas. 
The  ability  and  fame  of  the  speakers,  their  eloquence  in  oratory,  and 
their  skill  in  argument,  made  the  debates  subjects  of  interest  in 
advance,  and  they  were  fully  reported.     The  joint  debates  were  seven 

in  number,  all  at  towns 
in  the  interior  of  Illi- 
nois, though  the  men 
had  previously  been 
matched  against  each 
other  a  number  of  times 
in  Chicago.  They 
served  to  clear  up  the 
issues  as  between  the 
parties.  They  also  had 
wide-reaching  personal 
effects,  for  they  showed 
that  Douglas  was  not 
extreme  enough  to  suit 
the  South,  placed  Lin- 
coln side  by  side  with 
William  H.  Seward  as 
an  exponent  of  ad- 
vanced Anti  -  Slavery 
sentiment,  and  made 
him  at  once  an  availa- 
STBPHEN  A.  DOUGLAS.  ble  Presidential  candi- 

date. In  one  of  his  noted  speeches,  Seward  spoke  of  the 
slavery  question  as  an  "irrepressible  conflict,''  an  expression  which 
was  widely  quoted.  In  his  llrst  speech  during  the  campaign,  Lincoln 
had  already  given  broader  expression  to  the  same  idea,  in  the  follow- 
ing phrases,  which  became  familiar  the  country  over:  "1  believe 
this  government  cannot  endure  permanently  half  slave  and  half  free. 
T  do  not  expect  the  Union  to  be  dissolved,  I  do  not  expect  the  house  to 
fall,  but  I  do  expect  that  it  will  cease  to  be  divided.  It  will  become 
all  one  thing  or  all  the  other.      Either  the  opponents  of  slavery  will 


I.: 


j|iiati«i«iii'*«inii>ii'iwrii'in 


■i-|liriM'ii[iiHwtfiiii'1i'i>'ili 


:':<■     '  >?■■ 


J  iH^&jttk 


tM. 


PRESIDENT  BIT'HANANS  ADMINISTRATION.        87 


e  of  many 
ly  absurd, 
>ple. 

►ut  one  of 
?  series  of 
,  Douglas, 
atory,  and 
nterest  in 
vere  seven 
1  at  towns 
or  of  Illi- 
the  men 
isly     been 
linst   each 
er  of  times 
;  o.      They 
'ar  up  the 
tween    the 
y  also  had 
;  personal 
ley  showed 
s  was  not 
igh  to  suit 
)la('ed  Lin- 
side  with 
Seward  as 
t     of    ad- 
ti  -  Slavery 
iind    made 
an  availa- 
itial  candi- 
ie    of    the 
sion  which 
^n,  Lincoln 
the  follow- 
"I  believe 
4  half  free, 
le  house  to 
vill  become 
lavery  will 


arrest  the  further  spread  of  it,  and  place  it  where  the  public  mind 
shall  rest  in  the  belief  that  it  is  in  the  course  of  ultimate  extinction, 
or  its  advocates  will  push  it  forward  till  it  shall  become  alike  lawful 
in  all  the  states,  old  as  well  as  new,  North  as  well  as  South." 

In  the  election  which  followed  the  Republicans  carried  the  State 
on  the  general  ticket,  but  owing  to  the  manner  in  which  it  had  been 
districted  the  Democrats  had  a  majority  in  the  Legislature  and 
Douglas  was  re-elected  to  the  Senate.  When  the  result  was  known, 
one  of  the  Republican  leaders  in  Illinois  remarked:  "We  have  lost 
a  Senator,  but  we  have  made  a  President."  Plans  to  bring  Mr. 
Lincoln  forward  as  a  candidate  for  the  Presidency  began  to  develop 
very  soon  afterwards. 

There  was  one  contest  in  the  Congresses  of  Mr.  Buchanan's 
Administration  which  possessed  more  significance  than  has  ordinarily 
been  given  it,  and  which  was  of  special  interest  to  Michigan.  This 
was  the  contest,  extending  through  three  sessions,  over  an  appropria- 
tion for  deepening  the  artificial  channel  at  St.  Clair  Plars.  The 
existing  channel  was  150  feet  wide  and  9  feet  deep,  and  was  entirely 
inadequate  to  the  needs  of  navigation.  Senator  Chandler  introduced 
a  bill  for  an  appropriation  of  155,000,  to  enlarge  and  deepen  the  canal, 
and  fought  for  it  with  great  persistency.  It  passed  once,  but  was 
vetoed  by  President  Buchanan,  and  was  defeated,  in  one  House  or  the 
other,  several  times.  In  closing  his  remarks  on  one  of  these  occasions 
Mr.  Chandler  demanded  the  yeas  and  nays  and  added:  "I  want  to 
see  who  is  friendly  to  the  great  Northwest,  and  who  is  not,  for  we  are 
about  making  our  last  prayer  here.  The  time  is  not  far  distant 
when,  instead  of  coming  here  and  begging  for  our  rights,  we  shall 
extend  our  hands  and  take  the  blessing.  After  1860  we  shall  not  be 
here  as  beggars."  This  proved  to  be  prophetic,  for  when  the  Senate 
was  reorganized  in  1861,  Mr.  Chandler  was  made  Chairman  of  the 
Committee  on  Commerce,  and  one  of  the  first  bills  he  reported  called 
for  an  appropri^ition  for  this  improvement.  Under  this  the  first 
work  was  done  for  enlarging  that  magnificent  water-way,  which 
carries  a  larger  tonnage  than  that  entering  the  port  either  of  Liver- 
pool or  New  York.  The  real  significance  of  the  contest  over  this 
measure  is  that  it  was  the  last  attempt  of  the  Democrats  to  maintain 
their  traditional  doctrine  of  hostility  to  internal  improA'ements. 
They  could  no  longer  resist  the  spirit  of  modern  progress;  and  from 
that  day  to  this,  river  and  harbor  appropriation  bills  have  been  a 
feature  of  nearly  every  Congress. 


LJ 


I      I    I 


■,l.  ! 


L 


i 


ii  "'V?,, ^ 


iiPffW 


mm 


88 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 


The  Hoiise  at  the  opening  of  the  XXXVIth  CongresB,  witnessed 
a  contest,  petty  in  itself,  but  signiflcant  as  showing  the  sensitiveness 
of  the  Sontherners  on  the  slavery  question.  Hinton  Rowan  Helper 
had  written  a  book  on  "The  Impending  Crisis.  How  to  Meet  It." 
The  book  was  largely  statistical,  and  was  intended  to  show  that 
slavery  was  detrimental  to  the  best  interests  of  the  South  itself,  but 
It  gave  great  offence  to  that  section.  Oalusha  A.  Grow  and  John 
Sherman  had  endorsed  the  book,  the  latter  without  reading  it.  Both 
were  candidates  for  the  Speakership,  and  on  the  first  day  of  the 
session  John  B.  Clark,  of  Missouri,  introduced  a  preamble  and  resolu- 
tion, declaring  that  the  book  was  "insurrectionary  and  hostile  to  the 
domestic  peace  and  tranquillity  of  the  country;  and  that  no  Member  of 
the  House,  who  has  endorsed  and  recommended  it,  or  the  compend 
from  it,  is  fit  to  be  Speaker  of  this  House."  By  obtaining  the  floor 
and  talking  and  reading  documents  in  support  of  his  resolution,  Mr. 
Clark  managed  to  defer  the  second  ballot  for  Siieaker  till  the  third 
day  of  the  session.  This  sort  of  trifling  over  the  John  Brown  raid 
and  Helper's  book  continued  for  eight  weeks,  with  occasional  ballot- 
ings  for  Speaker.  Sherman,  on  all  the  latest  ballots  came  within 
three  or  four  votes  of  an  election,  but  at  last  peremptorily  withdrew, 
and  Mr.  Pennington,  a  new  member,  was  elected.  The  result  of  this 
eight  weeks  of  boys'  play  was  the  gratuitous  advertisement  of  a  book 
which  the  Southerners  detested,  and  the  election  of  a  poor  Speaker. 

The  Michigan  election  that  occurred  during  the  Buchanan  Admin- 
istration did  not  furnish  as  large  Republican  majorities  as  in  1850, 
but  were  still  satisfactory.  At  the  election  in  1858,  Moses  Wisner 
was  chosen  Governor  by  a  vote  of  65,202,  against  56,067  for  Stuart, 
Democrat.  The  Congressmen  elected  were:  William  A.  Howard. 
Francis  W.  Kellogg,  Pewitt  C.  Leach  and  Henry  Waldron,  all  Repub- 
licans. The  Legislature  chosen  at  this  election  elected  Kinsley  8. 
Bingham  United  States  Senator,  thus  making  the  Michigan  delegation 
in  both  Houses  unanimously  Republican  for  the  first  time. 


'immmmiiim 


■«IMnMf««nMwwat<Mi 


mmi 


~T<\^ 


witnessed 
isitiveness 
an  Helper 

Meet  It." 
8how  that 
itself,  but 
and  John 
it.  Both 
ay  of  the 
ind  resolu- 
tile  to  the 
Member  of 
i  compend 
g  the  floor 
lution,  Mr. 

the  third 
irown  raid 
nal  ballot- 
me  within 
withdrew, 
inlt  of  this 
:  of  a  book 
r  Speaker, 
an  Admin- 
is  in  1850, 
es  Wisner 
for  Stuart, 
.  Howard, 
ail  Repult- 
Kinsley  8. 
delegation 


VII. 


THE  KECOND  NATIONAL  (CONVENTION. 

The  I)oujy:las  Democrats  and  the  Seceders  Prom  the  Charleston  Con- 
vention— The  Republicans  Meet  at  Chicago  in  High  Hopes — 
Immense  Gathering  at  the  Wigwam — All  the  Free  States  and  Six 
Slave  States  Represented — Some  of  the  Distinguished  Men 
Present — Joshua  R.  Oiddings  and  the  Dec  laration  of  Independ- 
ence— A  Ringing  Platform  Adopted — Seward  First  (Choice  of  a 
Majority  of  the  Delegates — Influences  that  Operated  Against 
Him — Necessity  of  Carrying  the  Middle  States — Dramatic  S<*ene 
When  Lincoln  Was  Nominated — Disappointment  of  Michigan 
Republicans — Strong  Nomination  for  Vice-I'resident. 

It  became  evident  early  in  1800  that  Stephen  A.  Douglas  was  the 
choice  for  President  of  a  majority  of  the  Democrats,  but  that  the  men 
of  extreme  Southern  views  were  prepared  to  resist  his  nomination  by 
every  means  in  their  power.  The  Convention  met  in  Charleston, 
8.  C,  April  23,  1860,  and  had  a  stormy  session  of  ten  days.  Heated 
discussions  were  had  over  the  platform,  during  which  the  delegates, 
either  in  whole  or  in  part,  from  several  of  the  Southern  states  retired 
from  the  Convention.  Fifty-seven  ballots  were  had  for  President, 
in  all  of  which  Mr.  Douglas  had  a  majority,  but  in  none  of  which  did 
he  have  the  requisite  two-thirds.  The  Convention  then  adjourned 
to  meet  at  Baltimore  on  the  18th  of  June.  Meantime  the  seceders 
had  held  a  four  days'  session,  adopted  a  platform,  and  adjourned  to 
meet  at  Richmond,  Va.,  June  11. 

It  was  under  these  circumstances  that  the  Republican  Convention 
met  at  Chicago,  May  16.  The  party  was  full  of  high  hopes,  was 
stronger  than  ever  before  in  the  Northern  states,  and  there  was  every 
prospect  that  the  Democrats  would  continue  to  be  divided,  both 
North  and  South.      The   Republicans  in  the   ele<tion  of   1856,  had 


•isSit^ts^A-m  -u-il^J  ■,AJa!LLWg!g^ 


f^ 


-L^ttikdS*^ 


I  ^ 


90 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REPT'BLICAN  PARTY. 


barely  lost  Pennsylvania  and  Indiana,  and  had  lost  Illinuis  by  a 
larger  majority.  They  had  since  then  gained  all  three  of  those 
states.  They  had  carried  them,  all  in  the  elections  of  1859,  together 
with  every  other  Northern  State  except  California,  Oregon,  New  York 
and  Rhode  Island.  In  Oregon  the  vote  was  very  close,  and  New 
York  and  Rhode  Island  had  only  been  carried  against  them  by  a 
fusion  of  all  the  opposition  forces.  Within  the  year  the  party  had 
gained  in  strength  and  courage,  and  since  there  was  in  1S60  no 
prospect  of  complete  fusion  of  all  the  opposition,  its  leaders  were 
hopeful  of  carrying  every  Northern  State. 

There  was  then  no  permanent  building  in  (Chicago  large  enough 
to  accommodate  a  Convention  of  the  magnitude  of  this,  with  a  reason- 
able number  of  outsiders,  and  a  temporary  structure,  <>alled  the 
Republican  Wigwam,  was  erected  for  the  purpose.  It  was  said  to 
be  capable  of  seating  10,000  persons,  but  notwithstanding  its  large 
dimensions  had  such  excellent  acoustic  properties  that  an  ordinary 
speaker  could  be  heard  throughout  the  whole  vast  spa<e.  There  was 
nothing  to  obstruct  the  vision,  so  that  a  i>er8on  sitting  in  any  part  of 
the  auditorium  could  see  every  other  part  of  it,  and  there  were  separ- 
ate doors  for  the  ingress  and  egress  of  spectators  and  delegates,  thus 
avoiding  confusion.  It  was  crowded  with  enthusiastic  followers  of 
the  different  candidates,  and  grave  questions  were  discussed  with 
earnestness,  but  it  was  as  orderly  as  any  large  Convention  ever  held 
in  the  country. 

All  the  Free  States  were  fully  represented  in  the  Convention,  with 
delegates  from  six  slave  states,  Delaware,  Maryland,  Virginia,  Ken- 
tucky, Missouri  and  Texas.  Like  the  first  Republican  Convention  at 
Jackson,  it  brought  out,  in  addition  to  old  party  managers,  a  great 
many  young  men,  who  afterwards  became  conspicuous  in  public 
affaire.  Mr.  Blaine  says  that  not  less  than  sixty  of  them,  till  then 
unknown  outside  theib  districts,  were  afterwards  sent  to  Congress, 
while  many  of  them  became  governors  of  states,  and  many  others 
were  distinguished  as  soldiers  in  the  war  that  followed.  Like  the 
Jackson  Cqnvention,  also,  it  contained  men  of  formerly  very  diverse 
sentiments.  Abolitionists,  Anti-Slavery  Whigs,  Conservative  Whigs, 
Free  Democrats  and  a  few  who,  not  many  years  before,  were  straight- 
out  Democrats.  The  temporary  Chairman  was  David  Wilmot,  of 
Proviso  fame,  formerly  an  Anti-Slavery  Democrat,  and  the  perma- 
nent Chairman  was  George  Ashmun,  of  Massachusetts,  a  Daniel 
Webster  ^Vhig.      Both  selections  were  received  with  great  enthus- 


»iBW)iii:*)narrTiiimiii' 


Bi"3.we'e'j  "'.fe  ■ 


iiiiiiiiiriliiinilriiii  mm^MttmitSlttKlSm'*^ 


If;;'.' 


•m. 


iSSi 


oig  by  a 
of  those 
,  together 
iJew  York 
and  New 
em  by  a 
iarty  had 
1800  no 
ler»  were 

re  enough 
a  reason - 
ailed  the 
IB  said  to 
its  large 
ordinary 
[•here  was 
ly  part  of 
ere  separ- 
ates, thus 
lowers  of 
ssed  with 
ever  held 

tion,  with 
inia,  Ken- 
rention  at 
8,  a  gi*eat 
in  public 
,  till  then 
Congress, 
ny  others 

Like  the 
py  diverse 
ve  Whigs, 
»  straight- 
^ilmot,  of 
lie  perma- 

a  Daniel 
it  enthus- 


THE  SECOND  NATIONAL  CONVENTION. 


01 


iasni.  Among  the  most  distinguished  delegates  present  were  John 
A.  Andrew  and  George  8.  Moutwell,  of  Massachusetts;  William  M. 
Evarts  and  Preston  King,  of  New  York;  Thaddeus  Htevens  and 
Andrew  H.  Reeder,  of  Pennsylvania;  Thomas  Corwin  and  Joshua  R. 
(Mddings,  of  Ohio;  Norman  B.  Jndd  and  David  Davis,  of  Illinois; 
Francis  P.  Hlair,  of  Missouri,  and  Carl  Schurz,  of  Wisconsin. 

The  Michigan  delegates  were  as  follows:  At  Large — Austin 
Hlair,  Jackson;  Walton  W.  Murphy,  Jonesville;  Thomas  White  Ferry, 
(Jrand  Haven;  J.  J.  St.  Clair,  Marquette.  By  Districts— First,  J.  G. 
Peterson,  Detroit,  Alex.  I).  Crane,  Dexter;  Se<ond,  Jesse  G.  Benson, 
Dowaglac,  William  L.  Stoughton,  Sturgis;  Third,  Francis  Quinn, 
Niles,  Erastus  Hussy,  Battle  Creek;  Fourth,  D.  C.  Buckland,  Pontiac, 
Michael  T.  C.  Plessner,  Saginaw  City. 

The  Michigan  appointments  in  the  Conventi(»n  were:  Vice-Presi- 
dent, Thomas  W.  Ferry;  Secretary,  William  L.  Stoughton;  Commit- 
tee on  Permanent  Organization,  W.  W.  Murphy;  Credentials,  Francis 
Quinn;  Resolutions,  Austin  Blair.  Of  these  the  first  afterwards 
became  Member  of  Congress  and  United  States  Senator;  the  se<ond. 
Member  of  Congress;  the  third,  a  Foreign  Minister,  and  the  last,  G(»v- 
ernor  and  Member  of  Congress. 

The  first  day's  session  was  occupied  with  routine  business,  with 
stirring  speeches  by  the  temporary  and  permanent  Chairman.  The 
forenoon  of  the  second  day  was  taken  up  with  consideration  of  the 
report  of  the  Committee  on  Credentials,  mainly  in  reference  to  the  del- 
egations from  Maryland,  Kentucky,  Virginia  and  Texas. 

On  the  second  afternoon  the  report  of  the  (Committee  on  Resolu- 
tions was  presented.  There  was  but  little  discussion  upon  the  report 
which  was  generally  acceptable,  but  an  amendment  offered  by  Joshua 
R.  Giddings,  caused  an  excited  discussion,  and  an  animated  scene. 
Having  obtained  the  floor  with  great  difficulty,  Mr.  Giddings  proposed 
to  add  the  following  after  the  first  resolution:  "That  we  solemnly 
reassert  the  self-evident  truths  that  all  men  are  endowed  by  their 
( -reator  with  certain  inalienable  rights,  among  which  are  life,  liberty 
and  the  pursuit  of  happiness;  that  governments  are  instituted  among 
men  to  secure  the  enjoyment  of  such  rights."  "I  offer  this,"  said  the 
old  man,  in  concluding  a  speech  on  his  amendment,  "because  our  party 
was  formed  upon  it.  It  grew  upon  it.  It  has  existed  upon  it,  and 
when  you  leave  out  this  truth  you  leave  out  the  party."  Notwith- 
standing this,  his  amendment  was  voted  down.  At  the  announcement 
of  the  vote  bv  which  it  was  lost,  Giddings  rose  and  slowly  made  his 


!     *« 


:^ 


mimiMmmim' 


^■r^mm 


MMMfnPlpM^ 


ii 


1)2 


HISTORY  OP  THE  REIMJBLICAN  PARTY. 


way  toward  ^he  door  The  ronvention  had  voted  down  the  Declara- 
tion of  lndependen<  e;  the  doctrine  of  the  fathers  had  been  repudiated; 
and  he  seceded.  Hut  the  <-au8e  he  had  left  behind  him  was  taken  up 
and  <hanipioned  by  (Jeorjce  William  Curtis,  of  New  York,  who  suc- 
ceeded after  a  little  in  getting  the  floor  and  offering  as  an  amendment 
the  words  that  finally  stood  as  Section  2  of  the  resolutions.  In 
supporting  this  amendment,  Mr.  ('urtis  said:  "I  have  to  ask  this 
Convention  whether  they  are  prepared  to  go  upon  the  record  and 
before  the  <'onntry  as  voting  down  the  words  of  the  Declaration  of 

Independence?  I  have, 
sir,  in  the  amendment 
which  I  have  intro- 
duced, quoted  simply 
and  only  from  the  Dec- 
laration of  Independ- 
ence. Bear  in  mind 
that  in  Philadelphia,  in 
185(),  the  (Convention  of 
this  same  great  party 
were  not  afraid  to  an- 
nounce those  prin<!iples 
by  which  alone  the  Re- 
publican party  lives, 
and  upon  which  alone 
the  future  of  this  coun- 
try in  the  hands  of  the 
Republican  party  is 
passing.  Now,  sir,  I 
ask  gentlemen  gravely 
to  consider  that  in  the 
josHTTA  R.  GiDDiNGS.  amendment     which     I 

have  proposed,  I  have  done  nothing  that  the  soundest  and  safest  man 
in  all  the  land  might  not  do;  and  I  rise  simply — for  I  am  now  sitting 
down — I  rise  simply  to  ask  gentlemen  to  think  well  before,  upon  the 
tree  prairies  of  the  West,  in  the  Bummer  of  18C0,  they  dare 
to  wince  and  quail  before  the  men  who,  in  1776,  in  Philadel- 
phia, in  the  Arch-Keystone  State,  so  amply,  so  nobly  represented 
upon  this  platform  today,  before  they  dare  to  shrink  from  repeating 
the  words   that   these  great   men    enunciated."      Mr.  Curtis'  plea 


'« !ir;«h«» 


mHMmmmmMmmmtmmmmmmirmi 


■liaHHMMMMM 


i 


o  Declara- 
^pudiated ; 
)  taken  up 

who  snc- 
inendment 
ions.  In 
)  aMk  this 
ecord  and 
aration  of 
?  I  have, 
inendment 
,ve  intro- 
d  simply 
a  the  Dec- 
Independ- 

in  mind 
leiphia,  in 
vention  of 
eat  party 
aid  to  an- 
prin<!iple8 
ae  the  Re- 
?ty  lives, 
tich  alone 
this  conn- 
nds  of  the 
party  is 
ow,  sir,  I 
■n  gravely 
bat  in  the 
which  I 
lafest  man 
ow  sitting 
,  upon  the 
they  dare 

Philadel- 
•presented 

repeating 
irtis'  plea 


THE  HECONI*  NATIONAL  CONVENTION. 


m 


carried  the  day,  and  his  amendment  was  adopted.      The  platform  in 
full  was  as  follows: 

REHOLVEh,  That  we,  the  delegated  representatives  of  the 
Republican  electors  of  the  United  Htates,  in  <%)nvention  assembled,  in 
discharge  of  the  duty  we  owe  to  our  constituents  and  our  country, 
unite  in  the  following  dedaratijms: 

1.  That  the  history  of  the  naticm,  during  the  last  four  years,  has 
fullv  established  the  propriety  and  necessity  of  the  organization  and 
perpetuation  of  the  Republican  party,  and  that  the  causeH  which 
called  it  into  exiftence  are  permanent  in  their  nature,  and  now,  more 
than  ever  before,  demand  its  ]>eaceful  and  f'onstitutional  triumph. 

2.  That  the  maintenance  of  the  principles  promulgated  in  the 
Declaration  of  Independence  and  embodied  in  the  Federal  (.'onstitti- 
tion,  "That  all  men  are  created  equal;  that  they  are  endowed  by  their 
(Creator  with  certain  inalienable  rights;  that  among  these  are  life, 
liberty  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness;  that  to  secure  these  rights  gov- 
ernments are  instituted  among  men,  deriving  their  just  powers  from 
the  consent  of  the  governed,"  is  essential  to  the  preservation  of  our 
republican  institutions;  and  that  the  Federal  Constitution,  the  rights 
of  the  States  and  the  Union  of  the  States,  must  and  shall  be  preserved. 

3.  That  to  the  union  of  the  states  this  Nation  owes  its  unprece- 
dented increase  in  population,  its  surprising  development  of  material 
resources,  its  rapid  augmentation  of  wealth,  its  happiness  at  home  and 
its  honor  abroad;  and  we  hold  in  abhorrence  all  schemes  for  disunion, 
come  from  whatever  source  they  may;  and  we  congratulate  the 
countrv  that  no  Republican  Member  of  Congress  has  uttered  or  coun- 
tenanced the  threats  of  disunion  so  often  made  by  Democratic 
members,  without  rebuke  and  with  applause  from  their  political  asso- 
ciates; and  we  denounce  those  threats  of  disunion,  in  case  of  a  popular 
overthrow  of  their  ascendancy,  as  denying  the  vital  principles  of  a 
free  government,  and  as  an  avowal  of  contenii)lated  treason,  which  it 
is  the  imperative  duty  of  an  indignant  people  to  rebuke  and  forever 
silence. 

4.  That  the  maintenance  inviolate  of  the  rights  of  the  states,  and 
especially  the  right  of  each  State  to  order  and  control  its  own  domestic 
institutions  according  to  ita  own  Judgment  ex<lu8ively,  is  essential  to 
that  balance  of  power  on  whi<h  the  perfection  and  endurance  of  our 
political  fabric  depends;  and  we  denounce  the  lawless  invasion,  by 
armed  force,  of  the  soil  of  any  State  or  Territory,  no  matter  under 
what  pretext,  as  among  the  gravest  of  crimes. 

5.  That  the  present  Democratic  Administration  has  far  exceeded 
our  worst  apprehensions,  in  its  measureless  subserviency  to  the  exac- 
tions of  a  sectional  interest,  as  especially  evinced  in  its  desperate 
exertions  to  force  the  infamous  Lecompton  Constitution  upon  the  pro- 
testing people  of  Kansas;  in  construing  the  personal  relations  between 
master  and  servant  to  Involve  an  unqualified  property  in  persons;  in 
its  attempted  enforcement,  everywhere,  on  land  and  sea,  through  the 


i 


!»4 


IIIWTOUY  OF  TIIK  HKIMIILK'AN  I'AUTY 


liitiTvcnticui  of  ronjtiH'gH  and  of  tlio  Fodorul  CourtH,  of  thi'  «'xtn'iii« 
protviiMioDH  of  a  purely  local  ititeroHt,  and  in  Um  koiktuI  aud  iinvary- 
liiK  altii8(>  of  the  |Ki\v(>r  ciilniMfcd  to  it  b.v  a  ronfidiiiK  people. 

(5.  That  tli(!  people  juHtly  view  with  alarm  the  recklens  extrava- 
gance which  jiervadeM  every  department  of  the  Federal  (lovernnu*nt; 
that  a  return  to  ritjid  economy  and  accountability  Ih  indiMpenmibUi  to 
arrest  the  Hytttematic  plunder  of  the  public  treasury  by  favored  parti- 
Hans;  while  the  recent  HtartliuK  developments  of  frauds  and 
corruptions  at  the  Federal  metropolis  show  that  an  entire  change  of 
administration  is  imperatively  demanded. 

7.  That  the  new  do^ma,  that  the  ('«mstltution,  of  its  own  force, 
carries  slavery  into  any  or  all  of  the  United  Mtates,  is  a  dangerous 
political  lieresy,  at  variance  with  the  explicit  provisions  of  that  instru- 
ment itself,  with  contemporaneous  exposition,  and  with  LeRislative 
and  Judicial  precedent — Is  revolutionary  in  its  tendency,  and  subver- 
sive of  the  i>euce  and  harmony  of  the  country. 

H.  That  the  normal  condition  of  all  the  territory  of  the  TTnited 
States  is  that  of  freedom;  that  as  our  republican  fathers,  when  they 
had  aliolished  slavery  in  our  National  territory,  ordained  that  "no 
person  shall  be  deprived  of  life,  liberty  or  proi)erty  withotit  due 
process  of  law,"  it  becomes  our  duty,  by  legislation,  whenever  such 
legislation  is  necessary,  to  maintain  this  i>rovision  of  the  Constitution 
against  all  attempts  to  violate  it;  and  we  deny  the  authority  of 
Congress,  of  a  Territorial  Lefjislature,  or  of  any  individuals,  to  give 
legal  existence  to  slavery  in  any  Territory  of  the  I'nited  States. 

U.  That  we  brand  the  recent  reopening  of  the  African  sliive 
trade,  under  the  cover  of  our  National  flag,  aided  by  perversions  of 
judicial  power,  as  a  crime  against  hunuinity  and  a  burning  shame  to 
our  country  and  age,  and  we  call  upon  Congress  to  take  prompt  and 
i'fflcient  measures  for  the  total  and  final  suppression  of  that  execra- 
ble traffic. 

10.  That  in  the  recent  vetoes,  by  their  Federal  governors,  of  the 
Acts  of  the  Legislatures  of  Kansas  and  Nebraska,  prohibiting  slavery 
in  those  Territories,  we  find  a  practi<'al  illustration  of  the  boasted 
Democratic  principle  of  non-intervention  and  popular  sovereignty, 
embodied  in  the  Kansas-Nebraska  bill,  and  a  demonstration  of  the 
deception  and  fraud  involved  therein. 

11.  That  Kansas  should,  of  right,  be  immediately  admitted  as  a 
State  under  the  Constitution  recently  formed  and  adopted  by  her 
people  and  accepted  by  the  House  of  Representatives. 

12.  That  while  providing  for  the  support  of  the  general  govern- 
ment by  duties  upon  imports,  sound  policy  requires  such  an 
adjustment  of  these  imports  as  to  encourage  the  development  of  the 
industrial  interest  of  the  whole  country;  and  we  commend  that  policy 
of  National  exchanges  which  secures  to  the  workingmen  liberal  wages, 
to  agriculture  remunerative  prices,  to  mechanics  and  manufacturers 
an  adequate  reward  for  their  skill,  labor  and  enterprise,  and  to  the 
Nation  commercial  prosperity  and  independence. 


■HMMi 


4     '      -%: 


d  unvury- 

i  oxti'Hva- 
rcrniiu'iit; 
'iiHubIb  to 
ired  purti- 
iiuIh  and 
cha.'iK*'  of 

»wn  f<)r<'<', 
IniiKcrouH 
int  iiifttru- 
leRJslntive 
id  subver- 

he  TTnlted 
vhen  tliey 
I  tlmt  "no 
hont  diH' 
ever  bhcU 
nstitution 
liority  of 
Is,  to  give 
tea. 

can  Kliivc 
iM'Hions  of 
shame  to 
'onipt  and 
at  exeera- 

>rg,  of  the 
iR  slavery 
e  boasted 
vereignty, 
on  of  the 

litted  as  a 
»d  by  her 

ftl  Rovern- 
sueh  an 
ent  of  the 
hat  policy 
pal  wages, 
ifaeturers 
ind  to  the 


THE  HECONn  NATIONAL  ('t)NVENTI(>N. 


1)0 


l:\.  That  we  protest  against  any  sale  or  alienation  (o  others  of 
the  publie  li»«ids  held  by  aetnal  settlers,  and  against  any  >'ew  of  (he 
homestead  policy  whit  h  regards  the  settlers  as  paupers  or  su;>pli(anls 
for  public  lM)unty;  and  we  demand  the  passage  by  (Congress  of  tlie 
complete  and  satisfactory  homestead  measure  which  has  already 
passed  the  House. 

14.  That  the  Republican  party  is  opposed  to  any  change  in  our 
naturalization  laws,  or  any  Htate  legislation  by  which  the  rights  of 
citiKenship  hitherto  accorded  to  immigrants  from  foreign  lands  shall 
be  abridged  or  impaired;  and  in  favor  of  giving  full  and  <'fti<ient  pro 
tection  to  the  rights  of  all  classes  of  citizens,  whether  native  or  nat- 
uralized, both  at  home  and  abroad. 

15.  That  appropriations  by  ('ongress  for  river  and  harbor 
improvements  of  a  National  character,  reijuired  for  the  accommoda- 
tion and  security  of  an  existing  commerce,  are  authorized  by  the 
< Constitution  and  justified  by  the  obligations  of  government  to  protect 
the  lives  and  property  of  its  citizens. 

10.  That  a  railioad  to  the  racitlc  Ocean  is  imperatively 
demanded  by  the  interest  of  the  whole  country:  that  the  Federal  Gov- 
ernment ought  to  render  immediate  and  efflcii*nt  aid  in  its 
consirticiioii;  and  (hat  as  preliminary  thereto,  a  daily  overland  mail 
should  be  promptly  established. 

17.  Finally,  having  thus  set  forth  our  distinctive  principles  and 
views,  we  invite  the  co-operation  of  all  citizens,  however  dilTering 
on  other  questions,  who  substantially  agree  with  us  in  their  affirmance 
and  support. 

Nominations  were  the  order  of  business  for  the  third  day,  and 
were  awaited  with  intense  interest,  not  only  in  Chicago,  where  peo])le 
had  been  wrought  uj)  to  a  high  pitch  of  excitement  by  the  Tonvention 
and  its  surroundings,  but  throughout  the  country.  William  H. 
Seward  was  generally  regarded  as  the  strongest  man.  He  had  been 
among  the  first  to  take  the  advanced  position  on  the  slavery  question 
to  which  the  party  had  now  attained.  He  was  an  attractive  speaker 
and  had  been  on  the  stump,  at  different  times,  in  many  of  the  state» 
and  his  position  in  the  United  Rtates  Senate  had  made  him  conspicu- 
ous. He  was  a  good  politician,  as  well  as  a  statesman,  and  he  had 
been  for  years  in  close  alliance  with  Thnrlow  Weed,  one  of  the  most 
astute  politicians  in  the  country.  Probably  two-thirds  of  the  dele- 
gates were  in  favor  of  Seward  when  they  were  chosen,  and  much 
more  than  half  of  them  were  of  the  same  way  of  thinking  at  the  end 
of  the  first  day's  work  in  the  Convention. 

The  only  other  candidate  who  was  regarded  as  at  all  formidable 
was  Abraham  Lincoln.      Mr.  Lincoln  was  regarded  as  a  possibility  for 


#f 


iiiliiiriiiii^w 


mm 


mmm 


i 


I 


)Mt 


IIISTOUV  OKTIIK  UKIM  lUJCAN  PAHTV. 


tlir  ri«'Hl«h'ntial  ndiiiiiialioii  fioiii  the  linn*  of  tl»'  «'U't»l<ni  follnwiiiK 
liiH  dH»at«'M  wiJli  l^^m^laH  in  IHBH.  HIh  ('oo|m«i'  liiHtltutr  himmmIi  Iu 
Nt'W  York  in  IHW>,  waM  nnul<>  in  fnrtlH'ianc*'  of  hiicIi  caniliilac.v,  and  it 
t'i'itainl.v  tn'alod  a  favuraltlf  H«'ntinn'nt  for  him  in  tlic  Kaitt,  l»ut  it 
waH  Kt'ix'iall.v  llioiiKlit  tliat  liiM  time  Inul  not  yet  coini'. 

Hilt  llu'rc  w'Vf  M('V«'ral  niovniM'nJn,  Bonn*  of  tln-ni  «'ntin'ly  iin»'X 
|M'<t«'<l,  that  woikcd  againHt  Mr.  H«'ward.      Fivo  of  tin'  •^intvm  had  put 
forward     favorite    HonH.       TIh'mi*    w»'r«'    IN'iinM.vivaniu,    with    HInion 
i.'unMMon;  Ohio,  witii  Salmon  V.  Vhwc;  MiHMonri,  witli  Kdwurd  Haten; 

';  N«'W  .ItTHey,  with  Wni. 

li.  Dayton,  and  Ver- 
m  o  n  t  w  i  t  li  Jacob 
<'ollani('r.  TheB**  r«*p- 
i-«>H(>nt4Ml  an  uncertain 
quantity  of  140  votes. 
It  waH  not  exjM'cted 
that  any  of  them  would 
be  of  any  use,  In  the 
end,  to  their  own 
c  a  n  d  I  d  a  t  e,  but  no 
one  could  tell  where 
they  would  go  when 
it  i-anie  to  the  determin- 
ing ballot. 

VVni.  H.  Heward, 
Thiirlow  Weed  and 
iloraee  Oreeley  domin- 
ated the  Whig  party  in 
New  York  in  its  latest 
days  and  the  Republi- 
can party  in  the  same 
Htate  in  its  earliest  days.  But,  about  this  time  Grwley  became  dis- 
watisfled  with  the  combination,  announced  in  the  Tribune  the 
dissolution  of  the  political  firm  of  Seward,  Weed  and  Greeley,  and 
used  the  Tribune,  as  well  as  his  personal  influence,  in  opposition  to 
Howard's  nomination.  The  rule  did  not  then  prevail  in  Republican 
conventions  that  a  delegate  must  be  a  resident  of  the  State,  and  Dis- 
tric't,  which  he  represented,  and  Mr.  Greeley,  who  could  not  get 
appointed  on  the  New  York  delegation,  apiieared  in  the  Convention  as 
a  delegate  from  Oregon.      His  candidate  was  Edward  Bates,  of  Mis- 


WILLIAM  H.  SEWARD. 


iHllHilt 


■MM 


r 


TIIK  Kl-:<'<»\l>  NAnONAh  CONVKNTIOX. 


»7 


f(»llowillK 
H|M>(M-||    ill 

(■,v,  iiikI  it 
Mt,  but  It 

•«'I,V    IIIH'X 

H  iiiid  put 
:h  Hiiiion 
rd  Itateit; 
fvitb  Wm. 
iind  Ver- 
li  •liu-ob 
bt'Bo  rep- 
iiiKvrtuin 
40  voii>». 
«'X|»ect»Ml 
iMii  would 
le,  in  the 
eir  own 
but  no 
ell  wher*' 
Ko  when 
deterniln- 

Heward, 
eed  and 
ey  doniin- 
K  party  in 

its  latest 
>  Republi- 

the  game 
»<'anie  dis- 
bune  the 
eeley,  and 
•ogitioh  to 
Republican 
',  and  Dis- 
I  not  get 
vention  as 
;8,  of  Mis- 


Mouri,  but  III'  wuM  ready  for  uny  other  nindidalf  (lint  roiild  beat 
H«*wai'd. 

(iMt  I  here  whh  another  Het  of  inlliieiircH  (hat  o|M'riited  nnirh  niorr 
nfronyiy  (i/aii  st  Hvward,  nitiiin^;  frmii  two  of  the  cIohi*  Mtalen.  In 
IN>n»M\  Ivaiiia  Alidrew  (i.  <'iirliii  had  brfii  iioiiiiiialnl  for  Oovernor 
by  a  I'eof/le'M  Convi'iition,  the  party  not  even  aHHiniiiuK  the  name 
Kipiibliran.  Tlic  parly  Me«>iiiH  t(»  hav<*  IohI  the  virility  that  marked 
it  III  I'^.'d.  It  now  (OiifiMni'd  a  powfrfiil  "Anifriean"  element,  and 
Aineritan  orKani/.alioiiH  Htill  exiHted  in  I'hiladelphia  and  Home  other 
r  o  u  n  1 1  e  H.  rurtin 
i|UeHtioned  whether  thJH 
element  would  follow 
Heward,  but  thought  it 
iiilght  follow  any  of  the 
other  <■  a  n  d  i  d  a  t  e  H 
named.  HIm  own  fate, 
of  eourH(>,  would  be 
decided  by  the  drift  of 
Hentiment  on  the  I'n'Hl- 
dential  ticket.  He  and 
A.  K.  McClure,  who 
wu8  to  manage  hiii 
campaign,  were  at  Thi- 
cago,  and  strenuouHly 
insiBted  to  every  dele- 
gation to  which  they 
could  get  access,  that 
Heward  could  not  carry 
Pennsylvania. 

A  somewhat  similar 
state  of  alTairs  existed  bimon  cameron. 

in  Indiana.  Henry  H.  Lane  had  been  nominated  for  (}overnor,  and 
Oliver  P.  Morton  for  Ijieutenant-dovernor,  with  the  understanding 
that,  if  the  ticket  was  successful,  the  former  would  be  sent  to  the 
United  States  Senate,  and  the  latter  would  then  become  Governor. 
Uoth  were  profoundly  interested  in  the  success  of  the  ticket.  There 
was  a  considerable  American  element  in  the  State,  and  Seward  was 
not  strong  with  that  element.  Both  these  candidates  thought  that 
Seward's  nomination  meant  their  own  defeat.  They,  with  John  J). 
Defrees,  Chairman  of    the    State   Central    Committee,   joined  their 


'  -■  W:''       >    'tJ- 


E   i 


>l 

5     !« 


i 


MM»WWWIirWCT»imil|j)tipWJ>iW»BW>i«W^  fn.  iiiiriwri.  iiOKirvfnii>»..«»>. 


'%,   "W" 


iWW.II,.,. 


ill 


98 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLK^AN  PARTY. 


I 


remonstrances  to  those  of  the  I'ennsylvania  men  against  the  nomina- 
tion of  Sewi.  '1.  These  remonstrances  had  great  weight  with  the 
Convention,  nioic  especially  as  both  States  were  lost  to  Fremont  in 
1856  by  very  small  majorities,  while  if  he  had  carried  them  he  would 
have  been  elected. 

The  New  York  delegation  and  their  friends  made  the  most  stren- 
uous efforts  to  offset  these  intluences.  There  never  was  a  candidate, 
unless  it  was  Henry  Clay,  who  had  a  more  devoted  band  of  supporters. 
The  whole  delegation  were  enthusiastic  and  demonstrative,  and  the 

two  leaders  were  par- 
t  i  e  u  1  a  r  1  y  effective. 
Thurlow  Weed  was  one 
of  the  most  persuasive 
of  men,  and  Evarts' 
e  1  o  q  u  e  nee  attracted 
crowds  wherever  he 
spoke. 

There  were  practi- 
cally no  nominating 
speeches  at  the  Con- 
vention. Mr.  Seward's 
name  was  presented 
by  \Vm.  M.  Evarts,  Mr. 
Lincoln's  by  Norman  B. 
Judd,  Gen.  Cameron's 
by  A.  H.  Reeder,  S. 
1».  (Mmse's  by  I).  K. 
Cartter,  Edward  Bates' 
by  Francis  P.  Blair, 
and  Wm.  L.  Dayton's 
by  Mr.  Dudley.     But  if 


THURLOW  WEED. 


there  was  no  stirring  oratory  on  the  part  of  the  speakers,  there  was 
plenty  of  enthusiasm  on  the  part  of  the  delegates  and  spectators. 
When  Seward's  name  was  first  mentioned,  a  roar  of  applause  went  up 
that  filled  the  vast  auditorium,  and  this  was  repeated  when  Lincoln 
was  placed  in  nomination.  The  names  of  the  other  candidates  were 
cheered,  but  the  cheers  were  as  a  gentle  brt«ze  to  a  whirlwind,  when 
compared  to  the  r'oar  that  greeted  Lincoln  an»i  Seward.  Opportunity 
was  given  for  a  repetition  of  these  demonstrations  when  Indiana 
seconded  the  nomination  of  Lincoln,  and  Michigan  that  of  Seward. 


ifjiiiiwii'-nwwm-inw 


e  nomina- 
with  the 

I'emont  in 
he  would 

lost  Btreu- 
candidate, 
iipportei's. 
?,  and  the 
were  par- 
effective, 
d  was  one 
jersuasive 
i  Evarts' 
attracted 
■rever     he 

•e    practi- 

oniinating 

the    Con- 

Seward's 

presented 

Ivarts,  Mr. 

JJorman  B. 

Cameron's 

Jeeder,    S. 

by    I).    K. 

ard  Bates' 

P.    Blair, 

Dayton's 

y.     But  if 

there  was 

spet'tators. 

se  went  up 

en  Lincoln 

dates  were 

vind,  when 

pportunity 

'n  Indiana 

[)f  Seward. 


cy/t.^'^^^^^ 


xx^ 


-I'r  'W'ltr^ 


'jl^lfeiiP^I' '  ,'f 'j'-'^wwHy  ■■«■ » WilHjiSiffM 


THE  SECOND  NATIONAL  CONVENTION. 


99 


"I  thought  the  Seward  yell  could  not  be  surpassed,"  said  one  of  the 
spectators,  "but  the  Lincoln  boys  were  clearly  ahead,  and  feeling  their 
victory,  as  there  was  a  lull  in  the  storm,  they  took  deep  breaths  all 
round,  and  gave  a  concentrated  shriek  that  was  positively  awful,  and 
accompanied  it  with  stamping  that  made  every  plank  and  pillar  in  the 
building  quiver."  As  the  storm  subsided,  the  balloting  began,  the 
three  ballots  taken  resulting  as  follows: 

First.  Second.  Third. 

Whole  number  of  votes 465  465  465 

Neceeisarv  to  a  choice 233  233  233 

Wm.  H.  Seward,  of  New  York ITSVa  1841/2  180 

Abraham  Lincoln,  of  Illinois 102  181  2311/2 

Simon  Cameron,  of  Pennsvlvania 50V^  2               

Salmon  P.  Chase,  of  Ohio 49  421/^  241/2 

Edward  Bates,  of  Missouri 48  35  22 

Wm.  L.  Dayton,  of  New  Jersey 14  8  5 

Jacob  Col  lamer,  of  Vermont 10 

Scattering 6  2  1 

This  brought  Lincoln  within  one  and  a  half  votes  of  the  nomina- 
tion. The  dramatic  scene  accompanying  and  following  this  ballot  was 
thus  described  by  Murat  Halstead,  of  the  Cincinnati  Commercial : 

"While  this  ballot  was  taken  amid  excitement  that  tested  the 
nerves,  the  fatal  defection  from  Seward  in  New  England  still  further 
appeared — four  votes  going  over  from  Seward  to  Lincoln  in  Massa- 
chusetts. The  latter  received  four  additional  votes  from  Pennsylvania 
and  fifteen  additional  votes  from  Ohio.  It  was  whispered  about: 
Lincoln's  the  coming  man — will  be  nominated  this  ballot.'  When 
the  roll  of  the  states  and  territories  had  been  called,  I  had  ceastMl  to 
give  attention  to  any  votes  but  those  of  Lincoln,  and  had  his  vote 
added  up  as  it  was  given.  The  number  of  votes  necessary  to  a  choi<;e 
was  233,  and  I  saw  under  my  pencil,  as  the  Lincoln  column  was 
completed,  the  figures  23II/2— one  vote  and  a  half  to  give  him  the 
nomination.  In  a  moment  the  fact  wac  whispered  about.  A  hundred 
pencils  had  told  the  same  story.  The  news  went  over  the  house 
wonderfully,  and  there  was  a  pause.  There  are  always  men  anxious 
to  distinguish  themselves  on  such  occasions.  There  is  nothing  that 
IM)liticians  like  better  than  a  crisis.  1  looked  up  to  see  who  would 
be  the  man  to  give  the  decisive  vote.  In  about  ten  ticks  of  a  watch 
Cartter,  of  Ohio,  was  up,  I  had  imagined  that  Ohio  would  be  slippery 
enough  for  the  crisis,  and  sure  enough!      Every  eye  was  on  Cartter, 


j  ; 


^f»r't(-' 


ItSlHi 


■Ka." 


''-■  "  '*^ 


100 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REPIBLK^AN  PARTY. 


and  everylxMj.v  uiuUTBtood  tlie  iiiattor,  ag  all  knew  what  he  was  atuut 
tu  do.  He  in  a  large  man,  with  rather  striking  features,  a  shock  of 
briBtling  black  hair,  large  and  Hhining  eyes,  and  is  terribly  marked 
with  Binall-pox.  He  has  also  an  iniiiedinient  in  his  speech,  which 
amounts  to  a  stutter,  and  his  selection  as  Chairman  of  the  Ohio  dele- 
gation was,  considering  its  condition,  altogether  appropriate.  He 
had  been  quite  noisy  during  the  sessions  of  the  convention,  but  had 
never  commanded,  when  mounting  his  chair,  such  attention  as  now. 
He  said:      'I  rise  (eh),  Mr.  Chairman  (eh),  to  announce  the  change  of 

four  votes  from  Ohio 
from  Mr.  Chase  to  Mr. 
Lin<oln.'  The  deed  was 
done.  There  was  a 
moment's  silence.  The 
nerves  of  the  thousands 
w  h  i  «•  h,  through  the 
hours  of  sus])ense,  had 
been  subjected  to  .terri- 
ble tension,  relaxed, 
and,  as  deep  breaths  of 
relief  were  taken,  there 
'  was  a  noise  in  the  wig- 
wam like  the  rush  of  a 
great  wind  in  the  van 
of  a  <4torm,  and  in  an- 
othev  breath  the  wind 
was  there.  There  were 
thousands  cheering 
with  the  energy  of  in- 
sanity. 

ANDREW  a.  cuRTiN.  "A    man   who   had 

been  on  the  roof,  and  wa»  engaged  in  communicating  the  ballotings  to 
the  mighty  mass  of  outsiders,  now  demanded  by  gestures  at  the  sky- 
light over  the  stage,  to  know  what  had  happened.  One  of  the 
secretaries,  with  a  tally-sheet  in  his  hands,  shouted:  'Fire  the  salute! 
Abe  Lincoln  is  nominated!'  As  the  cheering  in  the  wigwam  subsided 
we  could  hear  that  outside,  where  the  news  of  the  nomination  had 
just  been  announced.  And  the  roar,  like  the  breaking  up  of  the 
fountains  of  the  deep,  that  was  heard,  gave  a  new  impnlse  to  the 
enthusiasm  inside.      Then  the  thunder  of  the  salute  rose  above  the 


THE  SECOND  NATIONAL  CON  'KNTION. 


101 


KIM  atuut 
t  shock,  of 
y  marked 
ch,  which 
Ohio  dele- 
ate.  He 
I,  but  had 
n  as  now. 
change  of 
rem  Ohio 
ise  to  Ml*. 
'  deed  was 
^  was  a 
'nee.  The 
Miousands 
BUgh  the 
>ense,  had 
d  to  .terri- 
relaxed, 
breaths  of 
ken,  there 
n  the  wig- 
rush  of  a 
n  the  van 
ind  in  an- 
the  wind 
'here  were 
i  cheering 
rgy  of  in- 

who  had 
llotings  to 
it  the  sky- 
ine  of  the 
the  salute! 
a  subsided 
lation  had 
up  of  the 
ilse  to  the 
above  the 


din,  and  the  slionting  was  rijieMie.^  with  such  tremendous  fury  that 
some  discharges  of  tlie  cannon  were  absolutely  not  heard  by  fliose  on 
the  stage.  Puffs  of  smoke,  drifting  by  tlie  open  doors,  and  the  smell 
of  gunpowder  told  what  was  going  on. 

"The  moment  that  half  a  Jozen  men  who  were  on  their  chairs 
making  motions  at  the  President,  could  be  heard,  they  changed  the 
votes  of  their  states  to  Mr.  Lincoln.  This  was  a  mere  formality,  and 
was  a  cheap  way  for  men  to  distinguish  themselv(>s.  The  profwr  and 
orderly  proceeding  would  have  bnn  to  announce  the  vote,  and  then 
for  a  motion  to   have 

come  from  New  York  \    „  ► 

to  make  the  nomination 
ananimous.  New  York 
was  prepared  to  make 
this  motion,  but  not  out 
of  order.  Missouri, 
Iowa,  Kentucky,  Minne- 
sota, Virginia,  Califor- 
nia, Texas,  District  of 
Columbia,  Kansas,  Ne- 
braska, and  Oregon 
insisted  upon  casting 
their  unanimous  votes 
for  old  Abe  Lincoln  be- 
fore the  vote  was  read. 
*'While  the  votes 
were  being  given  the 
applause  continued,  and 
a  photograph  of  Abe 
Lincoln,  which  hung  in 

one  of  the  side  rooms,  hannibal  hamlin. 

was  brought  in  and  held  up  before  the  surging  and  screaming  masses. 
The  places  of  the  various  delegations  were  indicated  by  staffs,  to 
which  were  attache<l  the  names  of  the  states,  printed  in  large  black 
letters  on  pasteboard.  As  the  Lincoln  enthusiasm  increased  dele- 
gates tore  these  standards  of  the  states  from  their  places  and  swung 
them  above  their  heads.  A  rush  was  nmde  to  get  the  New  York 
standard  and  swing  it  with  the  rest,  bu<  the  New  Yorkers  would  not 
allow  it  to  be  moved,  and  were  wrathy  at  the  suggestion." 


i! 


m 


.'<(^ 


102 


HISTORY  OF  THE  RErUBLICAN  PARTY 


After  nil  chunges  had  been  made,  the  (^hah-mnn  announced  the 
<orret'ted  votes  to  be:  Whole  number  of  votes  «ast,  406;  necessary 
lo  a  choice,  234;  for  Abraham  Lincoln,  864. 

On  this  announcement,  Mr.  Evarts,  in  behalf  of  New  York,  and 
in  a  graceful   speech,  moved  to  make   the   nomination    unanimous. 
This  was  supported  by  a  number  of  states,  among  them  Michigan. 
Mr.  Seward  was  very  popular  in  Michigan,  where  he   had   become 
known  partly  through  his  connection  with  the  great  railroad  con- 
spiracy cases,  and  partly  through  the  political  addresses  that  he  had 
made  here.     There  was  no  delegation  in  the  Convention  that  whh 
more  disappointed   than   that   from   Michigan.     But   its   members 
accepted  the  situation,  and  Austin  Blair  fairly  rei)re8ented  them  when 
in  supporting  the  nomination,  he  said:    "Michigan  from  first  to  last 
has  cast  her  vote  for  the  great  statesman  from  New  York.    She  has 
nothing  to  take  back.     She  has  not  sent  me  forward  to  worship  the 
rising  sun,  but  she  has  put  me  forward  to  say  that  at  your  behests 
here    today    she    lays    down    her    first    best-loved    candidate    to 
take    up    yours,    with    some    beating    of    heart,    with    some  quiv- 
ering of  veins,  but  she  does  not  fear  that  the  fame  of  Seward  will 
suffer,  for  she  knows  that  his  fame  is  a  portion  of  the  American  Union; 
it  will   be  written  and  read  and   beloved   long  after  the  temporary 
excitement  of  this  day  has  passed  away,  and  when  Presidents  them- 
selves are  forgotten  in  the  oblivion  which  comes  over  all  temporal 
things.      We  stand  by  him  still.      We  have  followed  him  with  an  eye 
.  single  and  with  unwavering  faith  in  times  past.      We  marshal  now 
behind  him  in  the  grand  column  which  shall  go  out  to   battle  for 
Lincoln.      Mark  you,  what  has  obtained  today  will  obtain  in  Novem- 
ber next.      Lincoln  vsill  be  elected  by  the  people.      We  say  of  our 
candidate,  God  bless  his  magnanimous  soul.      I  promise  you  that  in 
the  State  of  Michigan,  which  I  have  the  honor  to  represent,  where  the 
Republican  party  from  the  days  of  its  organization  to  this  hour,  never 
suffered  a  single  defeat,  we  will  give  you  for  the  gallant  son  of  Illinois, 
and    glorioue    standard-bearer    of    the  West,    a  round    twenty-five 
thousand  majority." 

The  nomination  for  Vice-President  took  but  two  ballots,  and  was 
carried  on  with  but  iittle  CAcitement.  There  were  nine  candidates 
voted  for  on  the  firsi  Oallot,  of  whom  four  received  less  than  10  votes 
each.  The  others  were  Cassiuu  M.  Clay,  of  Kentucky,  1011/2;  N.  P. 
Banks,  of  MassGchusetts,  38%;  A.  H.  Reeder,  of  Penns ,  Ivania,  51; 


1: 


..^:.r..,.:z^^j'\sJS.T'''~'TT"r''''.~7''^'^.'^lWfFl3MD$i 


I     ^. .-■'?■;■■.,    -r 


THE  SECONl)  NATIONAL  CONVENTION. 


103 


anced  the 
neceBsary 

York,  and 
nanimouH. 
Michigan, 
d   become 
Iroad  con- 
lat  he  had 
that  WHH 
menibei'H 
l^heni  when 
rst  to  last 
.     She  haH 
orship  tlu' 
ur  behesta 
ididate    to 
8oine  (juiv- 
eward  will 
can  Union ; 
temporary 
ents  them- 
1  tem.poral 
irith  an  eye 
irsbal  now 
battle  for 
in  Novem- 
»ay  of  our 
^ou  that  in 
,  where  the 
lour,  never 
of  Illinois, 
twenty-five 


John  Ili.kman,  of  Pennsylvania,  38,  and  Hannibal  Hamlin,  of  Maine, 
1«>4.    The  swond  ballot  jrnve  Hamlin  :ir>7,  Clay  H<».  and  Hirkman  V\. 

Mr.  Hamlin's  noi  lination  gave  great  satisfa«tion,  and  undoubt- 
edly addwl  strength  to  the  ticket.  He  was  a  num  of  sound  judgment, 
of  iinquestioned  integrity,  and  of  strong  common  sense.  He  had 
been  in  public  life  long  enough  to  be  well-known  to  the  public. 
Originally  a  moderate  Democrat,  he  had  come  over  to  the  Republi- 
can party  on  account  of  the  drifting  *)f  the  Democracy  toward  the 
Houthern  ideas  on  the  slavery  question.  He  was  in  the  Maine  Legis- 
lature five  years,  served  two  terms  in  the  Lower  House  of  Congress, 
was  once  elected  Governor  of  his  State,  and  at  the  time  of  the  Chicago 
Convention,  was  serving  his  third  term  in  the  United  States  Senate. 

The  nomination  for  \'ice-Presiden1  was  followed  by  the  adoption 
of  a  resolution  ottered  by  Mr.  Oiddings,  of  Ohio:  -That  we  deeply  sym 
pathize  with  those  men  who  have  been  driven,  some  from  their  native 
states,  and  others  from  the  states  of  their  adoi>tion,  and  are  now 
exiled  from  their  homes  on  ac<ount  of  their  opinions;  and  we  hold 
the  Democratic  party  responsible  for  this  gross  violation  of  that 
clause  of  the  Constitution,  which  declares  that  the  citizens  of  each 
State  shall  be  entitled  to  all  the  privileges  and  immunities  of  citizens 
in  the  several  states." 

The  further  proceedings  consisted  in  the  appointment  of  a 
National  Committee,  of  which  Austin  Blair  was  the  Michigan  member, 
and  of  a  snmll  amount  of  other  routine  business.  The  Convention 
adjourned  (juietly,  but  as  the  members  journeyed  lumieward  they 
could  see  in  bon-ttres,  processions  and  public  meetings  a  reflection  of 
the  enthusiasm  that  had  inspired  their  me<*ting. 


JS'. 


ts,  and  was 
candidates 
an  10  votes 

011/2 ;  N.  P. 
ivania,  51; 


pimiWi^ii  niiii  T^iimi- 


ggiJlri|l|l1|8|i»« 


vmtifmim 


A 


1' 


VIII. 


THE  LINCOLN  AND  HAMLIN  CAMPAIGN. 

The  Rognlar  Democratic  and  Seceders'  ConventionB— Nominations  of 
Doiijrlas,  Breclvinridsc  and  Rel I— Certainty  of  a  Division  of  the 
Democratic  Vote — Combinations  of  Democrats  and  Constitutional 
Union  Men— Seward  and  His  Friends  Disapi>ointed,  But  He  Does 
Good  Work  in  the  Campaij^n— Conservative  Appeals  to  Business 
Men— Seward's  Reply— A  Torch  Light  and  Parade  Campaign- 
Origin  of  the  Wide  Awakes— Douglas  on  the  Stnmi) — Fusion  in 
New  York  State— The  Republicans  Win  and  Have  Both  Houses 
of  Congress. 

The  promise  of  success  which  the  outcome  of  the  Chicago  Con- 
vention gave  was  rendered  almost  a  certainty  by  the  action  of  the 
Conventions  of  the  two  Democratic  factions  which  separated  from 
each  other  at  Charleston.  The  regular  Convention  met  in  Baltimore, 
June  IS,  and  continued  in  session  six  days.  It  nominated  Stephen  A. 
Douglas  for  President,  by  181 M-  votes,  to  7I/2  for  John  C\  Breckin 
ridge,  and  51/2  for  James  Guthrie.  Benjamin  Fitzpatrick  was 
nominated  for  Vice-President,  receiving  every  vote  in  the  Convention 
but  one,  but  two  days  later  he  declined,  and  Herschel  V.  Johnson,  of 
(feorgia,  was  substituted  in  his  place  by  the  National  Committee. 
The  Seceders'  Convention  met  at  Richmond  on  the  11th  of  June  and 
adjourned  to  Baltimore,  where  John  C.  Breckinridge,  of  Kentucky, 
was  nominated  for  President  and  Joseph  Lane,  of  Oregon,  for  Vice- 
President,  both  by  unanimous  vote. 

Both  Conventions  declared  in  favor  of  a  railroad  to  the  Pacific 
and  the  acquisition  of  Cuba,  and  both  declared,  "That  the  enactments 
of  State  T^egislatures  to  defeat  the  faithful  enforcement  of  the  Fugi- 
tive Slave  liEW  are  hostile  in  character,  subversive  of  the  Constitution 
and  revolutionary  in  their  effect.'*  On  the  subject  of  slavery  in  the 
territories,  the  Douglas  convention  resolved:  "That  it  is  in  accord 
ance  with  the  true   interpretation  of   the  Cincinnati    j»latform  that, 


RWP^ 


X    V 


iiii^fi^ji^i-^iiii!^guiftaA,n$0immji 


THE  LINCOLN  AND  HAMLIN  CAMPAMIN. 


ion 


>.'.--  ..-i-^^'™ 


during  the  pxiBtence  of  the  territorial  governments  the  ineaBure  of 
reatrit'tion,  whatever  it  may  be,  imposed  by  the  Federal  (Constitution 
on  the  power  of  tlie  Territorial  Legislature  over  th«'  subje«( 
of  the  domestic  relations  as  the  same  has  been,  or  shall  hereafter  be, 
finally  determined  by  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States,  should 
be  respected  by  all  good  citizens  and  enforced  with  promptness  and 
fidelity  by  every  branch  of  the  general  government." 

The  Breckinridge  Convention  resolved:  "That  the  government 
of  a  Territory,  organized  by  an  Act  of  Congress,  is  provisional  and 
temporary,  and  during  its  existence  all  citizens  of  the  United  States 
have  an  equal  right  to  settle  with  their  property  in  the  Territory, 
without  their  rights,  either  of  person  or  property,  being  destroyed  or 
impaired  by  Congressional  or  Territorial  legislation." 

The  Constitutional  Union  Convention  nominated  for  President, 
John  Bell,  of  Tennessee,  and  for  Vice-President,  Edward  Everett,  of 
Massachusetts,  and  adopted  a  platform  consisting  of  a  single  plank, 
as  follows:  "That  it  is  both  the  part  of  patriotism  and  of  duty  to 
recognize  no  political  principles  other  than  the  Constitution  of  the 
Country,  the  Union  of  the  States,  and  the  Enforcement  of  the  Laws; 
and  that  as  representatives  of  the  Constitutional  I^nion  men  of  the 
country,  in  National  Convention  assembled,  we  hereby  pledge  our- 
selves to  maintain,  protect  and  defend,  separately  and  unitedly,  these 
great  principles  of  public  liberty  and  National  safety  against  all 
enemies  at  home  and  abroad;  believing  that  thereby  peace  nmy  once 
more  be  restored  to  the  country;  the  rights  of  the  people  and  of  the 
states  re-established,  and  the  Governntent  again  placed  in  that  con- 
dition of  justice,  fraternity  and  equality,  which  under  the  example  and 
Constitution  of  our  fathers,  has  solemnly  bound  every  citizen  of  the 
United  States  to  maintain  a  more  perfect  Union,  establish  justice, 
insure  domestic  tranquillity,  provide  for  common  defense,  promote 
the  general  welfare,  and  secure  the  blessings  of  liberty  to  ourselves 
and  our  posterity." 

It  was  not  expected  that  this  party  would  cut  much  of  a  figure 
in  the  campaign,  and  it  did  not  carry  many  electoral  votes  for  its  own 
ticket,  but  it  did  give  opportunity  for  combinations,  in  which  it  was 
adroitly  used  by  the  Breckinridge  Democrats  to  take  electoral  votes 
away  from  Douglas.  From  the  alacrity  with  which  s(une  of  its 
leaders,  including  Bell  himself,  went  into  the  secession  movement, 
there  is  reason  to  suppose  that  it  was  organized  for  precisely  that 
purpose. 


««'  imip  I 


t-^-..,.^-„mr'r^HWlgpt 


lOA 


HIPTORY  OP  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 


4M 


On  tb(>  Bcpublicnn  hUU'  the  cninimiKii  wiih  o|N>n<'d  with  khmU 
vigor.  The  initial  step  wuh  the  holding  of  uiaHii  uieetings  in  the  lurgH 
I'ities,  these  to  be  followed  by  (*ounty  numn  nieetingii  in  the  country, 
iind  by  Village  und  Hrhool  himtrict  meetingM.  The  nerviceg  of  the 
ablest  men  in  the  party  were  Heeured,  to  an  extent  hardly  equaled  in 
any  (*an)|>aiKn  since  then.  The  leader  among  these  was  William  H. 
Hi'ward,  one  of  the  best  campaign  orators  in  the  country,  and  still  the 
most  popular  man  in  the  Republican  party,  even  though  he  was 
defeatetl  for  the  Presidential  nomination. 

Mr.  Seward  was  bitterly  disap|iointed  at  his  failurt*  to  receive 
the  nomination,  and  was  very  chilly  toward  Curtin,  of  Pennsylvania, 
and  Ijnne,  of  Indiana,  who  had  been  mainly  instrumental  in  bringing 
it  about.  He  was  never  on  good  terms  with  them  afterwards. 
Home  of  his  most  prominent  supporters  were  still  more  distant. 
Edwin  I).  Morgan  remained  Chairman  of  the  National  (Committee,  but 
showed  little  interest  in  the  October  election  in  Pennsylvania  and 
Indiana.  Wo  far  as  he  was  concerned,  Ourtin  and  Lane  were  allowed 
to  run  their  own  campaigns,  ('urtin  wrote  ^n  August:  "I  called 
upon  Morgan  the  night  after  the  nomination  wan  made.  He  treated 
me  civilly,  but  with  marked  coolness.  I  then  called  on  Weed,  who 
was  very  rude,  indeed."  Part  of  Weed's  rutdeness  oousisted  in  the 
remark :  "You  have  defeated  the  man  who,  of  all  others,  was  most 
revered  by  the  p«M>ple  ^nd  wanted  as  l»resident.  You  and  Lane  want 
to  be  elected,  and  to  elect  Lincoln  you  must  elect  yourselves." 

But  Mr.  Seward's  resentment  and  that  of  his  friends  stopped  with 
these  two  men  and  their  politu^al  aspirations.  Heward  entered 
heartily  into  the  general  cami.Ti.gn-  He  not  only  made  many 
speeches  in  his  own  8tate,  but  made  a  (iolitical  tour  of  the  Northwest, 
where  he  was  everywhere  enthusiastically  received,  and  where  his 
addresses  were  not  only  of  the  highest  order  from  an  oratorical  point 
of  view,  but  were  convincing  in  argument.  In  lasting  effect  upon  the 
voters  his  work  was  more  effective  than  that  of  any  other  campaigner. 

Toward  the  close  of  the  campaign  strong  appeals  were  made 
against  the  Republican  party  on  the  ground  that  its  success  would 
injure  business  and  endanger  the  Union.  Ujion  the  latter  subject 
Mr.  Seward  said  in  his  closing  address  of  the  campaign,  at  his  home 
in  Auburn :  "You  may  go  with  me  into  the  streets  to-night  and  follow 
the  'Little  Giants'  who  go  with  their  torchlights  and  their  flaunting 
banners  of  'Popular  Sovereignty';  or  you  may  go  with  the  more  select 
and  modest  band  who  go  for  Breckinridge  and  slavery;  or  you  may 


■■''  ■-■.'■-iWhaaiiiBiiaMiiBwiw 


MMMiMtliilliMi 


iHiiiiiMiM 


MtiH 


ith     KHMlt 

the  large 
(  rouiitry, 
VH  of  the 
qiiuled  in 
illiain  H. 
1  Htill  the 
I   he  was 

(>  receive 
iH.vlvanIa, 

brinKlDK 
terwardg. 
^  dlHtant. 
ilttee,  but 
iinia  and 
e  allowed 

"I  called 
e  treated 
'eed,  who 
ed  in  the 
was  most 
Aue  want 

)ped  with 
entered 
de  many 
orthwest, 
(There  hia 
leal  point 
upon  the 
np&igner. 
ere  made 
«s  would 
r  subject 
his  home 
nd  follow 
flaunting 
»re  select 
you  may 


TIIK  LINCOLN  .   Nl>  riAM      V  «  AMTAHiN.  H' 

follow  the  music  of  the  dunging  bcllH,  uuA  strai,  'o  say.  ^  wiH 
bring  you  into  one  chamber.  Wlien  you  get  the*^  you  wil'  mMV  only 
this  emotion  of  the  Inimnn  hnut  iipi)ealed  to — I  if—  fear  mt  if  yon 
elect  a  President  of  the  Tnited  Htutes,  accordifiK  ("  the  (Vmstitution 
and  the  laws  to-morrow,  you  will  wake  up  the  next  day  niwl  And  that 
you  hove  no  country  for  him  to  preside  over!  Is  not  that  a  strange 
motive  for  an  American  patriot  to  appeal  to?  And,  in  that  same  luill, 
amidst  the  jargon  of  three  discordant  members  of  the  'Fusion'  party 
you  will  hear  one  argument,  and  that  argument  is,  that  so  sure  as  you 
are  so  pi'rverse  as  to  cast  yt>ur  vote,  singly,  lawfully,  honestly,  as  you 
ought  to  do,  for  one  candidate  for  the  I'residency,  instead  of  s<atter- 
ing  it  among  three  candidates,  so  that  no  l*resident  may  be  elected, 
this  Union  shall  come  down  over  your  heads,  involving  you  and  us 
in  a  common  ruin!" 

The  Chairman  of  the  Heward  delegation  from  New  York  at 
Chicago,  Wm.  M.  Evarts,  one  of  the  most  polished  orators  in  th«' 
country,  was  also  conspicuous  on  the  stump.  Halmon  P.  ('Iiuse,  of 
Ohio,  one  of  the  pioneers  in  the  Anti-Hlavery  cause,  and  a  candidate 
for  the  nomination  at  Chicago,  was  also  very  active.  John  A.  Andrew, 
of  Massachusetts;  George  William  Curtis,  of  New  York;  Oalusha  A. 
Grow  and  David  Wilmot,  of  Pennsylvania;  John  Hherman,  of  Ohio, 
and  Lyman  Trumbull,  of  Illinois,  were  among  the  other  distinguished 
men  who  took  part  in  the  campaij^n.  In  Michigan  one  of  the  most 
effective  speakers  was  Austin  Blair,  wi*c  had  headed  the  delegation 
to  Chicago,  and  who  afterwards  gained  distinction  as  War  Governor 
of  the  Btate.  Mr.  Lincoln,  himself,  remained  quietly  at  his  home  in 
Bpringfleld,  receiving  no  political  delegations,  holding  no  political 
conferences,  making  no  political  siieeches,  and  writing  no  political 
letters,  a  reserve  which  has  since  ceased  to  be  expected  of  Presidential 
candidates. 

One  characteristic  of  the  campaign  was  the  great  extension  of 
the  brass  band  and  torch-light  method  of  stirring  up  enthusiasm. 
The  Republicans  were  especially  conspicuous  in  this.  They  had  their 
"Republican  Invincibles,"  "Rail-Hplitters,"  "Lincoln  Defenders"  and 
"Wide  Awakes,"  but  the  others  were  tlnally  or  nearly  all  merged  in 
the  latter.  The  W'ide  Awakes  originated  rather  by  accident  than 
by  design.  The  Connecticut  State  elections  were  then  held  in  the 
Spring,  and  the  canvass  opened  early.  February  26,  1860,  the  first 
meeting  of  the  campaign  was  held  at  Hartford,  with  Cassius  M.  Clay, 
of  Kentucky,  as  the  principal  speaker,  and  it  was  arranged  that,  after 


mtim 


jjUggHmmg^ji^ 


aoB 


a  I 


HFSTOKY  OF  TIIK  KKIM  HMC'AN  PAKTV. 


the  ni«*«'tln(»:"h«>  iihuald  hv  (>M<ort(><l  to  IiIh  hol««l  by  a  torch-light  procoii- 
Hion.  Two  of  the  .voiiuk  iih'Ii  who  were  to  carry  torches,  in  order  to 
protect  their  clothing  from  oil  thiit  niight  drop  from  the  torchen, 
prepared  cambric  capeH,  which  they  wore  in  connection  with  their 
glased  capH.  The  nmrMhal  of  the  proceHHion  noticed  thin  outfit,  and 
piac(>d  the  two  young  men  at  the  front  of  the  (inx-eHsion,  where  they 
attracted  much  attention,  the  utility  of  the  outttt  being  no  leHH  notice- 
able than  its  novtity.  Out  of  thin  incident  came  the  organisation  of 
a  Itand  of  fifty  torch-bearerH,  wearing  glazed  capii  and  <'ap4'8  made  ot 
oil  <lolh.  instead  of  cambric.  Their  flrHt  ap|M>arance  in  parade  wan 
when  acting  an  part  of  an  cHcort  to  Abraham  IJncoln,  from  the  hall 
where  he  had  been  upeaking,  to  hit)  hotel,  on  tlie  fifth  of  March,  1860, 
juBt  one  year  before  he  wan  inaugurated  as  IVeuident.  The  honor 
of  giving  a  name  to  the  club  belongs  to  William  P.  Puller,  for  many 
years  since  that  time  connected  with  Detroit  newspa|)(>rs,  and  Htill  in 
business  in  that  city.  In  IHOO,  Mr.  Fuller  was  city  editor  of  the 
Hartford  Courant,  and  in  referring  to  the  proposed  organization  of 
torch-bearers,  spoke  of  them  and  of  the  Young  Men's  Hepuhlicau 
Union,  to  which  they  were  to  be  auxiliary,  us  "Wide  Awakes."  The 
name  took,  but  the  torch-bearers  soon  decided  to  appropriate  it  to 
themselves,  instead  of  sharing  it  witli  «»ther  organizations.  The  idea, 
as  well  as  the  name  spread,  and  it  was  not  many  days  before  there 
was  a  uniformed  "Wide  Awake"  company  in  every  town  of  any  size  in 
('onnecticut.  After  the  Presidential  campaign  o^M^ned  the  idea  was 
taken  up  in  every  Northern  city,  and  wherever  a  torch-light  proces- 
sion was  formed,  there  could  be  seen  the  glazed  laps  and  black  or  red 
«'ape  of  the  Wide  Awake.  Many  of  the  companies  were  drilled,  not 
only  to  keep  step  in  marching,  but  to  perform  military  evolutions. 
Their  organization  served  not  only  to  put  vim  and  enthusiasm  into  the 
campaign,  but  to  cement  the  ties  of  party  loyalty  and  friendship 
among  the  young  men  themselves.  Some  of  the  Houthern  papers 
denounced  the  Wide  Awake  organization  as  a  device  for  giving  the 
young  men  military  drill,  without  exciting  suspicion,  and  found  in  it  a 
purpose,  on  the  part  of  the  Republicans,  to  ex<'ite  a  war,  betweei^  the 
North  and  the  Bouth.  This  was  a  rather  brazen  assumption  on  the 
part  of  men  who  were  already,  under  the  guise  of  official  position, 
stealing  ammunition  and  supplies  from  the  Government  arsenals  at 
the  North,  and  sending  them  Houth.  Nothing  conld  have  been  further 
than  this  from  the  thought  of  the  men  who  organized  the  Wide 
Awakes.      But  the  organization  may  have  helped  some  In  the  end, 


...JI.W.JI..I..IJ.1J. 


BMH 


•'•^    . .  j,  JUHJU.  ss'.|wa<PJfBB«,i;A, jfttjWJijI! 


a?a5WB55Sffl«»KSsesB®ft>r«^3ai^feiii*ft'-*'««' 


m  -1^ 


I  111  mi  II  f  II  mm 


^Ba 


TIIK  IJNroLN  ANh  IIAMIJN  rAMPAHJN. 


KM) 


Hht  procPB- 
in  order  t<» 
u*  torrht'H, 
with  their 
outfit,  ami 
vhere  they 
eHM  iiolire- 
nisation  of 
'8  made  of 
larade  waH 
III  tlie  hall 
arch,  1860. 
The  honor 
,  for  many 
ind  Htill  in 
tor  of  the 
fiization  of 
iepiihlifau 
CB."  The 
riate  it  to 

The  idea, 
if  ore  there 
any  size  in 
i  idea  was 
;ht  proeeH- 
ack  or  red 
Irilled,  not 
>volutionH. 
m  into  the 
friendship 
rn  papers 
l^iving  the 
and  in  it  a 
(tweei^  the 
ion  on  the 

poBition, 
rsenala  at 
en  further 
the  Wide 
1  the  end, 


•"J 


i 


after  all.      Tlie  bovH  wlio  afterwardH  went  ii<lo  the  Army  had  at  U 
learned  to  Ntand  and  marrh,  Hho\ilder  to  Mhoiilder. 

NotwithHtandinK  the  blaze  of  ton-ii-li^ht  and  enMiiiHiuHni  that 
Rwept  over  the  North,  the  nituation  was  not  altogether  Hei-iire.  For 
the  flrnt  time  in  the  caHe  of  a  I'reHidential  candidate,  Mr.  DouKlaH  look 
the  Htiinip  in  his  own  helialf.  He  upoke  in  nearly  all  the  Free  Staten 
and  in  Home  of  the  HIave  HtateH.  He  attracted  lar^^e  aiidienreH.  and 
Hpoke  with  all  his  former  eUxpience  and  Hre,  hut  he  had  loMt  IiIh  liold 
an  a  political  leader.  Wliile  he  had  been  HtandiuK  Htill  on  the  H(|ualter 
Rov«M*einnty  doctrine,  tlie  Nortli  had  been  moving  away  from  it  in  one 
direction,  and  the  Houth  in  anotlier,  and  he  wan  left  alone  in  the 
middle.  I'erhapH  the  underlying;  principlen  of  the  campaign  aH 
reprenented  by  the  platforuiH  and  Hpeechen  of  the  candidatcH  com- 
bined, were  never  more  cN-arly  <h*tlned  than  in  tlie  following  from 
•M}r«H'ley'8  .\nierican  rontlii  t."  With  thene  in  mind  the  different  p<»li- 
cieH  of  the  campai)tn  and  hu1ii-<'«)ii -nt  «'ventH  can  be  better  underntood' 

1.  Lincoln — Slavery  can  <iiily  exint  by  virtue  of  municipal  law; 
and  there  Ih  no  law  for  it  in  the  territoricH  and  no  power  to  enact  one. 
<'onjji'<*HB  can  entablinh  or  lej^alize  nlavery  nowhere,  but  in  bound  to 
prohibit  it  in,  or  exclude  it  from,  any  and  every  Federal  Territory, 
whenever  and  wherever  there  Hhall  be  necesHity  for  such  exclusion  or 
prohibition. 

2.  DoukIhs — HIavery  or  no  slavery  in  any  Territory  is  entirely 
the  affair  of  the  white  inhabitants  (»f  such  Territory.  If  they  choose 
to  have  it,  it  is  their  right;  if  they  choose  not  to  have  it,  they  have  a 
right  to  exclude  or  prohibit  it.  Neither  f'ongress  nor  the  people  of 
the  Tnion,  or  any  part  of  it,  outside  of  said  Territory,  has  any  right 
to  nieddle  with  or  trouble  theniseh'es  about  the  nmtter. 

'.i.  TlreckinridB^^— The  <itizen  of  any  Htate  has  a  right  to  emi- 
grate to  any  Territory,  taking  with  him  anything  which  is  property 
by  the  law  of  his  own  State,  and  hold,  enjoy  and  be  protected  in,  the 
use  of  such  property  in  said  Territory.  And  Congress  is  bound  to 
render  such  protection  whenever  necessary,  whether  with  or  without 
the  co-operation  of  the  Territorial  Legislature. 

The  South  had  a<'cepted  the  doctrine  of  Squatter  Sovereignty  in 
1854,  had  made  all  it  could  out  of  the  doctrine,  had  thrown  it  aside, 
and  had  taken  positive  ground  in  favor  of  unrestricted  slavery  in  the 
territories.  The  North  had  taken  precisely  opposite  ground.  The 
"Irrepressible  Conflict"  was  on,  and  the  day  of  compromises  was 
paBt.  Douglas  realized,  long  before  the  end  of  the  campaign,  that 
his  case  was  hopeless. 


i 


fl^^*^" 


m 


110 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY 


The  adroit  plans  of  the  Breckinridge  campaign  managers  were 
much  more  dangerous.  Tlie  Bell  and  Everett  ticket  was  encouraged 
in  the  South,  with  the  certaint.v  that  by  dividing  the  opposition  it 
would  give  to  Breckinridge  part  of  the  electoral  vote  that  would  natur- 
ally go  to  Douglas.  But  the  Breckinridge  party  would  go  into  no 
Fision  movement  in  the  South.  In  the  North  the  Bell-Everett  ticket 
was  expected  to  draw  enough  conservative  votes  uway  from  Lincoln 
to  give  some  states  to  Douglas.  In  other  states  Fusion  tickets  were 
expected  to  divide  the  electoral  votes.  It  was  certain  that  neither 
Bell  nor  Douglas  could  be  elected.  The  sole  purpose  of  the  different 
combinations  was  to  defeat  Lincoln.  In  that  case,  if  Breckinridge 
did  not  get  the  requisite  number  of  votes  in  the  Electoral  College,  the 
choice  would  have  gone  to  the  House  of  Representatives,  where  the 
Democrats  had  a  majority  of  the  delegations  from  seventeen  states, 
the  Republicans  from  flifteen,  and  the  Americans  from  one. 

The  last  desperate  assault  of  the  enemy  was  made  on  New  York 
State  in  two  ways.  An  electoral  ticket  was  formed  that  represented 
a  Pusi<m  of  all  three  opposition  parties,  and  it  made  a  formidable 
combination.  The  next  part  of  the  assault  was  an  appeal  to  the  fears 
and  the  cupidity  of  the  commercial  classes.  This  was  an  ancient  trick 
of  the  Southerners.  Threat  of  the  "loss  of  the  Southern  trade"  had 
made  many  a  New  York  jobber  very  conservative  in  politics.  It  is 
told  that  in  1854,  when  the  Kansas  Rifle  and  Emigrant  Aid  Society 
movement  was  in  progress,  Henry  C.  Bowen,  of  the  then  great  dry 
goods  house  of  Bowen,  McNamee  &  Co.,  of  New  York,  was  very  active 
in  the  movement.  He  received  a  number  of  remonstrances  from 
Southern  customers,  and  finally  a  letter  from  one  of  them,  threatening 
that  the  house  should  lose-its  entire  Southern  trade,  if  he  did  not  cease 
his  active  connection  with  the  Anti-Slavery  fanatics.  Mr.  Bowen 
acknowledged  the  receipt  of  the  letter  and  added:  "Our  goods  are  for 
sale,  but  not  our  principles."  The  merchants  of  1860  were  not  many 
of  them  made  of  this  heroic  mould.  They  were  afraid  of  the  loss  of 
their  Southern  trade,  and  with  the  timidity  ihat  is  apt  to  accompany 
concentrated  capital,  they  were  frightened  at  the  prospect  of  any  dis- 
turbance. In  New  York  and  Philadelphia  particularly,  not  only  the 
wholesale  merchants,  but  the  commercial  classes  generally,  were 
opposed  to  the  Republicans.  The  Chairman  of  the  Republican  State 
Central  Committee  in  Pennsylvania,  said,  after  election:  "I  cannot 
recall  five  commercial  houses  of  prominence  in  the  City  of  Philadel- 
phia where   I    could  haA'e   gone  for  a  subscription  .to  the   Lincoln 


gers  were 
ncouraged 
tosition  it 
uld  natur- 
fo  into  no 
pett  ticket 
m  Lincoln 
ikets  were 
at  neither 
s  different 
jckinridge 
ollege,  the 
where  the 
len  states. 

New  York 
^presented 
ormidable 
)  the  fears 
cient  trick 
rade"  had 
cs.  It  is 
id  Society 

great  dr.v 
'ery  active 
nces  from 
ireatening 
I  not  cease 
Ir.  Bo  wen 
►ds  are  for 

not  many 
the  loss  of 
iccompany 
of  any  dis- 
►t  only  the 
•ally,  were 
lean  State 

"I  cannot 
f  Philadel- 
e   Lincoln 


THE  LINCOLN  AND  HAMLIN  CAMPAIGN. 


HI 


campaign,  with  a  reasonable  expectation  that  it  would  not  be  resented, 
and  of  all  onr  financial  men  I  can  re<all  only  Anthony  J.  l>rexel,  who 
actually  sympathized  with  the  Republican  cause."  In  New  York 
the  merchants  contributed  liberally  to  the  support  of  the  Fusion 
ticket,  but  very  little  for  the  Republican.  The  "commercial  classes" 
of  the  East  learned  to  think  differently  of  the  Republican  party,  when 
the  Greenback  and  Free  Silver  coinage  waves  swept  the  country. 

The  last  extreme  efforts  of  the  Fuslonists  to  carry  New  York 
failed.  The  tide  of  Republican  sentiment  that  swept  over  the  rest  of 
the  State  on  election  day  reached  Harlem  River  with  so  high  a  crest, 
that  neither  Fusion  nor  the  efforts  of  the  commercial  classes  could 
overtop  it. 

The  elections  in  1859  had  not  been  as  favorable  to  the  Republi- 
cans as  those  of  some  previous  years,  and  those  of  the  Spring  of  1860 
were  e<iually  disapiiointing.  In  the  latter,  Connecticut  elected  its 
Governor  by  a  greatly  reduced  majority,  and  Rhode  Island  was 
carried  by  the  Fusionists.  The  results  of  the  early  fall  elections 
were  awaited  with  great  anxiety,  for  they  came  after  the  issue  had 
been  joined,  and  the  campaign  opened.  The  results  exceeded  the 
highest  expectations  of  the  Reijublicans.  Vermont,  in  August,  gave 
a  majority  of  22.370,  this  majority  being  larger  than  the  whole  Demo- 
cratic vote,  and  Maine,  in  September,  gave  the  Republican  Governor 
over  18,000  majority,  the  largest  ever  given  up  to  that  time  to  smiy 
candidate.  The  song  of  victory  over  these  results  lost  nothing  of  its 
volume,  when  in  October,  in  spite  of  the  indifference  of  the  National 
Committee,  Lane  carried  Indiana  by  9,757  majority,  and  Curtin  carried 
Pennsylvania  by  32,164.  From  that  time  till  the  general  election  in 
November,  the  Republican  procession  was  a  march  of  triumph.  The 
final  result  showed  that  Douglas  had  been  completely  out-maneuvered 
in  the  Fusion  schemes,  for  while  his  popular  vote  exceeded  that  of 
Breckinridge  by  526,600,  his  electoral  vote  was  only  12.  The  full 
figures  were  as  follows: 

Popular  Vote. 

Abraham  Lincoln,  of  Illinois 1,865,913 

Stephen  A.  Douglas,  of  Illinois 1,374,664 

John  C.  Breckinridge,  of  Kentucky 848,404 

John  Bell,  of  Tennessee 591,500 

Electoral  Vote. 

Lincoln  and  Hamlin 180 

Breckinridge  and  Lane 72 

Bell  and  Everett 39 

Douglas  and  Johnson 12 


li 


wnim. 


■nuith.  ..^ 


■  r 


112 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUHLICAN  PARTY 


On  accouut  of  the  absence  of  representation  from  Honthern  states 
which  were  in  rebellion,  (Nin^resH  was  strongly  Republican  through- 
out the  next  four  years.      The  figures  were  as  follows : 

Thirty-seventh  Congress. 

Senate — Republicans,  H\;  Democrats,  1();  Americans,  7. 
House — Republicans,  1(M>;  Democrats,  42;  Americans,  28. 

Thirty -eighth  Congress. 

Senate — Republi<ans,  39;  Democrats,  12. 
House — Republicans,  103;  Democrats,  80, 

Michigan  did  not  quite  come  up  to  Austin  Rlair's  promise  of 
25,000  majority  for  Lincoln,  but  he  was  not  so  far  out  of 
the  way,  as  the  actual  plurality  was  23,423.  The  vote 
stood:  Lincoln,  88,480;  Douglas,  05,057;  Breckinridge,  805;  Bell, 
405.  The  Presidential  electors  were  llezekiah  O.  ^Yells,  Rufus 
Hosmer,  George  W.  l..ee,  Edward  Dorsch,  Philotus  Haydon  and  Augus- 
tus Coburn.  The  vote  for  Governor  was:  Austin  Blair,  Republican, 
87,806;  John  S.  Barry,  Democrat,  67,221.  The  Congressmen  elected 
were  again  all  Itepublican,  being  Fernando  C.  Beaman,  Bradley  F. 
Granger,  Francis  VV.  Kellogg  and  Rowland  E.  Trowbridge. 


itherii  HtatcH 
■an  through- 


18,  7. 
118,  28. 


pi'oniise  of 
far  out  of 
The  vote 
p,  805;  Bell, 
rells,  Kufu8 
1  and  AugUH- 

Bepublic-an, 
jmen  elected 

Bradley  F. 
ge. 


.  ■,  \         '  -  *  '  ''  -f' 

*  THE  INTEKREONl'M. 

A  Country  Without  a  Ooveriiiuent— IMots  for  the  Disruptiou  of  the 
Union— rians  for  Hetession  Had  Long  Been  in  Preparation— 
Utteranees  in  the  Seeession  Conventions— Plotters  in  the  Depart- 
ments at  Washington— Arms  Sent  From  the  North  to  Southern 
Arsenals— Vessels  of  the  Navy  Widely  Scattered— Preparations 
for  Seizing  Southern  Forts— Vacillation  of  the  President  over  His 
Message — He  Finally  Concludes  That  the  Government  Has  No 
Power  to  Prevent  Secession —The  South  Carolina  "Embassy"- 
Secession  of  the  Southern  States  and  Withdrawal  of  Members  of 
Congress— Union  Meetings  in  the  North— The  Crittenden  Com- 
promise— The  Peace  Conference. 

From  the  time  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  election  till  the  time  of  his  inau- 
guration the  country  might  be  said  to  have  been  without  a 
government,  for  souue  of  its  most  important  offices  were  centers  of 
plots  for  its  dismemberment,  while  the  Executive  looked  supinely 
on  without  moving  a  hand  to  stay  the  work  of  the  plotters.  The 
election  of  Lincoln  was  made  the  pretext  for  secession  but,  as  a  matter 
of  fact,  preparations  had  been  going  on  for  that  movement  for  a  long 
time.  This  was  shown  by  the  debates  in  the  first  Secession  ('onven 
tion  held,  that  in  South  Carolina.  In  the  course  of  those  debates  R. 
Barnwell  Rhett  declared:  "The  secession  of  South  Carolina  is  not  the 
event  of  a  day.  It  is  not  anything  produced  by  Mr.  Lincoln's  election 
nor  by  the  non-execution  of  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law.  It  is  a  matter 
which  has  been  gathering  head  for  thirty  years."  Lawrence  M.  Keitt, 
who  had  been  in  Congress  several  terms,  and  who  was  Brooks'  abettor 
in  the  assault  on  Sumner,  said:  "I  have  been  engaged  in  this 
movement  ever  since  I  engaged  in  public  life.''  Mr.  Parker  said 
"This  movement  is  no  spasmodic  effort ;  it  has  been  gradually  culmin- 
ating for  a  long  series  of  years."  Mr.  Inglis  said :  "Most  of  us  have 
had  this  matter  under  consideration  for  the  last  twenty  years." 


114 


HIHTORY  OP  THE  HEPUBLICAN  PARTY. 


In  OetobeB,  1856,  a  Convention  of  Southern  OovernorB  was  held  at 
Raleigh,  N.  C,  which  was  kept  secret  at  the  time.  Governor  Wise, 
of  Virginia,  at  whose  instance  the  meeting  was  called,  afterwards 
said  that  if  Fremont  had  been  elected,  he  would  have  marched  with 
20,000  men  to  Washington,  and  taken  the  Capitol,  preventing  by  force 
the  inauguration  of  Fremont  at  that  place. 

But  it  was  in  Washington  itself,  and  in  the  Cavernment  service, 
that  the  chief  plotters  were  at  their  work.  A  number  of  the  Southern 
Senators  were  at  the  Capitol  more  for  the  purpose  of  promoting  seces- 
sion than  for  the  purpose  of  legislating  for  the  general  good  of  the 
country.  They  were  aided  by  three  conspirators  in  the  Cabinet: 
Howell  Cobb,  of  Georgia,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury;  John  B.  Floyd,  of 
Virginia,  Secretary  of  War,  and  Jacob  Thompson,  of  Mississippi,  Sec- 
retary of  the  Interior.  These  three  men  were  doing  more  toward 
shaping  the  policy  of  the  Government  than  President  Buchanan  him- 
self, and  they  commenced  their  preparations  early.  On  the  30th  of 
December,  1850,  the  Secretary  of  War  ordered  that  one  hundred  and 
fifteen  thousand  muskets  be  removed  from  the  Northern  armories  and 
distributed  among  Southern  arsenals,  and  the  order  was  speedily 
carried  out.  Similar  removals  were  afterwards  made,  the  Southern- 
ers stealing  the  arms  belonging  to  the  country  which  they  sought  to 
overthrow.  On  the  29th  of  October,  1860,  General  Scott  sent  to  the 
President  and  Secretary  oi  War  a  letter,  expressing  apprehensions 
lest  the  Southern  people  should  seize  some  of  the  Federal  forts  in 
the  Southern  states,  and  adA'ising  that  they  should  be  immediately 
garrisoned  by  way  of  precaution.  According  to  the  subsequent 
statement  of  one  of  Mr.  Floyd's  eulogists  this,  if  carried  out,  would 
have  defeated  the  conspiracy,  and  prevented  the  formation  of  the 
Southern  Confederacy.  Accordingly  the  Secretary  "thwarted,  ob- 
jected, resisted,  and  forbade,"  and  the  imbecile  President  weakly 
yielded.  » 

Another  of  the  cotaspirators  in  the  public  service  was  Wm.  H. 
Trescott,  of  South  Carolina,  Assistant  Secretary  of  State,  who  acted 
as  a  sort  of  go-between  for  the  conspirators  in  the  South,  and  the 
conspirators  in  the  Cabinet.  Five  days  before  the  election  he  wrote 
to  R.  Barnwell  Rhett,  on  authority  of  Secretary  Howell  Cobb,  that 
**upon  the  election  of  Lincoln  Georgia  ought  to  secede  from  the  Union, 
and  she  will  do  so.  But  he  desires  me  to  impress  upon  you  his  con- 
viction that  any  attempt  to  precipitate  the  actual  issue  upon  this 
administration  will  be  most  mischievous,  calculated  to  produce  differ- 


mmmmiiviu.'-':' 'tmmm 


THK  INTKHKEOXI'M. 


11.1 


WU8   lll'ld  Ht 

ernor  Wise, 

afterwards 

arched  with 

ing  by  fort-e 

lent  servico, 
he  Southern 
loting  seees- 
good  of  the 
he  Cabinet: 
B.  Floyd,  of 
lissippi,  Sec- 
aore  toward 
chanan  him- 

the  30th  of 
lundred  and 
rmories  aad 
vei»  speedily 
le  Southern- 
■iy  sought  io 
t  sent  to  the 
tprehensions 
»ral  forts  in 
immediately 

subsequent 
I  out,  would 
fttion  of  the 
iwarted,  ob- 
dent  weakly 

yas  Wm.  H. 
e,  who  acted 
iith,  and  the 
ion  he  wrote 
1  Cobb,  that 
m  the  Union, 
you  hig  con- 
le  upon  this 
'oduce  differ- 


ences of  opinion  and  destroy  unanimity."  Het-retary  Floyd  had  also 
expressed  himself  opposed  to  any  rash  movement,  because  he  thought 
that  Lincoln's  administration  would  fail,  and  be  regardinl  as  impotent 
for  good  or  evil  within  four  months  of  his  inauguration.  From  Floyd's 
standpoint  this  was  certainly  a  rational  point  of  view,  for  he  was  then 
selling  to  the  Houthern  states  muskets,  altered  from  Hint-lock  to  per- 
cussion by  the  United  States  Ordnance  Departnjent.  Whether  he 
was  putting  the  money  thus  received  into  the  I'niled  States  treasury 
or  into  his  own  p<»cket,  or  reserving  it  for  the  Confederate  treasury  is 
not  a  nmtter  of  record.  Mr.  Floyd  also  knew  that  Isaac  Toucey, 
Secretary  of  the  Navy,  although  he  was  not  counted  among  the  con- 
spirators, was  gradually  placing  the  Navy  beyond  the  reach  of  the 
incoming  administration,  in  anticipation  of  secession.  From  every 
point  of  view.  Secretary  Cobb's  advice  against  precipitate  action  was 
g«»od,  and  great  complaint  was  afterwards  made  by  Confederates 
against  the  South  Carolina  Convention  for  precipitating  the  issues  as 
soon  as  it  did.  But  the  South  Carolinians  were  too  hot-headed  to  wait, 
as  were  also  many  of  the  Southern  Senators  and  Representatives  who 
abandoned  their  seats  in  Congress  in  January  following. 

President  Buchanan  had  an  outline  of  his  message  prepared  soon 
after  election,  and  showed  it  to  the  Cabinet  on  the  10th  of  November. 
Secretary  Floyd  had  told  him  a  day  or  two  before  that  he  thought 
•disunion  inevitable  and  under  the  present  cirt-umstances,  most  desir- 
able." Secretary  Toucey  was  non-committal  as  to  the  fcuiii  of  the 
message,  but  had  already  given  his  opinion  that  '"retaliatory  measures 
would  prove  most  availing  in  bringing  Northern  fanatics  to  their 
senses.''  Secretary  Thonipson  objected  to  the  proposed  message 
because  "he  misses  entirely  the  true  States  Bights  doctrine  on  the 
subject  of  secession." 

Amid  these  and  other  conflicting  opinions  the  President  was  not 
able  to  make  up  his  own  mind,  and  asked  the  Attorney  General,  Jere- 
miah 8.  Black,  for  advice.  Mr.  Black  was  not  among  the  conspirators. 
He  hated  New  England,  and  disliked  the  North  generally.  He  loved 
the  South,  but  did  >ot  believe  in  secession.  At  the  same  time  he  did 
not  think  the  Government  had  power  to  prevent  such  a  movement. 
He  was,  in  fact,  the  author  of  the  contradictory  doctrines  that  while 
a  State  has  no  right  to  secede,  the  Government  has  no  power  to 
prevent  secession.  On  the  20th  of  November,  in  reply  to  the  inquiries 
of  the  President,  he  gave  the  official  opinion  that  "Congress  had  no 
right  to  carry  on  war  against  any  State,  either  to  prevent  a  threatened 


,-.%i__ 


iiiMiii 


■H 


iH 


^i»; 


HISTORY  OP  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 


violation  of  tlie  Constitution,  nor  to  enforce  an  acknowledgment  that 

the  Government  of  the  TTnited  Htates  is  supreme."      The  reflection  of 

this  advice    appeared  a    few  days  afterwards  in  the     President's 

message,  which  was  materially  moditied  from  the  flrst  draft.      This 

extraordinary  document  was  referred  to  by  the  London  Times  as  "a 

greater  blow  to  the  American  iieople  than  all  the  rants  of  the  Georgian 

Governor  or  the  ordinances   of   the  (Charleston  Convention.      The 

President  has  dissipated  the  idea  that  the  states  which  elected  him 

constitute  one  people."      In  the  message  Mr.  Buchanan  first  spoke  of 

the   discontent  which   extensively  prevailed   and  charged  it  to  the 

'•long-tiontinued  and  intemperate  interference  of  the  Northern  people 

with  the  question  of  slavery  in  the  Southern  states,"  and  said  that  on 

this  account  the  time  had  arrived,  bo  much  dreaded  by  the  Father  of 

his     Country     when     hostile     geographical      parties     had     been 

formed.       He     continued:       "I     have     long     foreseen,     and     often 

forewarned     my     countrymen     of     the  now     impending     danger. 

This    does    not    proceed    solely    from    the    claims    on    the    part 

of    Congress    or    the    Territorial    Legislatures    to    exclude    slavery 

from  the  territories,  nor  from  the  efforts  of  different  states  to  defeat 

the  execution  of  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law.    All  or  any  of  these  evils 

might  have  been  endured  by  the  South  without  danger  to  the  Union, 

as  others  have  been,  in  the  hope  that  time  and  reflection  might  apply 

the  remedy.      The  immediate  peril  arises,  not  so  much  from  these 

causes,  as  from  the  fact  that  the  incessant  and  violent  agitation  of 

the  slavery  question,  throughout  the  North  for  the  last  quarter  of  a 

century,  has,  at  length,  produced  its  malign  influence  on  the  slaves, 

and  inspired  them  with  vague  notions  of  freedom.     Hence,  a  sense  of 

security  no  longer  exists  around  the  family  altar.      This  feeling  of 

pi'ace  at  home  Iws  given  place  to  apprehensions  «»f  servile  insurrection. 

Many  a  matron  throughout  the  South  retires  at  night  in  dread  of  what 

may  befall  herself  and  her  children  before  the  morning.      Should  this 

apprehension  of  dom^jstic  danger,  whether  real  or  imaginary,  extend 

and  intensify  itself  until  it  shall  pervade  the  masses  of  the  Southern 

I>eople,  then  disunion  will  become  inevitable." 

Mr.  Buchanan's  long  argument  is  fairly  summed  up  in  the  fol- 
lowing paragraph,  though  a  similar  conclusion  is  reached  in  various 
forms:  "The  question  fairly  stated,  is:  Has  the  Constitution  dele- 
gated to  Congress  the  power  to  coerce  into  submission  a  State  which 
is  attempting  to  withdraw,  or  has  actually  withdrawn,  from  the  (Con- 
federacy? If  answered  in  the  affirmative,  it  must  be  on  the  principle, 
that  the  power  has  been  conferred  upon  Congress  to  declare  and  to 


mm 


THE  INTERREGNUM. 


117 


ledgmeut  tbut 
B  reflection  of 
President's 
draft.  This 
Times  as 
the  Georgian 
ention.  The 
b  elected  him 
first  spoke  of 
ged  it  to  the 
rthern  people 
d  said  that  on 
the  Father  of 
I  had  been 
and  often 
ling  danger, 
on  the  part 
I'lude  slavery 
ates  to  defeat 
of  these  evils 
to  the  Union, 
n  might  apply 
'h  from  these 
it  agitation  of 
t  quarter  of  a 
on  the  slaves, 
ace,  a  sense  of 
'his  feeling  of 
e  insurrection, 
dread  of  what 
Should  this 
ginary,  extend 
f  the  Southern 

up  in  the  tol- 
bed  in  various 
istitution  dele- 
a  State  which 
from  the  ('on- 
1  the  principle, 
declare  and  to 


make  war  against  a  State.  After  much  sericjus  reflection,  I  have 
arrived  at  the  conclusion  that  no  such  power  has  be<'n  delegated  to 
Congress,  or  to  any  other  department  of  the  Federal  Government.  It 
is  manifest,  upon  an  inspection  of  the  Constitution,  that  this  is  not 
among  the  specific  and  enumerated  powers  granted  to  Congress;  and 
it  is  equally  apparent  that  its  exenise  is  not  nej-essary  and  proper  for 
carrying  into  execution  any  one  of  these  powers." 

The  result  of  this  message  was  not  what  the  conspirators  hoped. 
Its  first  elTect  was  to  bring  about  the  resignalion  of  Ij«*wIs  Cass,  Secre- 
tary of  State.  General  Cass  was  a  patriotic  man,  of  large  public 
experience.  Rut  he  was  well  advan<ed  in  years,  had  no  knowledge 
of  the  secret  movements  of  the  conspirators,  and  if  be  luid  understood 
them  would  not  have  been  able  to  cope  with  them.  He  felt  that  be 
was  placed  in  a  false  position  by  the  new  drift  of  the  Administration, 
as  disclosed  in  the  message,  and  when  it  became  known  that  the 
(iovernment  would  not  insist  upon  the  <ol lection  of  the  revenue  in 
South  Carolina,  nor  strengthen  the  forts  in  Charleston  harbor,  he 
resigned,  and  Attorney  General  Rlaek  was  appointed  to  succeed  him. 

Judge  Black  was  of  a  rugged,  positive  character,  a  warm  friend 
of  President  Buchanan,  but  subservient  to  no  one.  He  was  appointed 
the  day  when  the  Disunion  ('onvention  met  in  Charleston.  Three 
days  later  the  Ordinance  of  Secession  was  passed,  and  Governor 
Pickens  proclaimed  South  Carolina  a  separate,  free  and  sovereign 
State.  This  independent  and  sovereign  State  sent  an  "embassy"  to 
Washington  to  arrange  a  treaty  with  the  United  States,  and  to  nego- 
tiate for  the  peaceful  surrender  of  the  armed  fortresses  of  the  United 
States  within  the  limits  of  the  new  sovereignty.  The  "embassy"  took 
a  house  in  Washington  from  which  it  floated  the  flag  of  the  legation, 
and  was  actually  received  by  the  President,  who  was  undecided  what 
to  do,  when  Judge  Black  came  upon  the  scene.  The  impudence  of 
the  demand  amazed  and  angered  him.  He  had  questioned  the  right 
of  the  Government  to  coerce  a  State,  but  to  his  mind  it  did  not  follow 
that  the  Government  did  not  have  the  right  to  defend  its  own 
property.  He  persuaded  Buchanan  to  <'ease  his  temporizing  policy, 
and  the  "embassy"  was  dismissed.  The  conspirators  in  the  Cabinet 
soon  perceived  that  a  new  force  had  entered  into  the  Government 
councils,  and  that  their  usefulness  in  Washington  had  ended,  and 
speedily  resigned.  Edwin  M.  Stanton  was  appointed  Attorney  Gen- 
eral; Horatio  King,  of  Maine,  was  appointed  Postmaster  General,  and 
John  A.  Dix,  of  New  York,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury. 


-.■"vt'T-i^mt^sz, 


jw.»....^..|-iii«'wm-j  tu.-m,»MmiiiM  - '" 


B  ' 


I' 


118 


HISTORY  OP  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY, 


Meairfime  the  Becession  movement  was  going  on,  and  continued 
nntil  after  the  Republican  party  lanie  into  power.  The  dates  a\ 
which  the  various  states  went  out  were  as  follows:  South  Carolina, 
December  20, 1860;  Mississippi,  January  0,  18(51 ;  Florida,  January  10; 
Alabaum,  January  11;  Georgia,  January  10;  Louisiana,  January  20;  , 
Texas,  February  1 ;  Virginia,  April  17;  Arkansas,  May  6;  North  Caro 
Una,  May  26;  Tennessee,  June  8.  The  Senators  and  Representatives 
in  Congress  withdrew  as  their  states  went  out. 

While  the  Southerners  were  thus  becoming  more  and  more 
aggressive  the  old  spirit  of  conciliation,  compromise  and  submission 
seized  the  North.  Many  of  those  who  had  voted  for  Lincoln,  who 
in  the  campaign  had  applauded  the  most  extreme  Anti-Slavery  senti- 
ments, and  some  of  the  siieakers  who  had  uttered  such  senti- 
ments, before  election,  were  ready  to  mob  the  nuen  who  uttered  the 
same  sentiments  after  election.  Even  after  the  states  had  begun  to 
secede  Union  meetings  were  held  in  many  places,  and  the  South  was 
implored  to  come  back,  with  offers  of  concessions  that  were  absolutely 
servile.  This  sudden  reaction  doubtless  had  much  to  do  with  the 
Southerners'  opinion  that  the  Northerners  were  cowards,  and  that 
"one  Southerner  could  lick  ten  Yankees."  These  conciliatory  and 
taint-hearted  men  were  not  roused  from  their  dream  of  peace  until 
Ihey  heard  of  the  shots  fired  on  Fort  Sumter  in  April  following. 

One  of  the  largest  of  the  T'nion  meetings  was  held  at  Philadel 
phia  at  the  call  of  the  Mayor,  on  request  of  the  City  Councils.  This 
was  on  the  10th  of  December,  before  any  State  had  actually  seceded. 
The  Mayor,  Alexander  Henry,  had  this  to  say  in  his  speech:  "The 
misplaced  teachings  of  the  pulpit,  the  unwise  rhapsodies  of  the 
lecture  room,  the  exciting  appeals  of  the  press,  on  the  subject  of 
slavery,  must  be  frowned  down.  Thus  and  thus  only  may  you  hope 
to  avoid  the  sectional  discord,  agitation  and  animosity,  which,  at  fre- 
quently recurring  periods,  have  shaken  your  political  fabric  to  the 
center,  and,  at  last,  have  undermined  its  very  foundation."  This  was 
the  burden  of  many  speeches  at  the  Union  meetings.  The  South  was 
sensitive,  and  its  favorite  institution  must  not  even  be  talked  about. 

Charles  E.  Ijex,  who  had  voted  for  Lincoln,  also  admonished  his 
hearers  to  "discountenance  any  denunciation  of  slavery,  or  of  those 
who  maintain  that  institution,  as  intemperate  and  wrong,  whether 
they  are  promulgated  in  the  lecture  room,  at  the  political  gathering, 
or  from  the  sacred  desk."  He  also  advocated  the  elimination  of  the 
Personal  Liberty  I^aws  from  the  statute  hooks,  and  the  execution  of 


I  (.. 


H    \    \ 


.  I"" 


THE  INTERHEONTM. 


110 


lid  coutiuued 
\!\ie  dates  at 
ith  Carolina, 

January  10; 

January  26; 

North  Caro 
[jresentativeH 

re  and  more 
il  HubuiiBBion 
Lincoln,  who 
ilavery  senti- 
1  such  aenti- 
:»  uttered  the 
had  begun  tu 
le  South  was 
Te  absolutely 
do  with  the 
rds,  and  that 
ciliatory  and 
if  peace  until 
llowini;. 
1  i^t  Philadel 
iincils.      This 
iially  seceded. 
)eech :      "The 
todies  of  the 
he  subject  of 
may  you  hope 
which,  at  fre- 
fabric  to  the 
I."     This  was 
'he  South  was 
liked  about. 
Imonished  his 
y,  or  of  those 
•ong,  whether 
cat  gathering, 
lination  of  the 
e  execution  of 


the  Fugitive  Slave  Law  in  its  full  extent  and  spirit.  Rev.  Theodore 
Tuyler  went  further  yet,  for  in  addition  to  an  aiipeal  for  the  execu- 
tion of  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law,  and  the  repeal  of  the  IVrsonal  Liberty 
Laws,  he  added:  "Let  us  re<'eive  our  bn»ther  of  the  South  if  he  will 
come  among  lis,  for  a  little  time,  attended  by  his  servant,  and  permit 
him  thus  to  come." 

A  long  series  of  resolutions  adopted  by  the  meeting,  pledged  the 
people  of  Philadelphia  to  the  carrying  out  of  all  the  most  extreme  con- 
cessions mad*'  In  these  si)eeches.  A  tttting  cllnmx  to  this  cowardly 
mtetlug  was  this;  George  William  Curtis  had  been  engaged  by  the 
People's  Literary  Bureau  to  lecture  on  the  evening  after  the  great 
meeting,  and  had  announced  as  his  subject,  "The  Policy  of  Honesty," 
a  subject  which  was  not  apparently  calculated  to  grate  upon  the 
nerves  of  our  sensitive  Southern  brethren.  But  the  Mayor  addressed 
a  note  to  the  proprietor  of  the  hall  in  which  the  lecture  was  to  be 
given,  in  which  he  said:  "The  appearance  of  George  W.  Curtis,  Esq., 
as  a  lecturer  before  the  People's  Literary  Institute,  on  Thursday 
evening  next,  will  be  extremely  unwise.  If  I  possessed  the  lawful 
power  I  would  not  permit  his  presence  on  that  occasion."  To  this 
the  humble  reply  was  made:  "I  have  been  officially  informed  that 
in  the  event  of  G.  W.  Curtis'  lecturing  in  this  hall,  on  Thursday  even- 
ing next,  a  riot  is  anticipated,  Under  these  circumstances,  I  cannot 
permit  the  hall  to  be  used  on  that  occasion." 

Some  of  the  newspapers  which  had  been  influential  in  building 
up  the  Republican  party,  either  anticipated  or  followed  these  meetings, 
In  advising  concessions.  The  second  day  after  Mr.  Lincoln's  election 
Horace  Greeley,  who  wa^  the  author  of  the  phrase,  "Erring  sisters  go 
In  peace,"  had  a  long  editorial  in  the  Tribune,  under  the  headline, 
"Going  to  Go."  In  this  he  said :  "If  the  Cotton  States  shall  decide  that 
they  can  do  better  out  of  the  Union  than  in  it,  we  insist  on  letting 
them  go  in  peace.  The  right  to  secede  may  be  a  revolutionary  one, 
but  it  exists  nevertheless,  anjl  we  do  not  see  how  one  party  has  a 
right  to  do  what  another  party  has  a  right  to  prevent.  We  must  ever 
resist  the  assorted  right  of  any  State  to  remain  in  the  Union  and 
nullify  or  defy  the  laws  thereof.  To  withdraw  from  the  Union  is 
quite  another  matter.  And  whenever  a  ionsiderable  section  of  our 
Union  shall  deliberately  resolve  to  go  out,  we  shall  resist  all  coercive 
measures  designed  to  keep  it  in.  We  hope  never  to  live  in  a  Republic 
whereof  one  section  is  pinned  to  another  by  bayonets." 

Several  other  papers  took  substantially  the  same  ground  as  the 
Tribune,   while  Thurlow   Weed,   in  the  Albany   Evening  Journal, 


f 


mm 


rW^y 


•  .jsy-'.i^  'i/x^:  I  s^'yi;" 's;  ■  ■ 


\r^»C-;f.^i\'im^ii-:  "  i'a 


i 


'f~ 


\ 


120 


HIHTOIIY  OP  THE  KElMinLICAN  PARTY 


.i  . 


ill 


declare<l  thai  thore  was  iniiiiincnt  <lanK(*f  nf  a  diitHolution  of  tb«' 
Tnion,  and  that  the  dan|{or  oriKinated  in  the  ambition  and  cupidity  of 
men  who  desire  a  Honthern  deHitotiHUi,  and  in  tlie  fanatical  zeal  of 
Northern  AbolitioniHtH  who  BiH»k  the  emancipation  of  Hlaves,  regard 
leRB  of  consequences.  He  proposed  as  a  remedy  a  ('onvention  of  the 
lieople,  with  delegates  apiHiinted  by  the  states,  to  discuss  the  subject 
in  an  amicable  manner. 

With   this  change  of   sentiment  among   the   people,  and  in  the 
Republican  press,  it  is  not  surprising  that  the  Republicans  in  CongreHs 

were  also  willing  to 
make  some  concessitms. 
The  movement  in  tlie 
Senate  took  the  form  of 
a  committee  of  thir- 
teen, c  o  n  8  i  s  t  i  n  g  of 
seven  DenmcratB,  tlve 
Republicans  and  one 
Iude|H'udent,  John  A. 
Crittenden.  The  latter 
introduced  what  was 
afterwards  known  as 
the  Crittenden  Com- 
promise, proposing  a 
series  of  amendments 
to  the  Constitution,  in 
substance  as  follows: 

1.  Prohibiting    slav- 
ery in  all  the  territory 
of   the    United    States 
North  of  86  degrees  30 
JOHN  J.  CRrsTENDEN.  minutes,    and   protect- 

ing it  as  property  in  all  territory  Houth  of  that  line;  and,  admitting 
into  the  fTnion,  with  or  without  slavery,  as  its  Constitution  might 
provide,  any  Htate  that  might  be  forme<l  out  of  such  territory,  when- 
ever its  iiopulatiou  should  be  sufficient  to  entitle  it  to  a  Member  of 
(vongress. 

2.  Prohibiting  C'ongress  from  abolishing  slavery  in  places  under 
its  exclusive  jurisdiction  within  Slave  States. 

3.  Prohibiting  Congress  from   abolishing  slavery   within  the 
District  of  Columbia,  so  long  as  slavery  should  exist  in  Virginia  or 


if 


waumm 


:-A.  :;'i:'~\ 


•1  ,  % 


tion  of  tbf 
cupidity  of 
icul  Keal  of 
veB,  reijard- 
ntioii  of  tlie 
the  subject 

and  in  the 
in  CongresH 
willing  to 
conceRHionn. 
lent  in  the 
the  form  of 
w  of  thir- 
I  i  8 1  i  n  g  of 
loerats,  tive 
H  and  one 
t,  John  J. 
The  latter 
what  watt 
known  an 
nden  Com- 
»ropo8ing  a 
imendmentH 
Btitution,  in 
18  follows: 
>iting  Slav- 
he  territory 
lited  State8 
3  degrees  30 
ind  protect- 
3,  admitting 
ution  might 
itory,  when- 
L  Member  of 

places  under 

within  the 
Virginia  or 


THE  INTP:RRE(!\rM. 


121 


Maryland;  or  without  tlie  conMcnt  of  (lie  inlinl»i(antH,  or  without  jum( 
eonii»enHation  to  tlie  ownerH. 

4.  I'rohibiting  <'ungre88  from  hindering  the  tranHi)ortati<m  of 
slaves  from  one  State  to  anotlier,  or  to  a  Territory  in  whit'h  slavery  iw 
allowed. 

5.  Providing  that  where  a  fugitive  Blave  is  lost  to  his  owner 
by  violent  resistance  to  tlie  execution  of  the  jiroceHs  of  the  law  for 
his  recovery,  tlie  United  States  shall  pay  to  said  owner  his  full  value, 
and  may  recover  the  same  from  the  County  in  which  such  rescue 
occurred. 

(».  These  provisions  are  declared  to  be  unchangeable  by  any 
future  amendment  of  the  ('onstitution,  us  are  also  the  existing  articles 
relating  <o  the  representation  of  slaves  and  the  surrender  of  fugitives. 

Tln.»se  were  referred  to  the  Committee  of  Thirteen,  who  reported, 
on  the  ulst  of  December,  that  they  "had  not  been  able  to  agree  upon 
any  general  plan  of  adjustment.''  They  continued,  however,  to  be 
the  basis  of  discuHsion  through  the  session,  but  wer(>  defeated  on  the 
last  day  by  a  vote  of  V.t  to  20.  On  account  of  the  withdrawal  of 
Southern  Senators,  the  Senate  had  then  become  strongly  Bepublicnn. 

In  the  IJouse,  on  the  lirst  day  of  the  session,  a  committee  of 
thirty-three  was  appointed  to  consider  such  portions  of  the  President's 
message  as  related  to  the  perilous  condition  of  the  country.  This 
committee,  after  a  few  days'  consideration,  reported  a  series  of  resolu- 
tions in  substance  as  follows: 

1.  All  attempts  on  the  part  of  the  Legislature  of  any  State  to 
obstruct  the  recovery  of  fugitives  from  labor  are  in  derogation  of  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States,  inconsistent  with  comity  and  good 
neighborhood  between  the  states,  and  dangerous  to  the  peace  of  the 
Union. 

2.  That  the  several  states  be  requested  to  cause  their  statutes 
to  be  revised,  with  a  view  to  ascertain  if  any  of  them  are  in  conflict 
with  the  Laws  for  the  return  of  Fugitive  Slaves,  and  if  so  to  repeal 
such  laws. 

3.  That  we  recognize  slavery  as  now  existing  in  fifteen  of  the 
States,  and  recognize  no  outhority  outside  of  any  of  these  States  to 
interfere  with  such  slaves  or  slavery. 

4.  Discountenances  all  mobs  or  hindrances  to  the  execution  of 
the  Fugitive  Slave  Law. 

5.  A  faithful  observance,  on  the  part  of  all  the  states,  of  all 
their  Constitutional  obligations  to  each  other,  and  to  the  Federal 
Government,  is  essential  to  the  peace  of  the  country. 


If 


|00 


HISTORY  OP  THE  RRI»TTHLirAN  PARTY. 


ril;i!i 


(t.  If  in  tln'  duty  of  tlu'  P<'«l«»riil  fJov»»rnnn«nt  to  ♦•iifonH'  tln' 
FHloral  Ihw»,  |»rot«'rt  tin*  FVcIituI  |»rop«'rt.v,  aiMi  |H'«'h«m'v«*  th*'  (Jiiioii 
of  the  Htnt<>H. 

KtM'tioiiH  t*(>v<>n  iind  ciKiit  nMpicHt  tli<>  HtiitcH  to  onart  lawH  for  the 
protection  of  travclcrit  from  one  State  to  another,  ami  to  prevent  or 
puniHh  any  attempt  to  net  i»n  foot  the  hiwIeHH  invaHion  of  any  other 
State  or  Terril(»ry. 

These  reHolutionH,  whieh  mi^ht  have  calmed  the  apprehenHionH  of 
the  HouthernerH,  if  they  had  not  lH>en  lient  on  MeeeMHion  in  any  event, 
paHMed  llie  f  louHe  by  u  vote  of  \'Mi  to  R'A.  Tliai  body  alMO,  by  a  vote  of 
!.'{.'{  to  <t5,  proposed  a  Constitutional  amendment  providing  that,  "No 
amendment  shall  be  made  to  the  (Constitution  wliich  will  aiithori/.e,  or 
Kiv(>  to  ConvresM  the  power  to  abolish,  or  interfere,  within  any  Htate, 
with  tlie  domestir  institutions  thereof,  inrludinf;  that  of  (tersons  held 
to  labor  or  service  by  the  laws  of  said  Ktate.*'  This  was  the  tm\y 
measure  on  the  whole  subject  that  passed  both  houses,  and  this  never 
became  o|>erative.  The  House  also  passed,  at  tliis  session,  acts  pro- 
viding Territorial  governments  for  New  Mexico,  ('olorado  and  Dakota, 
without  any  provision  as  to  slavery. 

The  last  effort  at  compromise  was  nmde  through  the  agency  of  a 
I'eace  (Conference  which  met  in  Washington  February  4,  and  consisted 
of  i:{;t  delegates  from  21  states,  none  of  the  seceded  states  being  rep- 
resented. It  was  in  session  a  fortnight  and  adopted  resolutions  (1) 
Uestoriug  the  old  Missouri  ('ompromise  line,  with  its  former  limita- 
tions as  to  slavery  in  the  territories;  (2)  I'roviding  that  no  territory 
should  be  acquired  by  the  United  Htates  except  by  discovery,  without 
a  concurren<-e  of  a  majority  of  all  the  Senators  from  the  Hlave 
States,  as  well  as  a  majority  of  all  the  Senators  from  the  Free  States. 
(3)  Declaring  that  CongresB  shall  not  have  the  power  to  interfere  with 
slavery  In  any  State;  or  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  without  the 
consent  of  tlie  State  of  Maryland,  and  without  the  consent  of  the 
owners,  or  mailing  compensation  to  the  owners  who  do  not  consent; 
nor  to  prevent  persons  from  other  states  from  taking  their  slaves  into 
the  District  of  Columbia;  nor  to  abolish  slavery  in  places  under  the 
jurisdiction  of  the  United  States  in  any  State  or  Territory  where  it 
already  existed;  nor  to  prohibit  the  transportation  of  slaves  from  one 
State  or  Territory  to  another.  (4)  The  third  paragraph  of  the  second 
section  of  the  fourth  article  of  the  Constitution,  shall  not  be  con- 
strued to  prevent  any  State  from  enforcing  the  return  of  fugitive 
slaves;  (5)  Prohibits  tlie  foreign  slave  trade;  (0)  The  first,  third  and 


.III 


'^^t^M 


•*^" 


THE  INTKHRKUM  M. 


taa 


t«nfon'«»  tli« 
th«'  ITuion 

MWH  for  the 

pr«'v«Mit  or 

f  anv  oflHT 

'henHiniiH  of 

I  an.v  »'V«'iit, 
by  u  vo(»*  of 
K  that,  "No 
uthoriKc,  or 

II  uii>'  Htate, 
tersoiiH  lit'ld 
■a»  the  onl.v 

d  thiH  never ;f 
)n,  actM  pro- 
und  Dakota, 

agency  of  a 
nd  oonHitited 
'B  being  rep- 
Holiitionf*  (1) 
rnier  liuiita- 
no  territory 
ery,  without 
n  the  Slave 
Free  States, 
iterfere  with 
without  the 
isent  of  the 
not  consent; 
r  slaves  into 
PS  under  the 
ory  where  it 
ves  from  one 
>f  the  second 
not  be  con- 
i  of  fugitive 
st,  third  and 


tifth  Mectiouft  of  tlieHe  aiiiendnientM  hIiiiII  not  he  iiltoliMhed  without  the 
conHent  of  nil  the  MtateM-,  (7)  I'rovideH  that  the  I'liited  HtateH  hIuiII  pny 
full  value  for  any  fugitive  whoHe  return  to  slavery  is  prevented  by  vio 
lenee  or  intimidation. 

These    reMolutionH  were  n'ceived    by  the    Senate  on    the    lid  <»f 
March.      For  the  next  two  days  that  body  playe<l  battle<lore  and  hIiuI 
tie  cock  with  theui,  an<l  the  Crittenden  ConipiMniiiHe  rcHolutionn.      It 
Anally,  by  a  vote  of  a  to  '.U  refused  to  HuliHtitute  the  former  for  the 
latter,  and  then  defeated  the  latter  by  a  vote  of  1»  to  L'O. 

These  were  tilniost  the  last  votes  tak«'n  in  the  Senate  of  the 
Thirty-Hixth  Congress,  for  the  end  of  the  Hiichanan  AdniiiiiHt ration 
was  at  hand.  A  President,  feeble  and  vacillating,  and  a  CongresH 
controlled  first  by  rebels,  and  after  they  had  left,  controlled  by  its 
fears,  were  about  to  give  place  to  a  strong  n>an  in  the  Kxecutive  and 
a  strong  party  In  control  of  C«>ngress.  The  interregnum  was  about 
to  end. 

There  was  just  one  redeeming  act  near  the  clos»'.  There  was  a 
deficiency  in  the  (lovernment  revenues  and  the  first  Morrill  TaritT  Act, 
intended  to  increase  the  n'venues  |({5,()0().(MM)  was  passed  to  meet  the 
eni*»rgeacy.  It. was  based  on  the  Ilei»ublican  idea  of  protection  and 
was  passed  by  Kepublican  votes;  but  the  money  was  needi-d.  and  (m 
tl»e  lid  of  March  the  President  reluctantly  signed  it. 


i 


:,-  ;--|;.vi.^':-;-r''" 


X. 


PREBIDENT  LINCOLN'^  ADMINISTRATION. 

Lincoln's  Journey  to  the  Capitol— His  Purpose  as  Regards  Slavery— 
Fonmition  <»f  the  Ciabinet  and  Discordant  Elements  There — 
Prominent  Men  in  Congress— Divided  Opinions  About  the 
Southern  Forts— Seward's  "Thoughts  for  the  President's  Con- 
siderations'—The South  Carolina  Embassy— The  Bombardment 
of  Fort  Sumter— The  First  Call  for  Volunteers— Prompt 
Response  by  (Congress  to  the  President's  Requests— Important 
Acts  of  (ieneral  Legislation— The  Question  of  Returning  Fugi- 
tives—The President  Puts  the  Union  Above  the  Slavery  t^uestion 
—Events  Leading  T-p  to  the  Emancipation  Proclamatici— Vary- 
ing Fortunes  of  the  War. 

The  President-elect  left  his  home  in  Springfield  on  the  11th  of 
February,  accompanied  to  the  depot  by  a  large  number  of  his  friends 
and  neighbors,  to  whom  he  addressed  this  brief  farewell :  "My 
Friends-  Xo  one  not  in  my  position  can  appreciate  the  sadness  I  feel 
at  this  parting.  To  this  people  I  owe  all  that  I  am-  Here  I  have 
lived  more  than  a  quarter  of  a  century;  here  my  children  were  born, 
and  here  one  of  them  lies  buried.  I  know  not  how  soon  I  shall  see 
you  again.  A  duty  devolves  upon  me,  which  is,  perhaps,  greater  than 
that  which  has  devohed  upon  any  man  since  the  days  of  Washington. 
He  never  would  have  sticceeded  except  for  the  aid  of  Divine  Provi- 
dence, upon  which  he  at  all  times  relied.  I  feel  that  I  can  not  succeed 
without  the  same  Divine  aid  which  sustained  him,  and  on  the  same 
Almighty  Being  I  place  my  reliance  for  support;  and  I  hope  you,  my 
friends,  will  all  pray  that  I  may  receive  that  Divine  assistance,  with- 
out whi«h  I  cannot  succeed,  but  with  which  success  is  cti'tain.  Again 
I  bid  you  all  an  affectionate  farewell." 

Mr.  Lincoln's  journey  to  Washington  occupied  twelve  days,  from 
February  11  to  2.3.  He  was  greeted  everywhere  along  the  line  with 
enthusiastic  crowds,  and  made  many  short  speeches  from  the  platforms 


ilillillHlMHi 


iiiUWWil|Mil'ig.<i;imi|ii   WilJWMiUHl^U^i  g-*' 


r\vrf-M^i^\^^ 


PRESIDENT  LIN(X)LN'«  ADMINIHTRATION. 


12.-. 


S'averj' — 
»  There — 
Vbout  the 
lent's  Con- 
nbardment 
8 — Prompt 
-Important 
■ning  Fugi- 
y  Question 
ic'i — Vary- 


the  11th  of 
his  friends 
ireii :  "My 
iness  I  feel 
lere  I  have 
were  born, 
I  shall  see 
;reater  than 
^'^ashington. 
ivine  Provi- 
not  succeed 
m  the  same 
)pe  you,  my 
tance,  with- 
ain.    Again 

!  days,  from 
he  line  with 
le  platforms 


of  his  cur  ut  the  smaller  stations.  Ue  made  stops,  of  from  a  few 
hours  to  a  day  or  more,  at  Indianapolis,  Cincinnati,  Columbus,  Cleve- 
land, Buffalo,  Albany,  Troy,  New  York,  Trenton,  IMiiladelphia  and 
Harrisburg.  He  left  the  latter  city  by  an  earlier  train  than  that 
first  scheduled,  and  reached  Washington  twelve  hours  sooner  than 
was  expected.  This  change  of  plan  was  caused  by  apprehensions  of 
his  friends,  and  of  the  police,  that  his  life  would  be  in  danger  in  Bal- 
timore. An  attempt  had  been  made  on  the  Toh'do  &  Wabash  road  to 
throw  from  the  track  the  train  on  which  he  was  traveling,  and  as 
he  was  leaving  Cincinnati  a  hand  grenade  was  found  on  the  car. 
This  led  to  an  organized  investigation,  by  skilled  detectives,  who  dis- 
covered that  a  gang  of  assassins  had  arranged  to  take  his  life  whi'e 
passing  through  Baltimore.  It  was  deemed  the  part  of  prudence  to 
avoid  them  by  taking  an  earlier  train.  In  Washington  Lincoln  made 
only  two  addresses  previous  to  his  inauguration,  one  in  response  to 
a  welcome  tendered  him.  by  the  Mayor  and  Common  Council,  and  one 
on  the  occasion  of  a  serenade  given  him  by  the  Republican  Associa- 
tion. 

President  Lincoln's  inaugural  address  was  calm  and  moderate. 
Near  the  opening  he  quoted  from  one  of  his  speeches  these  words, 
which  he  now  reafllrmed:  "I  have  no  purpose,  directly  or  indirectly, 
to  interfere  with  the  institution  of  slavery  in  the  states  where  it  exists. 
I  believe  I  have  no  right  to  do  so  and  I  have  no  inclination  to  do  so." 
Upon  the  matter  of  the  rendition  of  fugitive  slaves,  he  said:  "There 
is  much  controversy  about  the  delivering  up  of  fugitives  from  service 
or  labor.  The  clause  I  read  is  as  plainly  written  in  the  Constitution 
as  any  other:  'No  person  held  to  service  or  labor  in  one  State,  under 
the  laws  thereof,  escaping  into  another,  shall  in  consequence  of  any 
law  or  regulation  therein,  be  discharged  from  such  service  or  labor, 
but  shall  be  delivered  up  on  claim  of  the  party  to  whom  such  service 
or  labor  may  be  due.'  It  is  scarcely  questioned  that  this  provision 
was  intended  by  those  who  made  it  for  the  reclaiming  of  what  we 
call  fugitive  slaves,  and  the  intention  of  the  lawgiver  is  the  law.  All 
Members  of  Congress  swear  their  support  to  the  whole  Constitution, 
to  this  provision,  as  much  as  any  other.  To  the  proposition,  then, 
that  slaves,  whose  cases  come  within  the  terms  of  this  clause  'shr.U 
be  delivered  up,'  their  oaths  are  unanimous.  Now,  if  they  would 
make  the  effort  in  good  temper,  could  they  not,  with  nearly  ecjual 
unaniminity,  frame  and  pass  a  law  by  means  of  which  to  keep  good 
that  unanimous  oath?" 


Wtaaimliimmmmm^iSiMBm 


i     i 


126 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 


II 


#1 

It 

ni 


ss-i*Fi-  •■f^ 


:iS;i 


ll'iri 


A  Im'gii  part  of  the  meBsage  was  devoted  to  an  argument  against 
the  right  of  secession,  and  in  favor  of  the  perpetuity  of  the  Union, 
in  res!)e(,'t  to  which  the  President  was  very  much  in  earnest.  The 
message  closed  as  follows:  "The  mystic  chord  of  memory,  stretching 
from,  every  battle  field  and  patriot  grave  to  every  livini;  heart  and 
hearthstone  all  over  this  broad  land,  will  yet  swell  the  chorus  of  the 
Union,  when  again  touched,  as  surely  they  will  be,  by  the  better 
angels  of  our  nature."  The  message  gave  general  satisfaction 
throughout  the  North  and  the  border  states.  There  was  nothing  in 
it  that  could  offend  reasonable  men  in  the  South,  but  the  extreme 
Southerners  were  already  beyond  reason. 

Four  members  of  the  President's  Cabinet,  as  announced  soon 
after  the  inaugural  and  confirmed  by  the  Senate,  had  been  rival  aspir- 
ants for  the  Presidential  nomination.  These  were  William  H. 
Seward,  of  New  York,  Secretary  of  State;  Salmon  P.  Chase,  of  Ohio, 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury;  Simon  Cameron,  of  Pennsylvania,  Secre- 
tary of  War,  and  Edward  Bates,  of  Missouri,  Attorney  General.  The 
«»ther  three  members  were  Gideon  Welles,  of  Connecticut,  Secretary  of 
the  Navy;  Caleb  B.  Smith,  of  Indiana,  Secretary  of  the  Interior,  and 
Montgomery  Blair,  of  Maryland.  Postmaster  General.  None  of  these 
attained  great  distinction  in  their  respective  positions,  except  C'hase, 
who  took  rank  with  the  greatest  of  American  financiers,  and  Seward, 
who  conducted  the  affairs  of  state  with  great  ability,  after  he  had 
ascertained  that  he  was  not  the  Government,  and  could  not  control 
the  President,  but  had  best  confine  himself  mainly  to  his  own  depart- 
ment. The  Cabinet,  as  a  whole,  did  not  strike  people  favorably  at 
the  time.  Thaddens  Stevenii  described  it  as  an  assortment  of  rivals 
for  the  Presidency,  one  stamp  speaker  from  Indiana,  and  two  repre- 
sentatives of  the  Blair  family,  the  second  representative  of  this 
family  being  Attorney  General  Bates,  who  was  supposed  to  owe  his 
appointment  to  the  influence  of  Francis  P.  Blair,  Jr.  Gideon  Welles, 
of  Connecticut,  the  "Ancient  Mariner,"  as  he  was  called,  was  said  to 
have  owed  his  appointment  to  Vice-President  Hamlin.  He  Was  old, 
and  slow,  and  knew  nothing  about  naval  affairs.  But  he  had  one 
recommendation.  He  never  made  any  disturbance  in  the  Cabinet. 
It  is  said  that  he  always  agreed  with  the  last  man  that  spoke,  but 
always  ende*;!  up  by  f^uppofting  the  President's  views.  Simon  Cam- 
eron was  a  good  politician,  but  not  a  strong  Secretary  of  War,  and 
the  war  had  not  been  long  in  progress  before  the  President  felt 
obliged  to  ask  for  his  resignation. 


I 


amm 


^Mhsm- 


wmmim^^^^mm^mmm 


iiii.  irtili  i/«iii»i'>/»tiw't''i''iVj'!''*^"''''' ''"ii  fifiij 'iif*i>'ft<<'"''i  '<    "'":i''i»i"r»>ii^iiy'-i<ji»'»  ii,»«i 


nt  against  • 
he  Union, 
est.  The 
Btret<;hing 
heart  and 
•rus  of  the 
the  better 
ulisfaction 
nothing  in 
le  extreme 

need    soon 
rival  aspir- 
rilliam   H. 
le,  of  Ohio, 
inia,  Secre- 
teral.     The 
ecretary  of 
iterior,  and 
me  of  these 
L-ept  C'hase, 
nd  Seward, 
fter  he  had 
not  control 
)wn  depart- 
avorably  at 
nt  of  rivals 
1  two  repre- 
ive   of  this 
.  to  owe  his 
[eon  Welles, 
was  said  to 
He  was  old, 
he  had  one 
the  Cabinet. 
t  spoke,  but 
Simon  Cam- 
of  War,  and 
resident  felt 


"K^Si 


m^M'-^ 


'm 


'?.^*:  ■■■ 


r'lr" 


1   i 


t\ 


^  r 


^ 


Wi^M 


PRESIDENT  LINCOLN'S  ADMIXIKTUATION. 


127 


But  if  the  Cabiiiet  was  not  a  tower  of  strength,  the  trying  tilings 
were  prodiu-tive  of  great  men,  and  the  high  character  of  the  prinii- 
ph-8  advocated  by  the  Republican  party,  brought  most  of  them  into 
the  Republican  rankH.  The  Senate  in<luded  Zacbariah  Chandler,  who 
held  the  confidence  of  President  Lincoln  and  of  President  Grant  aifter 
him,  and  who  was  about  the  onl.y  man  in  the  Senate  w'.'o  could  not  be 
repelled  by  Stanton,  when  he  sought  information  or  wanted  to  give 
advice;  John  Sherman,  of  Ohio,  who  in  the  course  v»f  his  life-time 
was  a  conspicuous  figure  in  the  House,  in  the  Senate,  ii'  the  ('abinet, 
and  as  a  Presidential  candidate;  \Vm,  Pitt  Fessenden,  o  Maine,  emi- 
nent as  a  financier,  both  on  the  Senate  Finance  Committee,  and  later 
as  Secretary  of  the  Treasury;  Henry  B.  Anthony,  of  Rhode  Island, 
just  beginning  a  long  and  useful  service;  Jacob  M.  Howard,  of  Michi- 
gan, who  had  recently  succeetied  Kinsley  S.  Bingham,  deceased,  and 
who  speedily  took  rank  as  a  great  Constitutional  lawyer;  Benjamin 
F.  Wade,  of  Ohio,  one  of  the  sturdiest  defenders  of  Lincoln;  John  P. 
Bale,  of  New  Hampshire,  one  of  the  first  of  the  Free  Soilers,  and  their 
candidate  for  the  Pveisidency  in  1852:  Charles  Sumner,  of  Massachu- 
setts, who  first  entered  the  Senate  on  the  strength  of  a  small  balance 
of  power  which  the  Free  Soilers  held  between  the  Whigs  and  Demo- 
crats in  the  ^Tasriachusetts  Legislature,  but  who  became  one  of  the 
most  conspicuous  of  Republicans;  Henry  Wilson,  of  Massachusetts, 
''The  Natic  Cobbler"  who  rose,  through  various  positions,  from  the 
shoemaker's  bench  to  the  Vice-President's  chair;  Henry  S.  Lane,  of 
Indiana,  one  of  the  two  candidates  for  Governor,  who  so  successfully 
pushed  Lincoln's  fortunes  in  the  Chicago  Convention;  Ira  S.  Harris, 
of  New  York,  who  succeeded  Seward  when  the  latter  went  into  the 
Cabinet:  David  Wilmot,  rtf  Proviso  fame,  who  succeeded  Simon  Cam- 
eron when  the  latter  became  Secretary  of  War;  the  veterans  Solomon 
Foote  and  Jacob  Collamer,  of  Vermont;  and  Lyman  Trnmbull,  of 
Illinois,  James  Harlan,  of  Iowa,  and  Preston  King,  of  New  York,  all 
of  whom  became  prominent  in  other  positions  as  well  as  in  the  Senate. 

The  House  of  the  Thirty-seventh  Congress  contained  among  its 
leading  members:  E.  B.  Washbarne,  Isaac  N.  Arnold  and  Owen 
Lovejoy,  of  Illinois;  George  W.  Julian,  Albert  G.  Porter  and  Schuyler 
Colfax,  of  Indiana;  James  F.  Wilson,  of  Iowa;  Samuel  C.  Fessenden 
and  Anson  P.  Morrill,  of  Maine;  Henry  L.  Dawes,  of  Massachusetts; 
William  Windom,  of  Minnesota;  William  A.  Wheeli^r,  Roscoe  Conk- 
ling  and  Elbridge  G.  Spaulding,  of  New  York;  James  M.  Ashley  and 
John  A.  Bingham,  of  Ohio;  William  D.  Kelley  and  Galusha  A.  Grow, 


k  i 


12S 


IIISTOin'  OF  TH?:  REI'UBUOAN  PAKTY. 


of  rennsylvunia.  Anioiifj;  tlH'se  will  be  recoKnized  two  who  aftor- 
waidH  Immjmim*  Vue  riesident,  several  wlio  entered  the  8enate,  one 
Speaker  of  the  House,  and  three  who  were  in  the  dinlomatic  service. 
In  tliis  House,  also,  were  Francis  1».  Blair,  Jr.,  leader  of  the  Anti- 
Slavery  nrovenient  in  Missonri,  and  then  a  Republican,  but  afterwards 
Ih'niocratic  candidate  for  Vice-President,  and  Horace  Maynard,  who 
was  elected  as  an  American,  but  who  was  now  heading  rapidly  toward 
the  Republican  party,  and  who,  in  reconstruction  times  was  the  most 
pnnninent  man  in  East  Tennessee. 

The  times  also  found  strong  men  in  the  Executive  offices  of  a 
number  of  the  states,  and  several  of  the  War  Governors  were  as  con- 
spicuous for  their  services  In  upholding  the  President's  hands  as 
were  any  of  the  Senators.  The  most  prominent  of  these  were  Andrew 
(}.  Curtin,  of  Pennsylvania;  Oliver  P.  Morton,  of  Indiana;  John  A. 
Andrew,  of  Mas8a(hu8etts,  and  Austin  Blair,  of  Michigan. 

The  war  occupied  so  much  of  public  attention  at  the  time,  and  has 
occupied  so  much  of  the  space  in  histori<al  writings  since  then,  that 
the  legislation  enacted  on  other  subjects  does  not  occupy  large  space 
in  the  public  mind.      But  the  fact  is,  that  aside  from  the  conduct  of 
the  war,  there  was  more  useful  legislation  carried  to  a  conclusion 
during  the  first  four  years  of  Republican  administration,  than  had 
been  passed  by  the  Whig,  Democratic  or  mixed  administrations  in  th^ 
previous  thirty  years.    The  party  very  speedily  vindicated  the  wisdom 
of  the  voters  in  putting  power  in  its   hands.      When   it  came  into 
power  it  found  the  public  credit  impaired  and  the  revenues  insufficient 
for  the  support  of  the  Government.      In  the  last  year  of  Buchanan's 
aidministration.  Government  seven  per  cent,  bonds,  put  on  the  market 
to  help  pay  current  expenses,  sold  at  twelve   per   cent,  discount. 
Under  the  new  Administration  Government  six  per  cents  sold  at   a 
l>remium.      The  business  of  the  country  had  been  greatly  hampered 
by  the  illogical  and  ill  arranged  tariffs  of  1846  and  1857.      The  emer- 
gency tariff,  which  was  passed  late  in  the  last  session  of  the  Thirty- 
sixth  Congress,  now  gave  way  to  the  8e<'ond  Morrill  tariff,  in  which 
the  rates  were  high  enough  to  furnish  a  war  revenue.      Although  the 
rates  were  reduced,  from  time  to  time,  as  the  diminishing  needs  of  the 
Government  permitted,  its  protective  principle  remained  the  basis  of 
safe  mercantile  operations  for  a  quarter  of  a  century.      Under  the 
administrations  of  Pier»e  and  Buchanan,  the  commercial  demand  for 
the  iii.prove)»ient  of  the  great  waterways  of  the  country  had  been 
effectually  checked.      Appropriations  for  such  improvements  were 


PREHIDENT  UNCOLN'H  ADMINIHTKATION.  121> 


o  who  after- 
8enntf,  one 
latic  servi<'e. 
of  the  Anti- 
it  afterwards 
aynard,  who 
pidly  toward 
was  the  most 

e  offices  of  a 

were  as  cen- 
t's hands  as 
were  Andrew 
na;  John  A. 
m. 

time,  and  has 
ice  then,  that 
y  large  space 
lie  conduct  of 

a  conclusion 
on,  than  had 
rations  in  th',^ 
d  the  wisdom 

it  came  into 
es  insufficient 
)f  Buchanan's 
m  the  market 
i*nt.  discount, 
nts  sold  at  a 
tly  hampered 
The  emer- 
of  the  Thirty- 
irifl,  in  which 

\lthough  the 
g  needs  of  the 
d  the  basis  of 
Under  the 
ftl  demand  for 
try  had  been 
vements  were 


now  established  as  a  rule,  which  became  permanent.  The  constriic- 
tion  of  the  flrst  Taciflc'  railroad  was  begun,  with  (Jovernment  aid, 
under  this  administration.  Previous  to  this  time  there  was  nothing 
that  could  be  called  a  banking  system  for  the  country,  and  the  notes 
of  banks  in  one  State  were  all  the  way  from  par  to  40  or  50  per  «ent. 
discount  in  another  State.  A  man  might  know  how  much  money  he 
had  in  his  pocket  in  Indianapolis,  but  he  couldn't  guess  what  it  would 
be  worth  when  he  reached  New  York.  The  new  (Congress  enacted  a 
uniform  banking  system,  under  which  any  National  bank  note  was 
then,  and  has  been  ever  since,  worth  its  face  value  at  any  point  in  the 
country,  from  liangor  to  San  Francisco.  The  Thirty-sixth  Congress 
passed  a  very  fair  Homestead  Act.  Buchanan  vetoed  it.  The  Thirty- 
seventh  Congress  passed  a  better  Act,  and  Lincoln  signed  it. 

It  took  8<»me  time  for  the  new  Cabinet  to  adjust  itself  to  the 
unusual  conditions  that  existed  and  to  ascertain  its  relations  to  the 
President.  Secretary  Seward  had  not  forgotten  that  he  was  one  of 
the  founders  of  the  Republican  party  and  for  a  long  time  its  recognized 
leader.  He  was  well  aware  of  the  facts  that  up  to  the  time  of  the 
Chicago  Cdnvention  he  was  the  popular  favorite,  and  that,  during  the 
campaign,  his  work  upon  the  stump  had  been  more  eflfettive  than  that 
of  any  other  speaker.  He  had  been  waiting  the  time,  when,  to  use 
the  words  of  Charles  Francis  Adams,  after  his  death,  he  would 
dismiss  ''the  noblest  dreams  of  an  ambition  he  had  the  clearest  right 
to  indulge,  in  exchange  for  a  more  solid  power  to  direct  affairs  for  the 
benefit  of  the  nation,  in  the  name  of  another."  Mr.  Seward,  at  flrst, 
sought  to  strengthen  himself  with  the  President  by  declining  the 
appointment  offered  him,  intimating  that  certain  changes  in  the  pro- 
posed Cabinet  might  make  the  position  more  acceptable  to  him.  This 
was  on  the  2d  of  March.  Mr.  Lincoln  waited  until  the  5th  before  he 
answered,  and  then  declined  to  make  the  suggested  changes.  Whether 
Seward  stayed  out  or  stayed  in,  he  was  not  to  be  allowed  to  dictate 
the  Cabinet  at  that  late  hour.  Seward  concluded  to  stay  in,  but  at 
the  outset  he  acted  in  some  matters  independently  of  the  President. 
The  full  extent  of  his  intermeddling  with  the  affairs  of  other  depart- 
ments was  not  known  until  after  his  death.  An  authority  having 
access  to  all  the  papers  bearing  on  the  case,  made,  in  a  recent  publi- 
cation, the  following  statement  of  his  maneuvers: 

"Seward  was  for  publicly  proclaiming  the  surrender  of  Fort 
Sumter,  and  secretly  preparing  for  war  at  Pensacola  and  in  Texas. 
He  felt  himself  fully  able  to  direct  operations  by  land  and  sea — to 


im 


'•     \w 


180 


niSTOUY  OF  TIIK  RErniLICAN  PARTY. 


ril 


iM^coaic,  iiH  it  w<>r<>,  the  <}i*u('i'al  of  tin*  Army  and  tli<*  Admiral  uf  tliu 
Heet.  On  The  21ttli  of  Marrli,  witli  the  (incHtion  wliether  8uuiter 
tiliould  Ih*  ftroviHioncd  or  evuciiat«'d  Htill  nndecidod,  the  Preaideiit 
ordered  an  expedition  to  be  made  ready  at  New  Yorli,  to  sail  on  the 
0th  of  April.  Although  the  HtM-retary  of  War  and  the  Hecretary  of 
the  Navy  were  directed  to  «*o-o])erttte  in  preparing  tlie  exiM'dition, 
neither  waH  informed  of  its  object  or  destination.  Tlie  Hecretary  of 
Htate,  liowever,  was  determined  that  it  shonld  be  his  ex)>edition. 
While  IJncoln  was  made  to  seem  to  act,  H«»ward  acted.  On  the  same 
djiy  that  the  order  for  the  secret  exi)edition  was  made  he  ttiolc  Captain 
Al.  ('.  Meis^H,  an  engint'er  officer  in  charge  tut  tlie  new  winf^s  of  the  Cap- 
itol to  the  White  Honse.  On  the  way  he  explained  his  wish  that 
Mnniter  should  be  eva«'iiated,  and  Pickens  defended.  His  object  was 
to  secure  the  appointment  of  Mei};s  as  military  commander  of  the 
expedition.  The  President  asked  Captain  Mei^s  if  Fort  Pickens 
could  be  held.  'Certainly,  if  the  Navy  would  do  its  duty,'  was  the 
answer.  Lincoln  then  asked  Meif;s  if  he  would  k<>  down  there  and 
take  conimand.  but  Meiers  ]»ointed  out  that  there  was  a  number  of 
majors  already  there,  and  he  was  only  a  captain.  'I  understand  how 
that  is,'  said  Weward  de<isively,  '<'aptain  Mei^s  must  be  jH'omoted.' 
As  this  was  underst<»od  to  be  impracticable,  Colonel  Keyes,  General 
Hcott's  Military  Secretary,  was  associated  with  Heward's  plans.  On 
Hunday,  March  31,  the  Secretary  accompanied  the  two  officers  in  a 
call  upon  General  S<'ott,  in  pursuance  of  the  aroat  scheme  of  military 
and  naval  adventure.  'General  Scott,'  said  Seward,  'you  have  formal- 
ly reported  to  the  President  yoMv  advice  to  evacuate  Fort  Pickens.  I 
now  come  to  bring  you  his  order,  as  Comnmnder-in-Chief  of  the  Army 
and  Navy,  to  re-enfon-e,  and  hold  it  to  the  last  extremity.'  'Sir,' 
replied  the  General,  'the  great  Frederick  used  to  say  "when  the  King 
commands  all  things  are  ))08sible.'' '  " 

As  a  naval  expert  Lieutenant  Uavid  1).  Porter  was  ordered  to 
join  Keyes  and  Meigs  in  preparing  and  executing  the  Seward  scheme. 
The  expedition  originally  ordered  by  the  President  was  intended  for 
the  relief  of  Sumter.  As  neither  the  Secretary  of  War,  nor.  the  Sec- 
retary of  the  Navy  was  taken  into  the  confidence  of  the  Secretary  of 
State,  the  two  expeditions  naturally  came  into  conflict.  One 
morning  the  Commandant  of  the  Brooklyn  Navy  Yard  received  two 
orders  to  fit  out  the  Powhatan  to  go  to  sea  at  the  earliest  possible 
moment.  The  two  orders  seemed  identical,  although  one  was  signed 
by  the  President  and  the  other  by  Secretary  Welles.      In  fact  the 


m 

■v;'^ 


1»KKSII»KNT  LINCOLN'S  ADMINIKTUATION. 


i:ii 


liniral  of  the 
Hier  Sumter 
lu'  PresidiMit 
o  Huil  on  the 
Hecretary  of 
•   exp<»ditlon, 

Hecretary  <»f 
i   exiMidition.     ''::,,_ 
On  the  same 
took  Captain 
i?B  of  the  Cap- 
liiH  wish  that     f  i 
lis  object  was 
Hinder  of  the 
Fort  PickenH 
nty,'  was   the 
iwn  there  and 
a  nnniber  of 
iderstand  how 
be  promoted.' 
>ye8,  General 
's  plans.      On 
0  officers  in  a 
me  of  military 
u  have  foruial- 
»rt  Pickens.    I 
'f  of  the  Army 
emity.'      'Sir,' 
when  the  Kinj? 

va»  ordered  to 
eward  scheme. 
IB  intended  for  i 
ir,  nor  the  Sec- 
le  Secretary  of 
conflict.  One 
d  received  two 
arliest  possible 
one  was  signed 
In  fact  the 


President  intended  the  Powhatan  for  the  Pickens  expedition,  and  the 
Navy  Department  intended  her  for  the  relief  of  Sumter. 

Hut  this  was  not  tiie  full  extent  of  Seward's  intermeddling.  On 
the  same  djiy  that  Mr.  Lincoln  signed  the  order  for  the  Powhatan,  he 
signed  other  orders,  at  Mr.  Seward's  re(iue.«t,  that  were  still  nuue 
renuukablf.  One  of  theuj  detached  Caulain  Stringham  for  service 
at  Pensacola,  and  the  <>ther  contemplated  the  sending  of  Captain  Pren- 
dergrast  to  N'cra  Cruz  «»n  account  of  •Mmp(Mtant  iompllcations  in  our 
foreign  relations."  The  President  signed  these,  without  reading  or 
understanding  them,  and  upon  Se<retary  Welles'  indignant  remon- 
strance, he  r«'called  them,  but  without  giving  the  Secretary  his  conti- 
dence  in  regard  to  their  aigniflcance.  Mr.  Seward  also  submitted  to 
Mr.  Lincoln  "Some  Thoughts  for  the  I'resident's  Consideration."  In 
this  remarkable  paper  he  proposed  to  change  the  issue  from  the  im- 
l»ending  domentii-  war  to  an  unnecessary  foreign  war,  ar.J  virtually 
invited  the  President  to  abdicate  in  his  favor.  To  his  suggestion  that 
either  the  President  must  direct  the  preposterous  policy  "himself,  and 
be  all  the  time  active  in  it,  or  devolve  It  upon  some  member  of  his 
Cabinet,"  Lincoln  answered:     "If  this  roust  be  done  T  must  do  it." 

While  Seward  was  indulging  in  these  visi<ins  he  was  coquetting 
with  the  "embassy"  from  South  Carolina.  He  would  not  receive  them 
officially,  nor  informally,  but  negotiated  through  Justice  Campbell. 
He  gave  them  to  understand  that  Sumter  was  to  be  evacuated,  when 
Lincoln  had  no  such  purpose.  He  also  had  some  negotiations  with  a 
member  of  the  Virginia  Convent itm.  in  which  he  gave  assurances 
which  the  President  had  noi  authorized,  and  in  which  he  was  over- 
ruled. It  finally  dawned  tipon  him,  however,  that  in  the  end  the 
President  decided  nmtters  according  to  his  own  judgment,  and  that 
his  attempts  to  "direct  affairs  f(jr  the  benefit  of  the  nation  in  the  name* 
<»f  another"  were  more  mischievous  than  fruitful.  He  ceased  to 
attempt  to  run  the  Army  and  Navy  and  in  time,  by  confining  his  atten- 
tion to  his  own  department  became  one  of  Lincoln's  most  trusted 
advisers,  and  made  a  reputation  as  one  of  the  ablest  of  diplomatists. 
This  episode  was  a  curious  freak  in  the  mental  o|)erations  of  a  really 
great  man,  and  it  caused  great  embarrassment  to  the  President. 

Secretary  Chase  was  also  a  discordant  element  in  the  Cabinet, 
He  had  been  a  member  of  the  Peace  Conference  where  he  voted 
against  the  proposed  concessions  to  slavery,  but  in  the  Cabinet  councils 
he  believed  in  disunion  as  preferable  to  war,  and  urged  a  virtual  sur- 
render to  the  Confederacy,  although  unless  that  was  decided  upon, 
he  was  with  those  members  of  the  Cabinet  who  advised  the  provis- 


imm 


HIHTORYOFTIIK  UKITBhlCAN  PAKTY. 


n 


i    ! 


iotiing  and  n*IU*f  of  Fort  Hiiiiit«*r.  lit'  raiiktHl  anions  tin*  ablc8t  <»f  our 
fliiancierH.  and  waH  of  great  H««rvl<t'  to  tin*  country  in  ovolvlnj?  and 
forniiilatinK  tliow  finanria]  plann,  wliich  K.  (1.  HpaiildinK,  "the  father 
of  (he  (JrwHlmrk,"  iutrodueed  in  the  HouMe,  but  he  was  never  friendly 
to  Lincoln,  whom  lie  hoiied  to  nucceed  in  the  Presidency,  was  never 
Hatisfled  with  his  iMittition,  and  tendered  his  reHignation  bo  often  that 
he  wan  surprised  when  it  was  at  last  acieoted. 

Montffoniery  Blair,  a  conservative  from  a  Hlave  Htate,  was  the 
tlrst  to  oppose  the  jM'ace  jMilicy  of  these  tw«)  old  radical  Anti-Hlavery 

H  e  n  a  t  o  r  s  from  Free 
Ktates.  He  evidently 
understood  the  Bouth 
better  than  they. 

With  a  Cabinet  thus 
divided  and  discordant, 
with  the  party  which 
had  elected  him  and  the 
paj>ers  which  liad  sup- 
ported him  weakening; 
in  the  North,  it  looked 
as  if  Lincoln's  Adminis- 
tration would  go  to 
pieces  at  the  very  out- 
set. 

The  bombardment  of 
Fort  Sumter  on  the 
morning  of  the  12th  of 
April,  and  its  surren- 
der after  thirty  -  three 
hours  of  heroic  defense, 
changed  all  that.  It 
unifltH)  the  Cabinet.  It  woke  the  North  from  Its  dream  of  peace, 
roused  its  latent  patriotism  and  heroism,  and  led  to  a  prompt  response 
to  the  President's  proclamation,  which  came  three  days  later,  calling 
for  75,0(M)  volunteers.  The  same  proclamation  called  a  special 
session  of  Congress  to  meet  July  4.  Congress,  thus  convened,  the 
President  sent  a  long  message,  reciting  the  events  that  led  to  oi)en 
hostilities,  repeating  some  of  the  arguments  against  the  right  of  a 
Btate  to  secede,  and  recommending  the  placing  at  the  control  of  the 
Government  of  at  least  400,000  men,  and  |400,000,000  as  a  "means  for 
making  the  contest  a  short  and  decisive  one." 


SALMON  P  CHASE. 


«^. 


ttblt'Bt  ()f  onr 
'VolviuK  Hnd 
{,  "the  futlu'i- 
K'ver  friendly 
y,  was  never 
BO  often  that 

tate,  was  the 
Anti-Hlavery 
r  8  from  Free 
He  evidently 
d    the    South    | 
in  they. 
Cabinet  thus 
nd  discordant, 
party  whii-h 
>d  him  and  the 
hicli  had  sup- 
im  weakening 
>rth,  it  looked 
oln's  Adminis- 
would    Ko    to 
;  the  very  out- 

>ni.bardinent  of 
initer  on  the 
of  the  12th  of 
nd  its  surren- 
r  thirty -three 
heroif  defense, 

all  that.  It 
•earn  of  peace, 
rompt  response 
ys  later,  calling 
ailed  a  special 
J  convened,  the 
iiat  led  to  open 

the  right  of  a 
i  control  of  the 
as  a  "means  for 


i 


rUKHIDENT  LINCOLN'S  ADMINIHTHATION.  I'M 

The  response  ()f  Congress  was  prompt  and  liberal.  It  was  over- 
whelmingly Republican,  but  most  of  the  Democrats  also  favored 
measures  for  the  prtmipt  supiueHsion  of  the  rebellion  and  with  the 
exception  of  C.  L.  Vallandigham.  of  Oliio,  those  that  did  not  attempted 
no  obstructive  tn<tics.  The  session  lasted  thirty-three  days,  and  in 
that  time  transacted  business  that,  in  extent  and  importance,  was 
never  approa<  hed  by  any  other  Congress  in  an  «'qual  duration  of  time. 
It  passed  sixty-one  public  bills  and  tlve  joint  resolutions.  It  exceeded 
the  Tresident's  request  in  regard  to  the  number  of  men  aillowed,  since 
it  authorized  the  enlistment  of  r)(IO,(HM>  men  for  three  years.  Among 
other  iujportant  measures  were  those  authorizing  a  l«»an  of  fliRO,- 
n(K),(MM);  greatly  increasing,  for  the  purpose  of  war  revenue,  the  duties 
levied  under  the  Morrill  tariff  of  March  2,  ISCJl;  levying  an  internal 
revenue  and  income  tax;  dire«ting  a  blockade  of  the  Southern  ports; 
levying  a  direct  tax  of  |2(),(M)(>,(MH>  on  the  states  and  t<'rritories;  detln- 
ing  and  punishing  conspiracy;  legalizing  the  supension  of  the  writ  of 
habeas  corpuh,  which  had  bwn  nmde  by  the  President,  tUiongh  the 
Commanding  General;  and  confiscating  property,  including  slaves, 
used  against  the  (lovernment.  The  House  also  passed  a  resolution, 
"That  this  House  hereby  pledges  itself  to  vote  for  any  amount  of 
money,  and  any  n\imber  of  men  which  may  be  necessary  to  insure  a 
speedy  and  effectual  suppression  of  the  liebellion,  and  the  pernmnent 
restoraticm  of  the  Federal  authority  everywhere  within  the  limits  and 
jurisdiction  of  the  United  States." 

On  motion  of  Mr.  Lovejoy,  of  Illinois,  the  House  also  resolved, 
"That  in  the  judgment  of  this  House,  it  is  no  part  of  the  duty  of  the 
soldiers  of  the  X^nited  States  to  <apture  and  return  fugitive  slaves." 
On  this  the  yeas  were  92,  all  Republicans.  The  nays  included  six 
Republicans,  and  all  the  Democrats  and  border  State  conservatives. 

The  slavery  question  had  already  begun  to  trouble  the  President, 
He  had  announced  that  the  paramount  purpose  of  his  actions  was  to 
preserve  the  Inion,  with  slavery  if  necessary  or  without  slavery,  but 
in  any  event  to  preserve  the  I'nion.  He  was  between  two  tires,  the 
wishes  of  the  Anti-Slavery  men  of  the  North  on  one  side,  and  his  own 
desire  to  keep  Maryland  and  Missouri,  and  especially  Kentucky  in  the 
Union,  on  the  other.  General  Benjamin  F.  lluiler  had  found  a  solu- 
tion of  the  subject  that  satisfied  him  so  far  as  fugitives  were  con- 
cerned. He  called  them  "contraband  of  war,"  and  set  them  to  work. 
In  this  he  was  supported  by  Secretary  (Cameron,  who  was  in  advance 
of  the  President  and  of  Congress   in  dealing  with  slavery,  and  who 


MM 


mss. 


^^kA',»ivmiaum<jc*,dmj'i9i!&Wh%*iii^!stn: 


ISi 


UIHTOKY  OV  THK  HKrUHLICAN  PARTY. 


inHtnu-tiMl  (iciicral  Itiider  not  to  Hiirr(>ii«l«'i-  to  tlieir  iiiuHtci-H  Hlav«>H 
lliiit  ciuiic  witliiii  liiH  liiH'H,  hut  to  "(•iiiploy  tlu'iii  it)  the  HcrviccM  to 
which  th(>.v  iiiii.v  !<(•  hcHt  lulaptt'd."  The  rrcMiih'iit  tiu-itl.y  HaiH-tion«><l 
thin,  and  )irt<*r  tlic  imgHaKt'  of  th(>  CondHralion  Act,  he  wrott*  to  (}(>n- 
oral  Itutit'i'  at  len(;th  t'xplainini;  tli(>  vit'WM  of  tli<'  I'rcHidont  and  the 
Administration  on  the  Hiibjert.  Ail  cxiMtint;  ri){htH  in  all  tin*  HtatoH 
Wi'ro  to  b«'  fully  niuintnincd.  TawH  ot  fii^itivi-H  from  m'rvici'  in 
HtateB  and  tcrritoricH  that  Mtill  remained  in  the  I'nion  were  to  be  din- 
|HiHed  of  by  civil  proceHH,  under  existinf;  lawM.  Fu^itiveH  from  the 
H('«-edcd  statcH  were  to  be  Kept  within  the  liiieH,  a  record  made  of  them, 
and  the  (leneral'H  action  with  r*>t;ard  to  them,  reported  to  the  War 
Mepartment  ar  leant  twice  a  month.  The  letter  ended  with  the  injunc- 
tion: "You  will,  however,  neither  authorise  n<»r  permit  any 
interference,  by  the  troopH  under  your  comnuind,  with  'he  Mervants  of 
peac(>ful  citiisenH,  in  houHe  or  field,  nor  will  you,  in  any  way  encourat;e 
8n<*h  Hervants  to  leave  the  lawful  Hervice  of  their  masterH;  nor  will 
you,  exc«>pt  in  caHcs  where  the  public  safety  may  neem  to  require  it, 
prevent  the  voluntary  return  of  any  fujjilive  to  the  service  from  which 
he  may  have  escaped." 

'  Aside  from  the  aHual  work  of  |)roHe('ntint;  the  war  the  subject 
of  slavery  continued  to  occupy  public  attention  more  than  any  other. 
August  .^l,  IhtJl,  thnH"  weeks  after  the  Conflscation  Act  was  passed, 
tJeneral  Fremont,  in  command  of  the  Western  Department,  issued  a 
)(roclam:ition,  freeing  all  the  slave»  '.  MisHourl,  belonging  to  men  in 
the  Confederate  service  and  declaring  that  tlie  projierty  of  all  Bu<'h 
Iiersons  was  contlscated  to  the  public  use.  The  President  told  Fre- 
mont that  this  transcended  the  Act  of  Congress,  that  it  would  ruin 
the  Union  cause  in  Kentucky  and  asked  him  to  modify  the  order  so  as 
to  make  it  corresjmnd  to  that  \vt.  Fremont,  not  desiring  to  take  the 
responsibility  of  changing  hip  own  action,  desired  an  explicit  order  on 
the  subject,  which  the  President  gave.  This  action  on  the  part  of 
the  President,  produced  a  bitter  feeling  throughout  the  North. 
Republicans,  both  in  Congress  and  in  private  life  had  generally 
applauded  the  proclamation,  and  even  the  conservative  Democratic 
press  had  approved  it,  aiid  its  revocation  was  a  terrible  disappoint- 
ment, Men  "could  not  see  why  loyal  slaveholders  in  Kentucky  should 
beoffended  becausethe  slavesof  rebels  in  Missouri  were  declared  free." 
May  0,  18fi2,  General  David  Hunter,  who  was  in  command  of  a  depart- 
ment, including  South  Carolina,  issued  a  proclanmtion  abolishing 
slavery  in  his  department.      This  also  was  disavowed,  and  the  disa- 


:^T«iiaiiajii«iriii^^ 


I»F{I:HII)KNT  I.INTOLNX  AHMINIKTHATION. 


i:tr> 


HttTH    MlaV(>H 

wrvict'H  iu 
y  HiilirtioiUMl 
rot<'  to  (l»»ii- 
lout  iiiid  the 
ill  tlic  HtUtOH 

III     KITVict'     ill 

'w  to  bv  (IIh- 

«'H  from  tlu' 

liuh*  of  tlic'in. 

to  the  Will" 

III  tli(>  iiijiiiii-- 

lii'i-iiilt    aii.v 

ic  Hct-vaiitH  of 

a.v  ('ii*-ouraK(> 

tiTH;  nor  will 

to  require  It, 

e  from  which 

ir  the  Hubjeet 
lun  any  oth<>r. 

t  wnH  pUHHed, 
uent,  isHued  a 
ting  to  men  in 
'iy  of  all  sneh 
dent  told  Fre- 

it  would  ruin 
the  order  so  as 
ng  to  take  the 
plieit  order  on 
i)n  the  part  of 
lit  the  North, 
had  generally 
ve  Demoeratie 
:)le  ditiappoint- 
■ntucky  ghouUl 
declared  free." 
ad  of  a  depart- 
ion  aboliFuhing 
,  and  the  disa- 


vowal add«Ml  to  (he  ft^'liiig  agaiiiHt  lli<>  I'reKident,  which  was  not  much 
iiiitigate<l,  •iiitil  the  KiiiancipMtioii  I'l-oclaination  wait  iHMiied  a  year 
after  I  he  Frenioiit  alTair. 

Home  of  the  HharpcHt  of  (he  ci-iticiHiiiH  were  Humme<l  up  in  a  letter 
addreHricd  tiy  Horace  Oreeley  ti»  the  I'reHident,  and  piililiHhed  in  the 
New  York  Trihiiiie,  .\ugiiHt  10.  IHtlii.  In  tliiH  case  Mr.  Lincoln 
d(>parted  from  IiIh  uhuuI  cuhIoiu,  and  auHwei-ed  the  attack  by  a  per- 
M«)nal  reply.  In  IIiIh  reply  he  clearly  detliied  IiIm  poHitioii  in  the 
following  Icrxe  paragrapliH: 

"If  tlu're  be  tlione  who  would  not  Have  the  Tnlon  nnlcMH  they 
could  at  the  Hame  time  Have  Hiavei-y,  I  do  not  agree  with  them. 

"If  there  be  thone  who  would  not  nave  the  I'liion  unleHH  they 
could  at  the  name  time  deHtr(>«-  nlavery.  I  do  not  agree  with  them. 

'*My  p>>  amount  <  bj««ct  is  ■>  gr»"  the  rnion  and  not  either  to  nave 
or  destroy  nlavi  .  y. 

"If  I  couh"  H.  ve  I'".-  t  nitn  nii'.iout  freeing  any  nlave  I  would  do 
it — if  I  could  Hiiv'it^.  CrcciniJi  ul)  the  nlaven  I  would  <lo  it — and  if  I 
could  do  it  by  ir"(  ar,  hovi"  o'  tl'e  glavch  an<l  leaving  othern  ahme,  I 
would  aiHO  dv)  (bat 

"What  1  d*.  4<i;4>"J  s'<i',er;,  and  lite  -oioptd  ra'i»,  ]  Wo  becauni*  I 
think  it  he)};*,  to  •<»•',  titis  '')'.i>'»4,  lati  what  I  ^'M'^)eal^  I  forbear 
because  I  1;»  not  rnHeve  i<  w>  jid  he?|«  U. '..»''/  tS**-  I'vkhi. 

"1  HhaT  nio  lesrt  whe.".  .er  I  Rhr'l  b»'iie  vhui  I  ai"  doing  hurls 
the  ('ause,  and  I  shall  -m  i^m../  wiie/itvi  ;•  t  '.'lie\e  ;JoJng  more  will 
help  tin*  cause." 

This  CO  r  rt  •  spoil  lie  u,e  '^^rrii'ird  ahon*  idr.-c  ivihI  •  m^i.'C  Lincoln 
had  shown  the  lirst  draf  of  the  T.nnuw  i(<.ii!.>n  I'ro.ltMP  >tion  to  the 
Cabinet,  provir.'j  clearly  that  the  in(OiiM}rc'  that  ,tiii  i  ^iMiation  resulted 
from  his  own  ccmvictio'ii)-.,  >*i)d  nol  fr(»m  HKipui.u'    lamor. 

The  work  ot  t  :nii>v»»  "r  n  gai'd  tu  nLi.-en  cnuio  later  than  the 
two  events  narrtifed  aloo*''*.  .Vp.il  I'*,  rs'52,  M  abolished  slavery  in 
The  District  of  (V)lunibia;  June  nt,  tVe  suaa  yc.sr,  a  bill  became  law, 
]>rohibiting  slavery  in  all  the  teiriicrii  »,  aurt  June  28,  1S04,  the  Fugi- 
tive Hlave  Law  w:h  '.'(((ealed.  Tlies'  trn  •  .iie.i-,ures  covered  all,  and 
somewhat  •no;-'.'  Ihtin  the  .Uej»rMican  piriform  of  1S56  had  asked. 

Later  «■••'*<?• '(i/?v>'ute  showed  tliat  IM'esident  Lincoln  had  not 
abated  anyihn^  tA  lu!  old  Iio.illlity  to  slavery,  but  he  was  opposed  to 
prenmt'i"'  u'lon.  March  0,  1862,  he  framed  a  special  message 
rec'jai  .'.endiiur  to  rong/ess  the  passage  of  a  joint  resolution  looking 
*•'»  I  <.voj)er.»tioii  with  states  consenting  to  abolish  slavery,  with  com- 


'.-'  *i 


!.  I 


1  i 

;  i 

ft, 

1 

f" 

•U  '• 

w'  '^ 

HISTORY  OP  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 


penaation  to  the  owners.  At  this  time  he  would  have  been  willing  to 
pay  1400,000,000,  if  it  would  have  suflBced  to  purchase  peace  and 
remove  this  disturbing  cause  which  had  brought  on  the  war.  No 
response  was  made  by  the  South  to  this  overture,  and  he  soon  became 
convinced  that  compulsory  emancipation  was  the  only  thing  that 
would  render  complete  restoration  of  the  Union  possible.  August  1, 
1862,  he  submitted  to  the  Cabinet  the  draft  of  an  Emancipation  Proc- 
lamation, which  Seward  induced  him  to  postpone,  on  the  ground  that 
if  issued  then,  while  the  North  was  depressed,  and  the  South  elated 
over  Union  defeats,  it  would  be  considered  a  despairing  appeal.  The 
Union  victories  at  South  Mountain,  September  14,  and  at  Antietam  on 
the  17th,  changed  this  aspect  of  alTairs.  Lincoln  called  the  Cabinet 
together,  and  witli  great  solemnity  informed  them,  that  his  mind  was 
fully  made  up  that  the  time  had  come  for  proclaiming  emancipation. 
That  question  was  settled,  but  he  was  willing  to  receive  suggestions 
as  to  the  phraseology  of  the  proclamation.  But  few  changes  were 
made  from  his  first  draft  of  the  paper,  and  it  was  issued  September 
22.  This  was  warning  that  unless  the  states  in  insurrection  returned 
to  their  allegiance  by  January  1,  1803,  the  slaves  in  them  would  be 
declared  free,  and  their  freedom  would  be  maintained  by  the  military 
and  naval  forces  of  the  United  States.  As  the  Southern  states  took 
no  action  in  response  to  this,  the  proclamation  proper  followed  in  Jan- 
uary. It  quoted  the  substance  of  the  former  proclamation,  and 
declared  that  the  slaves  in  all  the  states  in  insurrection,  except  the 
forty-eight  counties  in  Virginia,  subsequently  formed  into  the  State 
of  West  Virginia,  and  in  the  districts  in  the  other  part  of  Virginia  and 
in  Louisiana  withiu  the  Union  lines,  were  free,  and  that  the  Executive 
Government  of  the  United  States,  including  the  military  and  naval 
authorities  thereof,  would  recognize  and  maintain  the  freedom  of  such 
persons,  ^'ongress  subsequently  gave  legal  sanction  to  this  procla- 
mation. That  was  the  last  of  completed  legislation  on  the  subject  of 
slavery  under  Lincoln's  first  Administration.  The  Thirteenth  amend- 
ment was  introduced  in  the  Thirty -eighth  Congress,  elected  in  1862, 
but  did  not  pass  until  January,  1865,  and  did  not  become  operative 
till  December  18, 1865. 

The  elections  of  1862  were  very  discouraging  to  the  Administration, 
as  various  forms  of  dissatisfaction  among  the  people  found  expression 
at  the  polls.  There  was  a  strong  peace  party  among  the  Republi- 
cans and  a  much  stronger  one  among  the  Democrats.  One  set 
denounced   the  war  as   an   abolition  war.      Another  denounced  the 


PRESIDENT  LINCOLN'S  ADMINISTRATION. 


i:{7 


1  willing  to 
peace  and 
war.      No 
jon  became 
thing   that 
August  1, 
ation  Proc- 
[round  that 
Buth  elated 
peal.     The 
Lutietam  on 
the  Cabinet 
B  mind  was  ' 
lancipation. 
suggestiona 
anges  were 
September  ' 
on  returned 
n  would  be 
rhe  military 
states  took 
wed  in  Jan- 
nation,  and 
except  the 
o  the  State 
Virginia  and 
e  Executive 
ir  and  naval 
dom  of  such 
this  procla- 
le  subject  of 
enth  amend- 
ted  in  1862, 
le  operative 

ainistration, 
i  expression 
the  Republi- 
1.  One  set 
nounced  the 


President  for  sacrificing  the  slaves  out  of  deference  to  the  wishes  of 
people  in  the  border  states.      Many  of  the  loyal  people  at  the  North 
were  disheartened  at  the  military  reverses  and  slow  jjrogress  of  the 
Union  armies,  and  were  losing  confidence  in  the  ability  of  the  Admin- 
istration to  successfully  carry  on  the  war.     Maine,  which  in  l«fiO  had 
given  Lincoln  26,694  majority  over  all  others,  now  gave  a  Republican 
plurality  of  only  about  4,000.      In  Ohio  the  popular  majority  against 
the  Administration  was  about  7,0(10,  and  the  Democrats  elected  14  out 
of  19  Congressmen.      In  Indiana  they  elected  8  of  the  11.      In  Penn- 
sylvania they  had  a  majority  of  4,000,  half  the  Congressmen  and   a 
majority  in  the  Legislature,  which  afterwards  chose  Charles  R.  Buck- 
alew  to  the  Senate.      In  November  New  York  changed  its  50,000  clear 
majority  for  Lincoln  in  1860,  to  a  majority  of  10,000  for  Horatio  Sey- 
mour, Democrat,  for  Governor.       'few   Jersey  chose   Joel  Parker,  a 
Democrat,  for  Governor,  and  the  Republicans  elected  only  one  ('on- 
gressman.      Lincoln's  own    State  chose  a    Democratic    Legislature, 
which  elected  William  A.  Richardson  to  the  Senate.      In  Michigan 
Governor  Blair's  majority  of  20,585  in  1860,  was  reduced  to  6,614  in 
1862,  and  for  the  first  time  since  the  Republican  party  was  organized 
the  Democrats  elected  a  Congressman  in  this  State,  the  delegation 
consisting  of  Augustus  C.  Baldwin,  Democrat,  and  the  following  Re- 
publicans:     Fernando  C.    Beaman,    John    F.   Driggs,  Francis   W. 
Kellogg,  John  W.  Longyear  and  Chas  Upson.      Massachusetts  did 
better,  and  Iowa,   Kansas,   Minnesota,  California  and  Oregon   sent 
unanimous  Republican  delegations   to  Congress.      But    it  was  the 
border  states  of  Delaware,  Missouri,  Maryland,  West  Virginia  and 
Kentucky,  that  saved  the  House  to  the  Republican  party  and  gave 
reason  to  believe  that  Mr.  Lincoln's  deference  to  their  opinions,  and 
solicitude  for  their  wellfare,  had  not  been  such  a  mistake  in  judgment 

after  all. 

Although  this  Congress  had  a  much  smaller  Republican  majority 
than  its  immediate  predecessor,  its  relations  with  the  President  were 
much  more  cordial.  It  was  not  as  industrious  as  the  Thirty-seventh 
Congress,  but  the  two  together,  outrank  in  important  legislation  any 
other  four  years  of  Congressional  history.  They  built  a  new  navy, 
and  they  provided  means  for  raising,  equipping  and  sustaining  vast 
armies,  the  cost  of  these  added  to  the  regular  expenses  of  the  Gov- 
ernment sometimes  amounting  to  f3,000,000  a  day.  Besides  this,  in 
addition  to  the  more  important  acts  of  legislation  already  specifically 
mentioned,  the  following   measures  were  adopted:     Enabling    acts 


MM 


t-JiM 


Ki  i-..^^      I  ssusamammmmmmmt 
^  ^ I  .ii-.i— «.■■.■. nffTT!!m 

I  ■'•  ■       • 

S   ;lv.  •  ♦ 


138 


HISTORY  OP  THE  REPT^BLICAN  PARTY. 


If 


l^il 


H 


i? 


a'- 


\ 


looking  toward  the  admiBsion  of  Nevada,  California  and  Nebraska  to 
Htateliood;  conflBoating  property  used  for  insurreetionary  puriM)8e8; 
providing  for  the  puniHliment  of  treason;  granting  lands  for  tlie  estab- 
lishment of  Agri<;ultural  Colleges,  and  establishing  the  Department 
of  Agriculture  at  Washingt<m;  punishing  |M>lygam.v;  providing  for 
the  return  of  dead  letters  except  where  the  contents  are  clearly 
worthless;  authorizing  the  I'resident  to  take  charge  of  railroads  and 
telegraph  lines,  when  public  safety  requires  it;  prohibiting  the  Coolie 
trade  in  American  vessels;  carrying  into  effect  the  treaty  of  (Ireat 
Britain  for  suppressing  tlie  Hiave  trad^^;  admitting  West  Virginia  as 
a  State;  organizing  the  Territories  of  Idaho,  Montana  and  Arizona; 
revising  the  postoflice  laws  and  reducing  the  rates  of  postage;  author- 
izing the  I'resident  to  suspend  the  i)rivilege  of  the  writ  of  habeas 
corpus  whenever  he  shall  deem  it  necessary;  granting  lands  for  a 
number  of  railroads  running  through  Kansas,  and  other  Western 
states  and  territories ;  prohibiting  the  sale  or  gift  of  spirituous  liquors 
to  Indians;  inaugurating  the  postal  money  order  system;  providing 
for  a  National  currency,  and  establishing  a  separate  bureau  to  execute 
all  laws  relating  to  it;  encouragin.;?  immigration;  enlarging  the  scope 
of  the  pension  laws;  providing  for  revenue  cutters  on  the  lakes;  pro- 
viding for  mail  steamship  service  between  the  United  States  and 
Japan;  levying  direct  taxes  on  the  insurrectionary  states  and  estab- 
lishing a  bureau  for  the  care  of  freedmen  refugees  and  abandoned 
lands. 

The  only  serious  danger  of  complications  with  any  foreign  power 
was  in  lS(n,  when  Commodore  Wili^es  detained  the  British  steamer 
Trent  on  the  high  seas,  and  took  from  her  the  Rebel  Commissioners 
Mason  and  Slidell.  To  the  British  protest  against  this  a  prompt 
response  was  made,  disavowing  the  act  and  returning  the  prisoners 
to  British  jurisdiction.  In  making  the  surrender,  Secretary  Seward 
wrote  a  very  polite  note,  in  which  he  fully  concurred  in  the  advanced 
position  which  the  British  (Government  had  now  taken,  and  stating 
that  it  was  the  position  which  this  Government  had  always  main- 
tained. He  thus  adroitly  not  only  satisfied  the  demand  made  by  the 
British  Government,  but  put  that  Government  in  the  wrong,  in  the 
claim  whi<h  it  had  maintained  for  sixty  years,  of  the  right  of  search 
and  seizure  on  the  high  seas,  a  claim,  whi<'h  more  than  any  other 
single  thing  had  led  to  the  War  of  1812. 


n 


Nebraska  to 
y  piU'lM)8e8; 
i>r  the  estab- 
Departnient 
roviding  fop 
are  clearly 
fill  roads  and 
ig  the  Coolie 
ity  of  (}reat 
Virginia  as 
nd  Arizona; 
tage;  anthor- 
it  of   habeas 
lands  for   a 
her  Western 
tuous  liquors 
m;  providing 
ftu  to  execute 
ing  the  scope 
le  lakes;  pro- 
States   and 
ss  and  estab- 
,d  abandoned 

'oreign  power 
itish  steamer 
ommissioners 
his  a  prompt 
the  prisoners 
etary  Seward 
the  advanced 
I,  and  stating 
always  main- 
i  made  by  the 
wrong,  in  the 
ight  of  search 
an   any  other 


.,■'     "■  XI. 

'         PRESIDENT  LINCOLN'S  RENOMINATION. 

flis  Own  Attitude  Toward  the  Question— Elements  of  Hostility  to 
Him— The  Pomeroy  Circular  and  the  (^hase  Movement— The 
Union  Republican  Convention  and  the  Nomination  of  Fremont- A 
Feeler  Put  Out  for  General  Grant— The  Baltimore  Convention- 
Lincoln  Renominated  by  Acclamation  on  a  Strong  Platform- 
He  Secures  the  Nomination  of  Andrew  Johnson  for  Vice-Pres- 
ident. ' 

In  the  minds  of  "the  plain  people"  Mr.  Lincoln  occupied  a  far 
different  position  in  1864  from  that  which  he  held  when  they  expressed 
their  want  of  confidence  in  his  Administration  at  the  elections  in  18(»2. 
In  that  year  the- Union  armies  had  suffered  almost  continuous  defeat. 
In  1864  they  bad  gained  many  notable  victories,  and  although  the  full 
significance  of  Grant's  strategy  was  not  understood  at  the  time,  there 
was  a  quite  general  confidence  that  our  armies  were  on  the  road  to 
ultimate  if  not  speedy  success.  In  1862  there  was  great  dissatisfac- 
tion at  what  was  considered  lancoln's  dilatory  and  uncertain  treat- 
ment of  the  slavery  question.  Now  it  was  seen  that  his  course  had 
been  eminently  sagaciaus  and  prudent.  He  had  secured  ultimate 
emancipation,  without  driving  off  the  border  states. 

The  diplomatic  affairs  of  the  country,  in  two  or  three  cases  of  a 
very  delicate  nature,  had  been  admirably  handled,  and  not  only  foreign 
intervention,  but  foreign  recognition  of  the  Confederacy  had  been 
avoided,  and  the  belief  in  Mr.  Lincoln's  sagacity,  patriotism,  and  sin- 
cere and  unselfish  devotion  to  the  Union  had  become  almost  universal. 

Of  his  own  attitude  toward  a  renomiuation,  an  interesting  glimpse 
is  given  in  an  article  written  by  J.  M.  Winchell  for  the  Galaxy  four  or 
five  years  after  the  war.  Mr.  Winchell  had,  on  previous  occasions, 
had  two  long  interviews  with  Mr.  Lincoln  on  public  affairs,  and  in  the 
spring  of  1864  went  to  see  him  about  a  personal  matter,  connected 
with  the  coming  campaign.  He  wrote  in  his  account  of  the  inter 
view: 


!i«tll 


B^   in 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 


Mr.  Lirn'oln  received  me,  as  ever,  kindly  and  courteously;  but  his 
manner  was  quite  changi'd.  It  was  not  now  the  country  about  which 
his  anxiety  prevailed,  but  himself.  There  was  an  embarrassment 
about  him  which  he  could  not  quite  conceal.  I  thought  it  proper  to 
state  in  the  outset  that  I  wished  simply  to  know  whatever  he  was  free 
to  tell  me  in  regard  to  his  own  willingness  or  unwillingness  to  accept 
a  renominntion,  and  also  as  to  the  extent  to  which  a  Senator  who  had 
referred  me  to  him,  was  aufliorized  to  speak  for  him.  The  reply  was 
a  monologue  of  an  hour's  duration,  and  one  that  wholly  absorbed  me, 
as  it  seemed  to  absorb  himself.  There  was  very  little  for  me  to  say, 
and  I  was  only  too  willing  to  listen. 

He  remained  seated  nearly  all  the  time.  He  was  restless,  often 
changing  position,  and  occasionally,  in  some  intense  moment,  wheel- 
ing his  body  around  in  his  chair,  and  throwing  a  leg  over  the  arm. 
This  was  the  only  r^otesque  thing  I  recollect  about  him;  his  voice  and 
manner  were  very  earnest,  and  he  uttered  no  jokes,  and  told  no  anec- 
dotes. 

He  began  by  saying  that,  as  yet,  he  was  not  a  candidate  for  renom- 
inntion. He  distinctly  denied  that  he  was  a  party  to  any  effort  to 
that  end,  notwithstanding  I  knew  that  there  were  movements  in  his 
favor  in  all  parts  of  the  Northern  states.  These  movements  were,  of 
course,  without  his  prompting,  as  he  positively  assured  me  that,  with 
one  or  two  exceptions,  he  had  scarcely  conversed  on  the  subject  with 
his  most  intimate  friends.  He  was  not  quite  sure  whether  he  desired 
a  renomination.  Such  had  been  the  responsibility  of  the  oflBcc — so 
oppressive  had  he  found  its  cares,  so  terrible  its  perplexities — that  he 
felt  as  though  fhe  moment  when  he  could  relinquish  the  burden  and 
retire  to  private  life  would  be  the  sweetest  he  could  possibly  experi- 
ence. But,  he  said,  he  would  not  deny  that  a  re-election  would  also 
have  its  gratification  to  his  feelings.  He  did  not  seek  it,  nor  would 
he  do  so;  he  did  not  desire  it  for  any  ambitious  or  selfish  purpose;  but, 
after  the  crisis  the  country  was  passing  through  under  his  presidency, 
and  the  efforts  he  had  made  conscientiously  to  discharge  the  duties 
imposed  upon  him,  it  would  be  a  very  sweet  satisfaction  to  him  to 
know  that  he  had  secured  the  approval  of  his  fellow-citizens,  and 
earned  the  highest  testimonial  of  confidence  they  could  bestow. 

This  was  the  gist  of  the  hour's  monologue;  and  I  believe  he  spoke 
sincerely.  His  voice,  his  manner,  armed  his  modest  and  sensible 
words  with  a  power  of  conviction.  He  seldom  looked  me  in  the  face 
while  ho  was  talking;  he  seemed  almost  to  be  gazing  into  the  future. 
I  am  sure  it  was  not  a  pleasant  thing  for  him  to  seem  to  be  speaking 
in  his  own  interest. 


But  whatever  Mr.  Lincoln's  mental  attitude  was  at  that  time,  he 
was,  before  the  Convention  met,  an  avowed  candidate  for  the  Presi- 
dency, and  it  became  known  to  many  of  his  intimate  friends  that  he 
desired  also  to  name  the  candidate  for  the  Vice-Presidency. 


f  P--  pi 


■HM 


PRESIDENT  LINCOLN'S  RENOMINATION. 


141 


ily;  but  his  \ 
bout  which 
irrassment 
t  proper  to 
de  was  free 
IB  to  accept 
or  who  had 
?  reply  was 
sorbed  me, 
me  to  say, 

tless,  often 
lent,  wheel- 
>r  the  arm. 
is  voice  and 
(Id  no  anec- 

J  for  renora- 
oy  effort  to 
lents  in  his 
ats  were,  of 
B  that,  with 
ubject  with 
r  he  desired 
le  office — so 
ies — that  he 
burden  and 
libly  experi- 

would  also 
,  nor  would 
urpose;  but, 

presidency, 
i  the  duties 
1  to  him  to 
'itizens,  and 
jstow. 

jve  he  spoke 
ind  sensible 
s  in  the  face 
)  the  future, 
be  speaking 


hat  time,  he 
)r  the  Presi- 
?nds  that  he 

icy. 


While  the  people  were  generally  for  him,  many  of  the  politicians, 
either  through  personal  ambition,  or  on  account  of  fancied  personal 
slights,  or  from  a  belief  that  a  change  would  be  better  for  the  country, 
were  oppostid  to  him.  Horace  Greeley,  who  had  been,  alternately, 
an  impertinent  adviser  and  a  captious  critic,  was  working  as  hard 
against  Lincoln  now  as  he  was  against  Seward  in  1860,  but  his  utter- 
ances, p.nd  those  of  his  paper,  had  ceased  to  have  great  weight.  An 
exhibition  of  hostility  that  at  first  appeared  more  formidable,  was  the 
"Pomeroy  Circular,"  which  was  issued  in  February  in  the  interest  of 
Secretary    Chase,  who       .  >,  . 

had,    ever    since    1860,    .. 
cherished  the  ambition 
of  being  Mr.  Lincoln's 

successor.  The  circu- 
lar is  said  to  have  been 
written  by  J.  M.  Win- 

chell,  who   sought   the 

interview  with  Lincoln, 

from  which  an  extract 

is  given  above,  but  it 

was  signed  by  Senator 

Samuel  C.  Pomeroy,  of 

Kansas,  as  Secretary  of 

a    secretly     organized 

committee  of    Mr. 

Chase's   friends.     The 

circular    accused    the 

friends    of    President 

Lincoln  of  using  party 

and  the  machinery  of 

official     influence     t  o 


^^^^.. 


'.ip^P^ 


QAMUEI^  C.  POMEROY. 


secure  the  perpetuation  of  the  present  Administration,  and  it  was 
asserted  that  "those  who  conscientiously  bt.'ieve  that  the  interests 
of  the  country  and  of  freedom  demand  a  change  in  favor  of  vigor  and 
purity  and  nationality,  have  no  choice  but  to  appeal  at  once  to  the 
people,  before  it  is  too  late  to  secure  a  fair  discussion  of  principles." 
It  called  for  "counteractior  on  the  part  of  those  un<onditional  friends 
of  the  rnion  who  differ  from  the  policy  of  the  Administration,  and 
ended  with  five  conclusions,  of  which  the  first  four  were  as  follows: 


I 


fA 


ilM 


'?-f*».-Vf  •■      ■   tw>r- 


-f^^ttri,^^^ 


*«-t«>uaiL.  y«.«»    lAL..'.-      --rfi-if' 


FA  s; 


142 


IlISTOKY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 


.^ 


1.  Even  wi'i'o  tin*  n'-elt*ftion  of  Mr.  Lincoln  desiruble,  it  \»  pnu'- 
tically  iinpoHsible  aguinst  tlie  union  of  forceg  that  will  oppose  him. 

2.  Shonid  he  be  re-elected,  hiu  nianifeHt  tendency  toward  coni- 
pronuHOH  and  temporary  expedients  of  policy,  will  become  8tronn<'r 
dnriuf;  a  pecond  term  than  it  has  been  in  the  first,  and  the  cause  of 
human  liberty,  and  the  dignity  of  the  Nation  will  suffer  proportion- 
ately, while  the  war  may  continue  to  languish  during  his  whole 
Adniinistrallon,  till  the  public  d<'bt  shall  become  a  burden  too  great 
to  be  borne. 

3.  The  patronage  of  the  Oovernment,  through  the  necessities  of 
the  war,  has  been  so  rapidly  increased,  and  to  such  an  enormous 
extent,  and  so  loosely  placed,  as  to  render  the  application  of  the  <me- 
term  i>rinciple  absolutely  essential  to  the  certain  safety  of  our  Re- 
publican institutions. 

4.  We  And  in  the  Hon.  Halmon  P.  Chase  more  of  the  qualities 
needed  in  a  President,  during  the  next  four  years,  than  are  combined 
iu  any  other  available  candidate.  His  record  is  clear  and  unim- 
peachable, showing  him  to  be  a  statesman  of  rare  ability,  and  an 
administrator  of  the  highest  order,  while  his  private  character  fur- 
nishes the  surest  available  guarantee  of  economy  and  purity  in  the 
management  of  pqblie  affairs. 

The  fifth  conclusion  declares  that  "the  discussion  of  the  Presi- 
dential (]uestions,  already  commenced  by  the  friends  of  Mr.  Lincoln, 
has  developed  a  popuJarity  and  strength  in  Mr.  Chase,  unexpected 
even  to  his  warmest  admirers,  and  while  its  strength  is  at  present 
unorganized,  and  in  no  condition  to  manifest  its  real  magnitude,  it 
only  needs  a  systematic  and  faithful  effort  to  develop  it  to  an  extent 
sufficient  to  overcome  all  opiMsing  obstacles."  It  was  further  stated 
that  a  central  organization  had  been  perfected,  and  persons  in  sym- 
pathy with  the  movement  were  invited  to  correspond  with  the  com- 
mittee wiih  a  view  to  forming  State  organizations. 

Mr.  Chase  was  shamed  and  mortified  at  the  publication  of  this 
circular.  He  had  been  in  active  correspondence  in  promoting  his  own 
candidacy,  and  had  expressed  some  of  the  sentiments  contained  in 
the  circular,  but  the  expression  had  been  in  choicer  language. 
This  coarse  and  brutal  assault  upon  the  Administration  in  behalf  of 
one  of  its  members  was  not  what  he  at  all  approved.  In  a  letter  to 
(lovernor  Sprague,  of  Rhode  Island,  he  had  expressed  doubts  as  to  the 
expediency  of  electing  any  one  to  the  I'residency  a  second  time,  and 
had  intimated  his  willingness  to  be  a  candidate,  but  had  also  said 


mm 


a;. 


PRESIDENT  LINCOLN'S  RENOMINATION. 


14:5 


it  Ih  prac- 
use  him. 
wurd  coiii- 
e  stronger 
ic  <*uuHe  uf 
[iroportioii- 
his  whole 
too  great 

eHHitieg  of 
1  enoriiioufl 
of  the  one- 
of  onr  Re- 

le  qualities 
e  combined 
and  unim- 
ity,  and  an 
aracter  fur- 
iirity  in  the 

f  the  IM-esi- 
Mr.  Lincoln, 
unex])ected 
»  at  present 
agnitude,  it 
to  an  extent 
rther  stated 
ions  in  sym- 
th  the  com- 

tion  of  this 
ting  his  own 
•ontained  in 
r  language, 
in  behalf  of 
a  a  letter  to 
bts  as  to  the 
id  time,  and 
id  also  said 


that  ln'  would  not  permit  himself  to  be  driven  'nto  an.v  hostile  or 
unfriendly  ])osition  as  to  Mr.  Lincoln.  This  circular  )>laced  him  in 
the  attitude  which  he  hud  sought  to  avoid;  a»'.tl  he  at  once  wrote  to 
the  President  disavowing  the  document  «!»d  adding:  "For  yourself 
I  cherish  sincere  respect  and  esteem,  and,  permit  me  to  add,  affection. 
Differences  of  opinion  as  to  Administravive  action  have  not  changed 
these  sentiments;  nor  have  they  been  changed  by  assaults  ui)on  me  by 
persons  who  profess  themselves  the  sjjec'al  representatives  of  yoiir 
vi<'ws  and  policy.  You  are  not  respcmsibJe  for  acts  not  your  (»v/n; 
nor  will  you  hold  me  responsible,  excei>t  for  what  I  do  or  say  myself." 
Mr.  Chase  had  hoped  to  have  the  endorsement  of  liis  own  State  as  the 
initial  movement  of  his  active  campaign,  but  February  25,  lS(i4.  the 
Ijegislature  of  Ohio  adopted  resolutions  favoring  L:n(;olu's  renoniiua- 
tion,  and  Mr.  Chase  withdrew  as  a  candidate.     .    '     > 

What  at  first  appeared  to  be  a  more  formidable  movement  was 
made  by  the  "F''^nion  Republican  I'arty,"  which,  under  calls  from  three 
separate  organizations,  met  at  Cleveland,  May  31,  with  abcmt  15(1  dele- 
gates, representing  fifteen  states  and  the  District  of  Columbia. 
(Jeneral  J<ihn  Cochrane,  of  New  York,  presided  over  the  Convention 
which  adopted  a  platform  of  thirteen  brief  planks,  among  which  were 
the  following:  Declaring  that  the  Rebellion  must  be  put  down  by 
force  of  arms  and  without  compromise;  that  the  rights  of  free  speoch, 
free  press  and  habeas  corpus  be  held  inviolate,  save  in  districts  where 
martial  law  has  been  proclaimed;  that  the  Rebellion  has  destroyed 
slavery,  and  that  the  Constitution  should  be  so  amended  as  to  pro- 
hibit its  re-establishment;  that  the  right  of  asylum,  except  for  crime 
and  subject  to  the  law,  is  a  recognized  principle  of  American  liberty; 
that  the  Monroe  doctrine  must  be  nmintained;  that  the  one-term 
policy  for  the  Presidency  should  be  nmintained  by  Constitutional 
amendment;  that  the  President  and  Vice-President  should  be  elected 
by  a  direct  vote  of  the  people;  that  the  reconstruction  of  the  rebellious 
states  belongs  to  Congress,  and  not  to  the  Executive;  and  that  the 
confiscation  of  the  lands  of  the  rebels,  and  their  distribution  among 
the  soldiers  and  settlers,  is  a  measure  of  justice. 

The  Convention  nominated  General  John  C.  Fremont  for  Preni- 
dent  by  acclamation  and  General  John  (^ochrane  for  Vice-President, 
and  named  the  new  organization  the  Radical  Democracy.  General 
Fremont's  letter  of  acceptance  made  a  bitter  attack  upon  Mr.  Lincoln 
for  unfaithfulness  to  the  principles  which  he  was  elected  to  defend, 
upon  his  Administration  foF  incapacity  and  selfishness,  and  for  ''its 


m 


■TW  u  »m»  !BWi.lilMiiiJi 


I 

m 


i  '\ 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REITHLICAN  PARTY. 

diHrcjinrrr  of  ConMtitntional  ri^litfi,  its  violation  of  pergonal  liborty 
and  tlu>  lil>(>rt,v  of  tlie  presM,  and,  aei  a  crowning  glianus  i(8  abandon- 
ment of  tlie  rij^lit  of  asylum,  dear  to  all  free  nations  abroad."  He 
approved  the  platform,  with  the  exception  of  the  conflBeation  plank. 
He  intimated  that  if  the  Re]Hibli('an  (Convention  nominated  anyone 
except  liiiK'oln,  he  would  not  stand  in  the  way  of  a  union  of  all  upon 
that  nominee,  but  added:  "If  Mr.  Lincoln  be  renominated,  as  I 
believe  it  would  be  fatal  to  the  country  to  indorse  a  policy  and  renew 
a  power  whi<'h  has  cost  us  the  lives  of  thousands  of  men,  and  netnl- 

lessly  put  the  country 
on  the  road  to  bank- 
ruptcy, there  will  pe- 
nmin  no  alternative  but 
to  organize  against  him 
every  element  of  con- 
scientious opposition, 
with  the  view  to  pre- 
vent the  misfortune  of 
his  re-election."  The 
Radical  Democracy 
made  no  headway  at  all 
in  the  East,  and  but  lit- 
tle in  the  West.  The 
magic  of  Fremont's 
name  was  gone.  After 
the  Democratic  Con- 
vention had  been  held, 
and  McClellan  had  been 
nominated  on  a  peace 
p  1  a  t  f  o  rm.  Fremont's 
QEN.  u.  8.  GRANT.  patriotism  and  Repub- 

licanism induced  him  to  withdraw  from  the  contest,  and  urge  his  sup- 
porters to  vote  for  Lincoln. 

Later  on  a  meeting  was  called  in  New  York,  ostensibly  to  express 
the  gratitude  of  the  nation  to  General  Grant  and  the  soldiers  under 
his  command  for  their  labors  and  successes.  The  real  purpose  of  the 
meeting  was  to  take  the  initial  step  toward  bringing  him  forward  as 
a  Presidential  candidate.  Mr.  Lincoln  was  invited  to  attend,  and  in 
his  reply,  stating  that  it  would  be  impossible  for  him  to  do  so,  he  said : 
"I  approve,  nevertheless,  of  whatever  may  tend  to  strengthen  and 


Wk       iK. 


^, 


warn 


V 


•  "^ 


m 


im 


PRKHIDKNT  LI\rOL\'H  HKNOMIXATION. 


un 


nnal  liboi-ly 
is  nbunclon- 
roud."      He 
ation  plank, 
ited  anyone 
of  all  upon 
nated,  as    I 
y  and  renew 
n,  and  netnl- 
the  country 
id   to  bank- 
K*re   will    re- 
ernative  but 
against  him 
ent   of    con- 
opposition, 
I'iew  to  pre- 
lisfortune  of 
;tion."      The 
Democracy 
ad  way  at  all 
i,  and  but  lit- 
West.      The 
Fremont's 
gone.    After 
jcratic    Con- 
id  been  held, 
I  Ian  had  been 
1  on  a  peace 
m.  Fremont's 
1  and  Bepub- 
urge  his  sup- 

ily  to  express 
)ldiers  under 
urpose  of  the 
n  forward  as 
ttend,  and  in 
[)  so,  he  said: 
■engthen  and 


HiiHtain  (lener.'il  (irant,  and  the  noble  nrniicH  now  under  IiIh  direction. 
My  previous  liigli  cHliniale  of  Ueneral  (ii-aiit  lian  be(>n  inaintiiined  and 
heightened  bv  what  Iuih  occurred  in  the  remarkable  campaign  lu'  is 
now  conducting,  while  the  magnitude  and  ditticuity  of  the  tuHk  before 
him  does  not  prove  less  than  I  exp(><-ted.  lie  and  his  brave  soldiers 
are  now  in  the  midst  of  their  great  trial,  and  I  trust  that,  at  your 
meeting,  you  will  so  shape  your  good  w<»rdH  that  they  may  turn  to 
men  and  guiiH.  moving  to  his  and  their  support."  Subsei|uently  <}en 
erul  (h'ant,  in  a  letter  to  a  personal  friend,  |)eremptorily  refused  to 
allow    himself    to    be  .;    r    ,,        . 

considered  as  a  candi-  -*^.  .j, 

date,  and  reiterated,  in 
1«.  effect,  the  rresident's 
appeal  for  aid  and  sup- 
port. The  etfect  of  the 
two  letters  was  to  take 
Grant  entirely  out  of 
the  field  as  a  candi- 
date, and  stimulate  ef- 
forts to  fill  up  the 
ranks  of  the  Army. 

The  way  was  entirely 
<'lear  for  Lincoln,  when 
the  Union  and  Republi- 
can Convention  met  at 
Baltimore  on  the  7th  of 
June.       It  was  strong 
in  its  personnel.  There 
were     no     less     than 
eleven  who,  either  be- 
fore or  after  that  time,  henry  j.  Raymond. 
were    governors     of     their    states,     including     John     A.     Andrew 
and    Alexander    H.    ItuUock,    of    Massachusetts;    Lot    M.    Morrill, 
of    Maine;     Horace   Fairbanks,    of     Vermont;     Joseph      R.     Haw- 
ley,  of  Connecticut;  William  A.  Newell  and  Marcus  L.  Ward,  of  New 
Jersey;  William  Dennison  and  David  Tod,  of  Ohio;  Austin  Blair,  of 
Michigan,  and  A.  W.  Randall,  of  Wis(>onsin.      Of  those  who  were  then 
or  afterwards  noted  in  the  Cabinet,  Henate  or  House  there  were  Solo- 
mon Foote,  of  Vermont;  Orville  H.  Piatt,  of  Connecticut;  Preston 
King  and  l<>llis  H.  Roberts,  of  New  York;  Himon  Cameron,  Thaddeiis 


~ 


mr-^ 


i 


J^ 


>!'4j?-.j)!*' 


vrnm 


14G 


HIHTOKY  OFTHK  UKlMHMrAN  I'AKTV 


Htevens,  Andn'w  II.  U«'«'(1»m-  and  (iahiMliu  A.  Orow,  of  l'i>iiiiM,vlvaiiiH; 
John  A.  .).  CrcHwcll,  of  Maryland;  rolnnihiiH  l)«>lano,  David  KilKore 
and  William  H.  I'lmon,  of  Ohio;  <}.  W.  McCi-ary,  of  Iowa;  JanicH  II. 
Lane,  of  Kanxati;  An^uK  Cann'ron,  John  F.  Potter  and  Philetiis 
Haw.vcr,  of  WiHconHin.  The  Michigan  delegation  t-onHiMted  of  AuHtin 
Blair,  Marnh  (}iddinK«,  Neil  (>ra,v  and  Charlen  W.  riiMbee,  at  lar^e, 
with  the  following  from  the  Heveral  diHtrictM:  (1)  Herman  Kiefer, 
William  K.  NoyeB;  (2)  L.  V.  Alexander,  J.  H.  KeUey;  (li)  CharleH  T. 
Oorhanr,  Kdwin  Lawrence;  (4j  OHniund  Tower,  VV.  I.  ('amwell;  (B) 
diaries  Draper,  Oniur  D.  Conner;  («)  J.  H.  Walker,  11,  Sheldon. 

Robert  J.  Breckinridge,  the  "Old  War  Horse  of  Kentu<-ky,"  was 
temjiorar^'  Chainaan,  and  Oovernor  William  Dennison,  of  Ohio,  was 
permanent  Chairman,  The  Mitiiigan  memherM  of  the  various  coni- 
niittees  were*  Credentials,  Marsh  Oiddin^H;  Permanent  Organiza- 
tion, Edwin  Lawrence;  ResolutioiiH,  Omar  D.  Conger;  Vice-President, 
Charles  T.  Oorham;  Kecretar.v,  William  H.  Noyes;  Chairman  of  the 
Delegation,  Austin  Blair. 

The  first  day  and  a  half  were  almost  entirely  occupied  with  the 
routine  proceedings  of  organization,  and  the  settling  of  contested 
seats  from  the  border  states.  These  being  disposed  of,  the  Commit-  , 
tee  on  R(>8olutlon8  reported  a  platform,  which  it  is  understood  was 
written  by  Henry  J,  Raymond,  Chairman  of  the  Committee,  The 
first  signs  of  enthusiasm  or  even  of  great  interest  in  the  Convention, 
appeared  during  the  reading  of  these  resolutions,  every  one  of  which 
was  received  with  applause,  in  some  cases  vociferous  and  long-con- 
tinned.  The  writer  of  the  platform  was  given  the  unusual  compli- 
ment of  having  liis  production  adopted  by  acclamation,  without 
amendment  and  without  a  word  of  discussion.  The  declaration  was, 
in  full,  as  follows: 

RESOLVED,  That  it  is  the  highest  duty  of  every  American 
citizen  to  maintain  against  all  their  enemies  the  integrity  of  the 
Union  and  the  paramount  authority  of  the  (constitution  and  Laws  of 
the  United  States,  and  that  laying  aside  all  dilTerences  and  political 
opinions  we  pledge  ourselves  as  Union  men,  animated  by  a  common 
sentiment,  and  aiming  at  a  common  object,  to  do  everything  in  our 
power  to  aid  the  government  in  quelling,  by  force  of  arms,  the 
rebellion  now  raging  against  its  untliority,  and  in  bringing  to  the 
punishment  due  to  their  crimes  the  reliels  and  traitors  arrayed 
against  it. 

RESOLVEIJ,  That  we  approve  the  determination  of  the  Govern- 
ment of  the  United  States  not  to  compromise  with  rebels,  or  to  offer 
any  terms  of  peace,  except  such  as  may  be  based  upon  an  uncondi- 


mum 


I'UEHIDKM  LINCOLNH  UKXOMINATION. 


147 


iiuM.vlvuiiia; 
vid  Kil^ore 
t;  JiiiueM  H.  ' 
id  miilutiifl 
d  of  AiiMtin 
'«',  ut  larK«s 
man  KloftT, 
I  CharU'H  T. 
ininwell;  (5) 
Idoii. 

tiuky,"  wa8 
>f  Ohio,  waH 
rarioim  coni- 
it  Organixa- 
•e-Presidt'iit, 
riiian  of  tin* 

led  with  th»' 
)f  t'oiitested 
the  Coiuinit 
lerstood  was 
littee.  Tlie 
■  Oonvention, 
one  of  whifh 
nd  iong-con - 
isual  compli- 
tion,  without 
laration  was, 

■ry  American 
»grity  of  the 
and  Laws  of 
and  political 
by  a  common 
*'thing  in  our 
of  arms,  the 
inging  to  the 
itors   arrayed 

►f  the  Govern- 
Is,  or  to  offer 
a  an  uncondi- 


tional surrender  of  their  hostility,  and  return  to  tlieir  first  allegiance 
to  the  Constitution  and  Laws  of  the  I'nited  Htates,  and  that  we  call 
upon  the  (lovernnient  to  uuiintain  this  p<»sitU)n,  and  to  prosecute  the 
war  with  the  utmost  possible  vigor  to  the  <'omplete  su}>preHsion  of  the 
rebellh)n.  In  full  relian<e  upon  the  selfsacritices,  the  patriotism,  heroic 
valor,  and  the  undying  devotion  of  the  American  people  to  the  country 
and  its  free  instituthms. 

HKHOLVKP,  That  as  slavery  was  the  cause  and  now  «<mstltute8 
the  strength  of  this  rebellion,  and  as  it  must  be,  always  and  every- 
where, hostile  to  the  priuiiple  of  ••epublican  gove  nment,  justice  and 
the  Natiimal  safety  denmnd  its  utter  and  loniplete  extirpation  from 
the  soil  of  the  Kepublic;  and  that  we  uphold  and  nuiintain  the  acts 
and  proclamations  by  which  the  Government,  in  Its  own  defense,  has 
aimed  a  death  blow'at  the  gigantic  evil.  We  are  In  favor  further- 
more of  such  amendment  to  the  Constitution  to  be  nmde  by  the  iieople, 
in  conformity  with  Its  luovisions.  as  shall  terminate  and  forever  pro- 
hibit the  existence  of  siavery  within  the  limits  or  jurisdiction  of  the 
United  states. 

RESOLVED,  That  the  t'.anks  of  the  American  people  are  due  to 
the  soldiers  and  sailors  of  the  Army  and  Navy  who  have  periled  their 
lives  in  defense  of  their  country  and  in  vlndi<ation  of  the 
honor  of  the  flag;  that  the  nation  owes  to  them  some  ikm'- 
manent  recognition  of  their  patriotism  and  their  valor,  and 
ample  and  permanent  provision  for  those  of  their  survivors 
who  liave  recently  received  disabling  and  honorable  wounds  in  the 
service  of  the  country,  and  that  the  memory  of  those  who  had  fallen 
in  its  defense  shall  be  held  in  grateful  and  everlasting  remembrance. 

RESOLVED,  That  we  approve  and  applaud  the  practical 
wisdom,  the  unseltlsh  patriotism,  and  unswerving  lldelity  to  the  Con- 
stitution and  the  principles  of  American  liberty,  with  which  Abraham 
Lincoln  has  discharged,  under  circumstancesof  unparalleled  difficulty, 
the  great  duties  and  responsibilities  of  the  Presidential  office;  that  we 
approve  and  endorse  as  demanded  by  the  emergency,  and  essential 
to  the  preservation  of  the  Nation,  and  as  within  the  Constitution,  the 
measures  and  acts  which  he  has  adopted  to  defend  the  Nation  against 
its  open  and  secret  foes;  that  we  approve,  especially,  the  Proclamation 
of  Emancipation,  and  the  employment  as  Union  soldiers  of  men  here- 
tofore held  in  slavery;  and  that  we  have  full  confidence  in  his  deter- 
mination to  carry  tliese  and  all  other  Constitutional  measures,  essen- 
tial to  the  salvation  of  the  country-,  into  full  and  complete  effect. 

RESOLVED,  That  we  deem  it  essential  to  the  general  welfare 
that  harmony  should  prevail  in  the  National  councils,  and  we  regard 
as  worthy  of  public  confidence  and  official  trust,  those  only  who  cor- 
dially endorse  the  principles  proclaimed  in  these  resolutions,  and 
which  should  characterize  the  administration  of  the  Government, 

RESOLVED,  That  the  Government  owes  to  all  men  employed 
in  its  armies,  without  regard  to  distinction  of  color,  the  full  protec- 


mmm 


^  ' 


■  .  •   * 


14S 


IlIHTOUV  or  THK  UKIM'MI.K  AN  I'AHTV 


tion  of  the  lawM  of  war,  and  tliat  any  violntiitii  of  tlit-Hc  lawH,  or  of  tlic 
iiHap:<'H  of  civilixi'd  nalioiix  in  tli4>  Uni<'  of  war  hy  tli«'  r«'lH*lH  now  in 
arniH,  Hliould  Ix*  nia<l«>  lli«-  huI)J<m-I  of  full  and  prompt  n>dr<'HH. 

KF^SOliVKI).  TInit  tli«'  for«'i({n  rniiKi-ation,  wliii-li  in  tlic  pant 
luiri  add<'d  ho  niurli  to  I  lit*  wi'aitli  and  dfv«>lopni<'nt  of  rcHoun-oH  and 
inrrcaHc  of  power  to  tiiin  Nation — tlic  aHvliiui  of  I  la*  oppn-HHcd  «)f  all 
nafionH — Htiould  la*  foHtercd  and  )>nroiMap><l  liy  a  wiH(>  and  JuHt  poliry. 

UKKOrA'EI*.  Tlnit  we  ar«'  in  favor  of  tin*  Mpt'ody  ronMtruction  of 
the  railroad  to  the  I'arillc. 

KKHOLVKn,  That  the  Nati(»nal  faith  pIcd^^Ml  for  rcdenipticMi  of 
thi>  National  dcitt  niUHt  Ih'  kept  inviolate,  and  that  for  tliiH  pnrpoHe  we 
rtM-ounnend  ceononi.v  and  r'm'u\  i'es|ionHil>ility  in  the  publie  expendi- 
ture, and  a  vif;orouH  and  juHt  HVHleni  of  taxatiin;  and  that  it  Ih  the 
dut.v  of  every  loyal  State  lo  HUHtain  tla-  credit  and  promote  the  urn*  of 
the  National  nirn'ney. 

UKKOliN'KI),  Tliat  we  approve  (lie  ponition  taken  liy  the  (iov- 
ernnient,  that  the  people  (»f  the  I'nit)  •!  StateH  can  nev(>r  regard  with 
indifference  the  attempt  of  any  Knrop^'an  power  to  overthrow  by 
force,  or  to  HUpplant  by  fraud,  the  inHtitntion  of  tiny  republican  gov- 
«'rnuient  on  the  WeHlern  Continent,  and  tiiat  w<*  view  with  jjreait 
jealouHy  uh  menacing  to  the  ]»eace  and  independence  of  thiH,  our 
country,  the  etTortH  ef  any  hucIi  ])ower  to  «ditain  new  foothoIdH  for 
nionarchial  (rovernnientH,  HUHtained  by  a  forei);n  military  forces  in 
near  proximity  to  the  I'nited  Staten. 

The  nomination  for  I'r«'Hident  waw  attended  with  but  little  excite- 
ment, an  it  waH  n  for(>}rone  concluHion.  A  motion  of  Himon  Cameron's 
that  Abralutm  Lincoln  be  renominated  for  I'reHident,  and  Hannilail 
tlumlin  for  Vice-1'reKident.  by  acclauuilion,  waH  ipiietly  tabled.  A 
motion  that  Mr.  Lincoln  be  renominated  by  acclamation  was  objected 
to,  on  the  )rround  that  it  had  too  much  the  ap](earance  of  ruHhin^;  the 
nomination  through,  without  Kiving  opportunity  for  individual  <-hoice, 
and  it  was  therefore  ordered  that  the  roll  of  Htaten  be  called.  This 
was  done  without  <'xcitenient,  and  with  but  very  few  remarks  in 
announcing  the  votes  of  the  states.  The  rewult  was  4^4  votes  for 
Abraham  Lincoln  and  22  for  Tlysses  H.  Grant,  the  latter  being  the 
instrueted  vote  of  the  Missouri  delegation.  Mr.  Hume,  of  Missouri, 
then  announced  that  the  delegation  from  «hat  state  changed  their 
vote  to  Lincoln.  The  Secretaries  announced  that  the  vote  was  unani- 
mous, 506  votes  for  Abraham  Lincoln,  and  the  Convention  received 
the  announcement  with  vociferous  a]>plaHse,  as  the  band  struck  up 
"Yankee  Doodle"  and  "Hail  Columbia." 

The  nomination  for  Vice-l'resident  was  attended  with  much  more 
interest.  Vice-President  Hamlin  had  not  been  counted  among  Mr. 
Lincoln's  earnest  supporters,  and  the  relations  between  them  were 


'■ ,..'.»' 


%  '■■ 


■jtjWl|iWlllM<r<<iW''yy'!%| ; 


WH,  or  of  the 
Im'Ih  now  ill 

IM'HH. 

in  tli(>  piiHl 
>Hoiir(-<>H  ninl 
fcHHcd  of  all 
1  jllHt  |»olifV. 
iHlriM-tioii  of 

'dcinittioii  of 
n  |nir|iom'  we 
l)lir  oxjH'iHli 
hat  it  in  the 
itc  th»'  iiHt'  of 

bv  tlie  (Jov 
ivpini  with 
»v<'i'thr(>w  b.v 
iniblitaii  >i;ov- 
V  with  jciH'at 
of  lliiH,  (Mil- 
foot  holds  for 
ary  foicc.  in 

t  little  excite- 
on  Caiiieron'H 
uid  Hannibal 
y  tabled.       A 

was  objected 
)f  iiiHhiiiK  the 
ividnal  choice, 
called.  ThiH 
w  remarks  in 

484  votes  for 
tter  beinR  the 
e,  of  Missouri, 
changed  their 
ote  was  unani- 
ntion  received 
and  struck  up 

ith  much  more 
ted  among  Mr. 
Jen  them  were 


rUKHlPKNT  MN<  OIA'H  UKNOMIN ATIUN. 


\W 


„..,„„.,  i„u,„ate.  nor  especialb        .ndly.      l^Kiden  that.  Mr.  Liu    ;. 

,     be..o, onvinced  that  it  would  b.  good  policy  to  nonnnate  a  U  ar 

'     „   ,,„  n,,  the  second  ,.lacc  o„  .he  ti-Uet        His  first  cln.ice  w«- 

•a    lienjainin  V.  HutU...  of  MaHsachnnetts.  but  '»«'«'""• /"f  ^.f 

...fused  to  be  a  .andidal.       Me  then  began  M^i-av  to  exert  his  inHu- 

nc    in  favor  of  Andre.  -M.hnson.  ..f  Tennessee.      As  things  appeared 
.,    „hnson    hadn.uH    to  reco.nn.end    hi.n.  and    he    had  not  yet 

'xhibited  those  traits  .hbh  afterwards  renden  d  him  obnoxious  to 
the  people  of  the  North.      Ho  was  of  humble  origin,  and  was  indebted 

to  his  wife  f«»r  the  Hrst 

rudiments  of  his  boou 

education,      ^"t  by  the  i^ 

force  and  <">t«gy  of  bis 

rhara<t<'r  u.  had  risj'ii. 

through   vari<»ns   posi 

tlons.  to  that  of  I'nited 

H  t  a  t  e  s    Henator,     in 

wlii<li  posit i(ui  he  had 

stood  manfully  for  the 

rni«m.  though  living  in 

a  Htate  that  had  seced- 
ed.      As      Trovisi  >nal 

(lovernor  of  Tennessee. 

he  had  shown  boldness 

and  vigor.  His  assess- 
ment of  rich  secession- 
ists to  support  the  des 

titute  families  of  ('on-« 

federate      soldiers, 

though     an     arbitrary 

act    had  a  irrim  justice  .       . 

:;out  it  that  J.  approved  by  the  people,  whi^    his  ^^^^ ^^^^ 

„,ent  of  rebel  svmpathizers  in  18t}2:i,  his  ready  acceptame  of  the 

emancipation    policy-these  all    tended  to  inspire    Lincoln  and  the 

Northern  people  generally  with  ccmtidence  in  liini. 

With  all  these  things  in  his  favor,  however,  Lincoln  well  under- 
stood that  it  would  not  answer  for  him  to  work  openly  against 
Hamlin,  nor  to  favor  too  strongly  any  candidate.  He  was  a  good 
deal  of  a  politician  befor.-  lie  went  to  Washington,  and  associations 
and  antagonisms  with  such  trained  politi.ians  as  Seward,  (  base  and 


ANDREW  J  UINSON. 


•yi 


.t 


■WiWfMI 


■  111 rri rm — ^ —         'I-  •>       It 


IBO  HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 

Cameron,  had  not  dulled  his  polit'cal  wits.  He  took  his  most  inti- 
mate political  friends  into  his  confidence,  one  at  a  time,  without 
telling  one  what  he  had  said  to  another,  but  in  each  case  urging  the 
advisability  of  Johnson's  nomination.  There  was  no  organization 
in  Johnson's  favor,  no  general  conference  in  promotion  of  his  candi 
dacy,  yet  when  the  Convention  met  it  liad  come,  somehow,  to  be  well 
understood  that  the  President  desired  Johnson  as  his  associate  on 
the  ticket  and  it  was  this  understanding  that  gave  him  the  nomina- 
tion. The  ballot  for  a  candidate  for  Vice-President,  as  first  footed 
mt,  stood  as  follows: 

Andrew  Johnson,  of  Tennessee 200 

Hannibal  Hamlin,  of  Maine 150 

Daniel  S.  Dickinson,  of  New  York 108 

Uenjamin  F.  Butler,  of  Massachusetts 28 

Lovel  H.  Rousseau,  of  Kentucky 21 

Scattering  among  five  candidates 12 

Belore  there  was  opportunity  to  announce  the  result  different 
states  rapidly  changed  to  Johnson,  until  his  vote  counted  494,  to  17 
for  Dickinson,  9  for  Haro'in,  and  1  for  David  Tod,  of  Ohio.  The 
nomination  was  then  made  unanimous,  a  National  Committee  was 
appointed,  of  which  Marsh  Giddings  was  the  Michigan  member,  a 
little  routine  business  was  transacted  and  the  Convention  adjourned. 
Hamlin  did  not  learn  till  quarter  of  a  century  afterwards  that  Lincoln 
had  secretly  opposed  his  renomination.  "I  was  really  sorry  to  be 
disabused."  he  said  in  1889. 


*■  l- 


ii    I 


Hi 


'^ 


m.08t  inti- 
le,  without 
urging  the 
cganization 
P  his  candi-  • 
,  to  be  well 
ssodate  on 
he  nomina-  ; 
first  footed 

200 

150 

108 

28 

21 

12 

lit  different 
i  494,  to  17 
jhio.  The 
imittee  was 
member,  a 
I  adjourned, 
that  Lincoln 
sorry  to  be 


.•    ,  XII. 

'     THE  LINCOLN  AND  JOHNSON  CAMPAKIN. 

•Changing  Trospects  of  the  Campaign-The  Denuxrats  Cxive  the  Re- 
publicans Valuable  Aid-They  Put  a  War  General  on  a  Peace 
Platform— The  War-is-a-Failure  Utterance  Reacts  Against  Them 
-Union  Victories  Help  the  Republican  Cause-McClellan  Virtu- 
allv  Repudiates  the  Platform,  and  This  (^auses  Great 
Dissatisfaction-Vallandigham,  and  His  <^,rievances-Peace 
Negotiations-The  September  and  October  Elections  Favorable— 
A  Sweeping  Republican  Triumph. 

The  prospect  of  Republican  success  fluctuated  with  the  varying 
fortunes  of  war.  Grant  had  lost  the  battle  of  Cold  Harbor  a  short 
time  before  the  Baltimore  Convention  was  held,  but  the  full  effects 
of  that  disaster  were  not  yet  felt,  and  the  prospei.ts  were  considered 
good.  But  the  heavv  losses  in  that  battle,  .8  they  were  afterwards 
reported;  the  prospect  that  it  would  lake  many  months  of  hard  flght^ 
ing  before  Lee's  army  could  be  fontd  to  surrender;  the  failure  of 
Sheridan  to  unite  with  Hunter  in  I^e's  rear;  Hunter's  failure  to 
capture  Lvnchburg  and  hisdisastrous  retreat;  Early's  bolddash  across 
the  Potomac;  the  burning  of  (^hambersburg;  the  mine  explosion  at 
Petersburg,  and  demonstrations  near  Washington  and  Baltimore— 
these,  following  each  other  in  quick  succession,  served  to  demoralize 
the  Republicans,  and  to  produce  a  feeling  of  deep  despondency. 

The  Democrats,  however,  gave  them  great  encouragement  by 
their  action  at  the  National  Convention  held  in  Chicago,  August  29. 
The  make-up  of  the  Convention  was  such  as  to  lepel  any  Peace  Repub 
licans  who  might  be  inclined  to  bolt  the  Lincoln  ticket.  It  contained, 
among  others,  William  W.  Eaton,  of  Conne.jticut,  who  said  in  1881: 
"If  the  Massachusetts  troops  attempt  to  cross  the  sacred  scil  of  Con- 
necticut, to  coerce  our  Southern  brethren,  they  will  go  over  my  dead 
bodv  "  but  his  body  wasn't  there  when  the  Massachusetts  regiments 
passed  through  Hartford.  It  included  Governor  Horatio  Seymour 
who  during  the  draft  riots  in  New  York  (^ity  in  Vm,  had  addressed 
the  rioters  as  "mv  friends,"  and  who,  instead  of  using  his  authority 


..,**i) 


.J 


%■ 


f  ■ 

I-' 


%m. 


If-;  .11  il! 


■    II 


152 


HIHTOKY  OF  THE  REl'l  BLICAN  PARTY. 


to  (luell  tlH'  riots,  wliicli  raged  with  destruftive  force  for  four  days, 
promised  the  rioters  that  he  would  endeavor  to  have  the  draft  sus- 
pended. It  int-luded  William  Wallace,  of  Pennsylvania,  whose  con- 
nection with  the  cofl'ee-stained  and  fraudulent  naturalization  papers, 
which  gave  the  State  to  the  Democrats  in  October,  1856,  had  earned 
him  the  name  of  "Coffee-jiot  Wallace."  It  contained  Clement  L. 
Vallandigham,  of  Ohio,  who  had  been  tried  for  treasonable  utter- 
ances, and  sent  within  the  rebel  lines;  and  it  included  Joseph  E. 
McDonald,  of  Indiana,  who  was  likely  to  profit  by  the  work  of  the 
secret  and  disloyal  order  of  ''Knights  of  the  Golden  (Mrcle,"  even  if 
he  had  no  connection  with  this  treasonable  set. 

Horatio  Seymour,  the  i)ermanent  President  of  the  Convention, 
put  the  whole  resjionsibiiity  of  the  war  upon  the  North,  ignoring  the 
acts  of  aggression  on  the  part  of  the  South.  "Four  years  ago,"  he 
said,  "a  Convention  met  in  this  City  when  our  country  was  peaceful, 
jirosperous  and  united.  Its  delegates  did  not  mean  to  destroy  our 
(lovernment,  to  overwhelm  us  witli  debt,  nor  to  drench  our  land  with 
blood;  but  they  were  aniuuited  by  intolerance  and  fanaticism,  and 
blinded  by  an  ignorance  of  the  spirit  of  our  institutions,  the  character 
of  ()ur  people,  and  the  condition  of  our  land.  They  thought  they 
might  safely  indulge  their  passions,  and  they  concluded  to  do  so. 
Their  passions  have  wrought  ojit  their  natural  results.  .  .  The 
Administration  will  not  let  the  shedding  of  blood  cease,  even  for  a 
little  time,  to  see  if  Christian  charity,  and  the  wisdom  of  statesman- 
ship may  not  work  out  a  method  to  save  our  country.  Nay,  more, 
they  will  not  listen  to  a  pi-oposal  of  peace  which  does  not  offer  that 
which  this  (Jovernment  has  no  right  to  ask."  He  closed  with  the 
covert  threat:  "'Put  for  us.  we  are  resolved  that  the  party  which  has 
made  the  history  of  our  country  since  its  advent  to  power  seem  like 
some  unnatural  and  terrible  dream  shall  be  overthrown.  We  htive 
forborne  much,  because  those  who  are  now  charged  with  the  conduct 
of  public  affairs  know  but  little  about  the  principles  of  our  Govern- 
ment." 

Tlie  platform  adopted  declared  the  devotion  of  the  party  to  the 
t'nion;  arraigned  the  Administration  for  military  interference  with 
the  recent  elections  in  Delaware,  Maryland,  Kentucky  and  Missouri, 
"for  the  subversion  of  civil  by  military  rule,  in  states  n(>t  in  insurrec- 
tion; for  the  arbitrary  military  arrest,  imprisonment,  trial  and 
sentence  of  American  citizens  in  states  where  the  civil  law  is  in  ''ull 
force;  the  suppression  of  fn*edom  of  speech  and  the  press;  the  denial 


■  .*r'»-\^; ".=:-.';: ■jr--''.-  •*•■(:■.  --■'■^7^--  .-  ■ 


I  I 


T'la.'-j* 


:  .>,«.  .«Mrw*llUiiE».n> 


four  days, 
f  draft  8U8- 
whose  con- 
ion  papers, 
had  earned 
(Menient  L. 
lable  utter- 
Joseph  E. 
vork  of  the 
le,"  even  if 

Convention, 
fjnorin}?  the 
irs  ago,"  he 
as  peaceful, 
destroy  our 
ir  land  with 
iticism,  and 
le  character 
liought  they 
d  to  do  so. 
.     .     The 
,  even  for  a 
f  statesman- 
Nay,  more, 
[)t  offer  that 
led  with  the 
y  which  has 
er  seem  like 
We  have 
the  conduct 
our  Govorn- 

party  to  the 
ference  with 
nd  Missouri, 
t  in  insurrec- 
t,  trial  and 
aw  is  in  h\\\ 
s;  the  denial 


THE  LINt'OLN  AND  JOHNSON  CAMrAIGN.  153 

of  the  right  of  asylum;  the  open  and  avowed  disregard  of  State  rights; 
the  employment  of  unusual  test  oaths,  and  the  interference  ith,  and 
denial  of,  the  right  of  the  people  to  bear  arms  in  their  defense.  It 
declared  that  all  these  were  calculated  "'to  prevent  a  restoration  of 
the  I'nion,  and  the  perpetuation  of  a  Government  deriving  its  just 
powers  from  the  (onsent  of  the  governed."  But  the  plank  upon 
which  the  campaign  most  largely  turned,  was  the  following: 

RESOLVED,  That  this  f'onvention  does  explicitly  declare  as 
the  sense  of  the  American  people,  that  after  four  years  of  failure  to 
restore  the  T'nion  by  the  experiment  of  war,  during  which,  under  the 
pretense  of  a  military  necessity  or  war  power  higher  than  the  Con- 
stitution, the  Constitution  itself  has  been  disregarded  in  every  part, 
and  public  liberty  and  private  right  alik*'  trodden  down,  and  the 
niaterial  prosperity  of  the  country  essentially  impaired;  Jusiice, 
Humanity,  Liberty  and  the  publi<'  welfare  demand  that  immediate 
efforts  be  nuide  for  a  cessation  of  hostilities,  with  a  view  to  the  ulti- 
mate Convention  of  the  states,  or  other  pea<able  means,  to  the  end 
that  a*  th"  earliest  practicable  moment,  peace  may  be  restored  »)n  the 
basis  of  the  Federal  Vnion  of  the  States. 

fJeorge  B.  McCleMan,  of  New  Jersey,  was  nominated  for  Presi 
dent,  and  George  H.  Pendleton,  of  Ohio,  for  Vice-President.  The 
nomination  of  (ieneral  McClellan  was  unsatisfactory  to  a  consider- 
able minority  in  this  Convention  of  peace-makers.  He  had  arrested 
the  Maryland  Legislature,  when  it  was  (m  the  point  of  passing  an 
ordinance  of  secession.  A  iiaryland  delegate  stood  up  in  fhe  Con- 
vention, proclaimed  McClellan  a  tyrant,  and  added:  "All  the  charges 
of  usurpation  and  tyranny  that  can  be  brought  against  Lincoln  and 
Butler,  can  be  made  and  substantiated  against  McClellan.  He  is  the 
assassin  of  stales  rights,  the  usurper  of  liberty,  and  if  nominated  will 
be  beaten  everywhere  as  he  was  at  Antietam." 

In  view  of  McClellan's  military  career  there  was  something  of 
grim  satire  in  the  declaration  that  the  war  was  a  failure,  for  although, 
at  one  time  he  was  the  idol  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  and  his  mili- 
tary failures  had  been  condoned  by  the  Democrats  and  many  of  the 
Republicans,  the  fact  had,  by  this  time,  been  quite  generally  recog- 
nized tliat  he,  more  than  anyone  else,  was  responsible  for  the  early 
disasters  to  our  armies  in  Virginia.  With  200,000  of  the  best  equipped, 
and  best  drilled  volunteei-  soldiers  ever  put  in  the  field,  he  had  hesi- 
tated, through  all  the  i)leasant  fall  weather  ()f  18«1,  to  attack  an  army, 
never  exceeding  (50,00(»,  at  his  front.  He  had  lone  this  in  spite  of 
great  urgency  on  the  i>art  of  the  President  to  advance.  His  men  were 
enthusiastic,  and  eager  to  tight,  but  his  long  delay  had  a  depressing 


tiummi- > 'i'""-^ 


ijni«M.km.Mii'n ',mi,i'ilf.«»g 


■•'y-- 


■:',.  's^'^^^Z: 


■'    •■'  I .  ''V 


eil^t 


154  HISTORY  OF  THE  KEPUBLICAN  PABTY. 

effect  tipdn  the  troops.  He  finally  sent  them  into  winter  quarters  in 
tents,  on  ihe  plea  that  if  they  were  allowed  to  build  huts,  it  would 
disclose  to  the  enemy  that  they  did  not  expect  to  <  ommence  operations 
till  spring.  During  the  time  that  he  was  disregarding  the  President's 
appeals  to  advance,  he  was  sending  to  Washington  impertinent  letters 
of  advice  in  regard  to  political  matters  and  the  operations  of  the 
armies  in  other  parts  of  the  country. 

Still  there  were  many  who  charged  upon  the  Administration  at 
AVashington  the  resijonsibility  of  McClellan's  defeats  before  Rich- 
mond. The  drawn  bat- 
tle of  Antietam  was 
magnified  into  a  great 
victoi'y  by  his  friends 
and  admirers,  but  dur- 
ing the  campaign  the 
fact  jecame  generally 
known  that  after  the 
battle  the  President 
visited  McClellan  in  the 
camp  on  the  I'otomac, 
and  vainly  urged  him 
to  cross  the  river  and 
give  the  enemy  battle, 
leaving  his  tent  early 
in  the  morning  with  a 
friend,  Lincoln  went  to 
an  eminence  that  over- 
looked the  vast  en- 
campment. "Do  you 
know  what  that  is?"  he 
asked,  pointing  to  the 
host  that  was  encamped  below  them.  "It  is  the  Army  of  the  Poto- 
mac," was  the  answer.  -'That  is  a  mistake,"  Lincoln  said.  "It  is 
only  MeClellan's  body  guard"  While  McClellan  lay  there  Stuart, 
with  his  cavalry,  swept  completely  round  the  army,  sacking  toXvns  and 
villages  on  his  march,  without  losing  a  man. 

While  the  l»resident  was  chafing  at  McClellan's  delay,  McClellan 
himself  occupied  a  portion  of  his  time  in  writing  h'tters  criticising  the 
Administratiim.  In  one  of  these  he  said:  "The  President's  late 
proclamation,  and  the  continuation  of  Stanton  and  Halleck  in  office, 


GEORGB  B.  McCLELLAN. 


I  i 


'■■" «iiii.iitrti35l|!":|'P- 


THE  LINC  OLN  AND  JOHNSON  CAMPAK'rN. 


155 


(juartei'8  in 
t8,  it  would 
e  operations 
>  President's 
inent  letters 
tions  of  the 

iiistration  at 
before  Rieh- 
e  drawn  bat- 
itietam    was 
into  a  great 
his  friends 
ers,  but  dur- 
impaign   the 
lie  generally 
at  after  the 
e     President 
Clellan  in  the 
the  Potomac, 
y  urged    him 
:he  river  and 
Miemy  battle, 
lis  tent  early 
irning  with  a 
Qooln  went  to 
lee  that  over- 
he    vast    en- 
t.      "Do    you 
t  that  is?"  he 
tinting  to  the 
V  of  the  Poto- 
said.      "It  is 
there  Stuart, 
ing  towns  and 

lay,  McClellan 
critit'ising  the 
t-esideut's  late 
Llleck  in  office, 


render  it  almost  impossible  for  me  to  retain  my  commission  and  self- 
respect  at  the  same  time."  But  he  neither  resigned  nor  attacked  the 
enemy,  and  the  President  removed  him.  He  afterward  took  credit 
to  himself  for  not  heading  a  mutiny  of  his  troops,  because  of  his 
removal.  "Many  were  In  favor  of  my  refusing  to  obey  the  order," 
he  wrote,  "and  of  marching  upon  Washington  to  take  possession  of 
the  Government."  He  seeujs  to  have  heard  these  counsels  without 
reouke,  though  he  had  not  the  courage  to  heed  them.  Although  all 
these  facts  were  brougi.;  out  during  the  campaign  they  were  not  fully 
known  at  the  time  of  his  removal,  which  had  caused  a  storm  of  indig- 
nation in  the  Peace  Party.  "This  dismissal,"  Lord  Lyons  wrote  to 
his  Government,  "caused  an  irritation  not  unmixed  with  consterna- 
tion and  despondency.  The  General  had  been  regarded  as  the 
representative  of  conservative  principles  in  the  Army.  Support  of 
him  has  been  made  one  of  the  articles  of  the  conservative  electoral 
platform." 

"With  reverses  in  the  field,  the  cause  is  doubtful  at  the  polls." 
said  President  Lincoln.  "With  victory  In  the  field  the  election  will 
take  care  of  itself,"  and  the  tide  began  to  turn  at  the  very  time  the 
Peace  Convention  was  In  session.  Before  it  adjourned  news  of  the 
capture  of  Fort  Morgan  came.  Shortly  afterwards  Intelligenc**  was 
received  of  Sherman's  victory  In  the  battle  of  Atlanta  and  his  occupa- 
tion of  that  City. 

"Sherman  and  Farragut,"  Seward  said  In  a  speech  at  Auburn, 
"have  knocked  the  planks  out  of  the  Chicago  platform."  A  few  days 
afterwards  Sheridan  commenced  his  brilliant  dash  through  the  Shen- 
andoah Valley  and  thrilled  the  North  with  the  victories  at 
Winchestc!-  and  Fisher's  Hill. 

With  Farragut  in  control  of  Mobile  Bay,  with  Sherman's  plan  of 
nmrching  from  Atlanta  through  Georgia  already  known;  with  Sheri- 
dan in  full  control  of  the  "granary  of  Lee's  army,"  and  with  Grant 
constantly  on  the  aggressive  against  Lee,  McClellan  set  about  the  task 
of  writing  his  letter  of  acceptance.  He  < ould  not  well  place  himself 
upon  the  platforin  of  the  party  that  nominated  him.  He  made  a 
cautious  and  guarded  dissent  from  portions  of  that  platform  and  in 
opposition  to  lae  most  important  part  of  it,  declared  himself  in  favor 
of  preserving  the  T'nion  by  a  vigorous  prosecution  of  the  war,  If 
all  the  "resources  of  statesmanship,"  which  should  be  first  employed, 
should  prove  inadequate.  This  declaration  anger  d  the  men  who  liad 
given  tone  to  the  Chicago  Convention,  and  who  expLJted  to  control 


,  i 


lli 


"*?! 


\ 


■'"ilPl. 


15(5 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 


ihe  I'reBidtMit  if  j'lected.  Mr.  Yallaiidif{liuiu  fairly  representwl  thi» 
element  when  lie  said:  "The  Chicajjo  Convention  enuneiated  its 
platform  and  principles  by  authority,  and  it  is  binding  on  every 
Democrat,  and  by  it  the  Democratic  Administration  must  and  should 
be  governed.  It  was  Ihe  only  authorized  exposition  of  the  Democratic 
creed,  and  all  others  shtMild  be  repudiated" 

Neither  did  the  declaration  attract  those  conservative  Republi- 
cans whom  it  was  hoped  to  draw  t<»  the  support  of  the  ticket,  for  they 
recognized  the  fact  tliat,  with  his  riexible  character,  McClellan,  if 

elected,  would  certain- 
i  ly  be  dominated  by  the 

,  stronger  men  who  con- 

trolled the  Convention. 
McClellan  was  practi- 
cally held  to  the  plat- 
form throughout  the 
i.!!iifli^^M^H^B^^^^^^^^Bi.  campaign. 

Vallandigham  him- 
self had  as  much  rea- 
son as  anyone  to  as- 
sent to  that  clauHe  in 
v'i  a^^^^^^^^^^na^^^^^^^^B'  the  platform  whicii  de- 
nounced what  were 
called  "arbitrary  ar- 
rests." He  was  a 
member  of  the  Thirty- 
seventh  Congress  from 
Ohio.  When  secession 
came  he  opposed  coer- 
cion, and  was  ceaseless 

CLISMENT  l.   VALLANDIGHAM.  Jq      hlS      CUdeaVOrS    "tO 

restore  the  Union  through  peace."  He  was  violent  in  his  language, 
in  (\)ngres8  and  out  of  it.  For  "publicly  expressed  sympathy  for 
those  in  arms  against  the  government  of  the  United  States,  and 
declared  disloyal  sentimental  and  opinions  with  the  ouject  and 
purpose  of  weakening  the  power  of  the  (.overnment  in  its  efforts  to 
sui>press  an  unlawful  rebellion,"  uttered  in  a  speech  at  Mount 
Verufm,  Ohio.  Vallandigham  was  arret.. -vl  by  order  of  Oenera.  Uurn- 
slde,  in  May,  18(53,  tried  by  a  military  c;;mmis8ion,  and  sentenced  to 
confinement  in  Fort  Warren,  in  lioston  Harbor.      President  Lincoln 


\ 


\ 


I  ( 


-,u   . 


Beiited  tliiH 
noiated  its 
on  every 
and  should 
I  )euunTatic 

ve  Kepubli- 
let,  for  they 
[oClellan,  if 
uld  certain- 
mted  by  the 
en  who  con- 
Convention, 
was  praoti- 
to  the  plat- 
ughout    the 

ghani  hini- 
8  much  rea- 
lyone  to  as- 
lat  clan8('  in 
'n»  whiiJi  de- 
what  were 
rbitrary  ar- 
He  was  a 
f  the  Thirty- 
ongress  from 
len  secession 
•pposed  coer- 
ivas  ceaseless 
ndeavors  "to 
bis  language, 
iympathy  for 
States,  and 
ouject  and 
its  efforts  to 
h  at  Mount 
lenera.  Burn- 
sentenced  to 
ident  Lincoln 


THE  LINCOLN  AND  JOHNSON  CAMPAinX. 


157 


modified  this  sentence,  and  directed  that  he  should  be  sent  through 
the  military  lines  to  the  enemy.  This  action  caused  great  excitement 
and  indignation  among  the  Democrats,  and  at  a  meeting  of  that  party 
at  Albany,  over  which  Erastus  Corning  presided,  this  and  other  acts 
of  the  Administration  were  denounced,  iti  the  st'verest  terms.  To 
these  denunciations  the  President  rci)lied  in  detail,  the  following 
beinir  part  of  his  reply:  ''One  of  the  resolutions  expresses  the 
opinion  of  the  meeting  that  arbitrary  airrests  will  have  the  effect  to 
divide  and  distract  those  who  should  be  united  in  suppressing  the 
rebellion;  and  I  am 
specifically  called  on  to 
discharge  Mr.  Vallan- 
digham.  T  regard  this 
as  at  least,  a  fair  appeal 
to  me  on  the  expedi- 
ency of  exercising,  a 
Constitutional  power 
which,  I  think  exists. 
In  response  to  such  ap- 
peal I  have  to  ^ay  it 
gave  me  pain  when  T 
learned  that  Mr.  Val 
landigham  had  been 
arrested — that  is  I  was 
pained  that  there 
should  have  seemed  to 
be  a  necessity  for  ar- 
resting him — and  that 
it  will  afford  me  great 
pleasure  to  discharge 
him  so  soon  as  I  can, 
by  any  ntearis,  believe  the  public  safety  will  not  suffer  by  it." 

That  same  fall  the  Ohio  Democracy  nonunated  the  exile  for  Oov- 
ernor.  but  he  was  beaten  at  the  polls  by  more  than  1(M),(M>0  nmjority. 
Mr.  Lincoln  apparently  judged  that  this  repudiation  of  Vallandighani 
by  the  people  of  his  own  state,  had  deprived  him  of  his  jmwer  to 
itiiperil  the  public  safety,  and  released  him.  This  case,  and  a  number 
of  otliers,  were  much  discussed  by  Democratic  orators  during  the  cam- 
paign, but  without  great  effect;  for  the  jH-ople  understood  well  enough 
that  war  cannot  be  conducted  without  meiisures  that  would  not  be 
admissible  in  time  of  peace.  , 


DAVID  O.   PARRAGUT. 


'^iiwiiifrriffiiitr^ 


ItiMMlHkMMMMHWNiii^^ 


158 


HISTOKY  OF  THK  KEPIJBLK'AN  PARTY. 


..  % 


'  All  interHHtinji  cpiHodc  of  tliii*  jxTiod,  romiiii;  lu*tw<'(Mi  the  War 
TonvtMition  at  Tlaltiinoro  and  the  Peace  ronveiitioii  at  Chicago,  whh 
(h'eeU'.v's  famous  peace  negotiatioiiH  with  eiuiHMarieH  of  the  Rebel 
(Jovernnienl.  There  were  three  of  these  tlien  at  Niagara  Fallfi, 
('h>iu"T»t  (\  Cla.v,  <»f  Ahibaina;  I'rofesHor  Hol<-oiiibe,  of  Virginia,  and 
(leorge  N.  SanderH.  Their  agent  waH  W.  Cornell  Jewett,  an  irreHjKMi- 
sible  and  half  craz.v  adventurer.  Th«'y  did  not  attempt  to  communi- 
cate directly  with  the  (Jovernment,  but  opened  negotiatiimH  with  Mr. 
(Jreeley.  The  latter  had,  alinoHt  from  the  beginning  of  the  war,  been 
an  offlciouH  internieddler  in  war  and  (Jovernmental  atfairn.  His  asso- 
ciation witli  Jewett  liad  some  elements  of  the  humorons  and  the 
ridiculous,  and  could  hardly  have  been  expected  to  provoke  any 
serious  results.  Yet  it  led  to  a  long  correspondence  and  to  consider- 
able anxiety  among  the  Republicans  as  to  the  immediate  ])olitical 
future.  It  opened  with  a  letter  from  Jewett  to  Greeley,  in  which  the 
former  said:  "I  am.  authorized  t<>  state  to  you, .for  our  use  only,  not 
for  the  public,  that  two  ambassadors  of  Davis  &  <'o.  are  now  in 
Canada,  witli  full  and  complete  powers  for  a  peace,  and  Mr.  Kanders 
requests  that  you  come  on  immediately  to  me  at  the  Cataract  House 
to  have  a  private  interview.  Or,  if  you  will  send  the  President's  pro- 
tection for  him  and  two  friends,  they  will  c(»me  on  and  meet  you.  He 
says  the  whole  matter  could  be  consummated  by  me,  you,  them  and 
President  Lincoln." 

Mr.  Greeley  enclosed  this  letter  to  the  President,  together  with  a 
long  letter  of  his  own,  deploring  the  tvils  of  war,  and  suggesting 
the  following  plan  of  adjustment: 

1.     The  I'nion  is  restored  and  declared  perpetual.  -  <•,•       i^ 

,  ,     2.     Klavery  is  utterly  and  forever  abolished  throughout  the  same. 

.*{.  A  complete  amnesty  for  all  political  offenses,  with  a  restora- 
tion of  all  the  inhabitants  of  each  Htate  to  all  the  privileges  of  citizens 
of  the  United  States. 

4.  The  Union  to  pay  f4()(),000,000  in  five  per  cent.  United  States 
bonds  to  the  late  Slave  States,  loyal  and  secession  alike,  to  be  appor- 
tioned, pro  rata,  according  to  their  slave  population  respectively  by 
the  census  of  1860,  in  compensatio  for  the  losses  of  their  loyal  citi- 
zens by  the  aboliticm  of  slavery;  each  State  to  be  entitled  to  its  quota 
upon  the  ratification,  by  its  l^egislature,  of  this  adjustment;  the  bonds 
to  beat  the  absolute  disposal  of  the  Legislature  aforesaid. 

5.  The  said  Slave  States  to  be  entitled  henceforth  to  representa- 
tion in  the  House  <m  the  basis  of  their  total,  instead  of  their  Federal 
population,  the  whole  now  being  free. 


I  > 


«.■ 


'U- 


THE  LIN(^OLN  AND  JOHNSON  rAMl'AIGN. 


159 


Ml  tlie  War 

iicago,  WHH 

the  Reb«'l 

jam    PallH, 

r^inia,  and 

ui  iri'(*H|M»ii- 

<)  roiiiniiiiii- 

iH  witli  Mr. 

e  war,  been 

FliH  aHMo- 

UH  and  the 

>n»voke  anv 

to  conwider- 

ite    political 

n  whi<'h  the 

He  only,  not 

are    now  in 

Mr.  SanderK 

aract  HouBe 

Hident'H  i)ro- 

'et  yon.     He 

u,  them  and 

ether  with  a 
1  suggesting 


ut  the  same. 
\i\  a  restorn- 
's  of  citizens 

nited  States 
to  be  appor- 
pectively  by 
ii*  loyal  citi- 
to  its  quota 
it;  the  bonds 

)  repT-eseuta- 
heir  Federal 


6.  A  National  Convention,  to  be  assembled,  as  soon  as  may  be, 
to  ratify  this  adjustment,  and  make  sn<-h  chanfjeH  in  the  Constituticm 
as  may  be  deemed  advisable. 

To  this  the  President  replied  as  follows:  "If  you  can  find  any 
person  anywliere  professing  to  have  any  pro]K»sition  of  Jefferson 
Davis,  in  writing,  for  peace,  embracing  the  restoration  of  the  I'liion 
and  abandonment  of  slavery,  whatever  else  it  embraces,  say  to  him 
he  may  come  to  me  with  you,  and  that  if  he  really  brings  such  propo- 
sition he  shall,  at  the  least,  have  safe  conduct  with  the  paper,  and 
without  publicity  if  he  chooses,  to  the  point  where  you  shall  have  met 
him,  the  same  if  there  be  two  or  more  persons." 

The  correspondenj-e  thus  commenced  la^^ted  from.  July  5  to  July 
21.  It  Anally  transpired  that  the  rebel  emissaries  had  no  authority 
to  make  terms,  and  thr.t  Mr.  (Ireeley  concealed  from  them  the  only 
terms  upon  which  the  Tresident  would  consent  to  negotiate.  The 
latter,  on  the  ISth  of  July,  made  these  terms  public  in  the  following 
statement,  addressed  "to  whom  it  nmy  concern"  and  delivered  by  his 
private  secretary  directly  to  the  rebel  agents:  "Any  proposition 
which  embraces  the  restoration  of  peace,  the  integrity  of  the  whole 
Union,  and  the  abandonment  of  slavery,  and  which  comes,  by  and  with 
any  authority,  that  can  <-ontrol  the  arnues,  now  at  war  against  the 
United  States,  will  be  received  and  considered  by  the  ExecutiA'e  Gov- 
ernment of  the  Unit»'i  States,  and  will  be  met  by  liberal  terms  on  sub- 
stantial and  collateral  points,  and  the  bearer  or  bearers  thereof  shall 
have  safe  conduct  both  ways." 

;«     This  was  in  entire  agreement  with  Mr.  Lincoln's  first  communica- 
tion to  Mr.  Greeley.      The  latter,  however,  had  not  communicated  its 
contents  to  the  agents,  but  had  held  out  prospects  of  negotiations  on 
quite  different  terms.      This  was  the  first  they  had  ever  heard  of  any 
conditions,  and  as  they  had  been  informed  by  Mr.  Greeley  that  he  had 
,  been  instructed  by  the  I'resident  to  tender  to  them  safe  conduct  to 
.^Washington,  without  any  mention  of  conditions,  they  were  taken 
A'entirely  by  surprise.      They  thought  they  had  been  deceived  by  the 
President,  and  closed  the  incident  with  an  angry  letter,  in  which  they 
praj'tically  made  that  chaise.      This  letter  was  sent  to  Mr.  Greeley, 
and  not  to  the  President.      This  accusation  of  ill  faith  against  Mr. 
/Lincoln  was  made  use  of  during  the  early  stages  of  the  campaign  in 
the  North,  and  in  the  rebel  states  it  was  used  as  fresh  proof  of  the 
faithless  character  of  the  Federal  Government,  and  of  theimpossibility 
of  making  iwaoe  except  by  sucj-essful  war. 


IFW"-"'' 


IftO 


HIHTOUYOFTHK  KKIM  MIJCAN  I'AKTV. 


Tli<»  l*r<'Hid«'iit  felt  d«*«»i>ly  the  injuHllct'  doiic  to  hiiiiHolf,  hikI  tlie 
injury  doiu*  the  coiintr.v  b.v  Mr.  <}r«M»l(\v'H  HUpprcHMion  of  <>HM«'iitial  facln 
in  liiH  intcrcoiirHc  with  tlic  <-oiiiiiiiHHi(>iH>rH.  lit-  lhcr<>ror(>  aHltcd  Mr. 
(h-ccic.v  for  ptM'iiiiHHioii  to  piibiiHh  tlic  whole  corrcHpoiidoiu-e,  oinittiriK 
only  eertain  paHHa^eH  not  neeeHMarv  (o  a  full  underHtandinK  of  the 
Hiibject.  The  nioHt  inii>ortant  of  Inene  waH  the  following,  in  Mr. 
<h'<'eley'H  letterof  .InlyT,  whieh  the  I'r*  «i(lent  thought  would  injure  the 
Union  cauHe  on  account  of  the  deHpondenc.v  which  it  nhowed  <-oncern- 
in^  the  ]>roHpectH  of  the  country:  "I  venture  to  remind  yon  that  our 
bleedii.4,  bankrupt,  alni<iMt  dyin){  country,  longH  fur  (teuce,  ahudderK 
at  the  proHpeiit  of  fre8h  couHcriptionH,  of  further  wholeHale  devasta- 
tiouH  and  of  new  rivern  of  human  blood.  A  wideHpread  conviction 
that  the  Government  and  itH  |)rominent  MU]>porterH  are  not  anxiouH  for 
l»eace,  and  do  not  improve  proffered  o]>)iortunitieH,  \h  doinj;  jjreat  harm 
now,  and  \»  morally  (ertaiu,  uuR-hh  removed,  tu  do  far  greater  in  the 
approaching  elei'tion."  ;  V'  ^        '     ' ^  ■  ■•.     .      : 

'  Mr.  Greeley  declined  to  give  his  couHent  to  the  publication  of  the 
corrcHpondence  unleH8  these  phraHes  Hhould  also  be  ]iubliHhed.  The 
President,  accordingly,  submitted  in  silence  to  the  injustice  which  iiad 
IxHMi  done  him,  and  the  full  facts  were  not  known  until  the  correspcmd- 
ence  was  publishiU,  a  year  later,  in  Henry  «I.  Raymond's  "liife,  Public 
Service's  and  State  Tapers  of  Abraham  Lincoln." 

This  period  was  marked  by  8<nne  turmoil  in  the  Cabinet.  During 
the  discussion  in  regard  to  the  correspondence,  the  President  invited 
Mr.  (Jreeley  to  Washington,  but  (Jreeley  declined  to  go  on  the  ground 
that  Mr.  Lincoln  was  surrounded  by  his  "bitterest  {lersonal  enemies." 
"I  will  gladly  go,''  he  said,  "whenever  I  feel  a  hope  that  their  influence 
has  waned."  This  evidently meant  that  Greeley  wanted  a  promise 
from  the  I'resident  that  Secretary  Seward  slionid  be  dismissed  from 
the  Cabinet.  But  instead  of  being  dismissed,  Mr.  Seward  was,  at 
that  time,  probably,  the  most  influential  member  of  that  body.  The 
tirst  change  that  actually  was  made  in  the  Cabinet  was  t)«e  acceptance 
of  Mr.  ('base's  resignation  as  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  tendered 
because  he  insisted  on  nominating  a  candidate  of  his  own  as  Assistant 
Treasurer  in  New  Vork.  The  other  change  in  the  Cabinet  was  the 
removal  of  Postmaster  General  lilair,  in  <-ompliance  with  the  demand 
of  tlie  Haltimore  platform  and  the  pressure  of  prominent  Republicans. 
Mr.  RIair  was  loyal  to  President  Lincoln,  and  his  support  of  the  Eman- 
cipation Proclamation  was  une<]uivocal;  but  he  was  an  acrimonious 


I  I 


■sT! 


31  I! 


TriK  LINCOLN  AND  .lOIINHON  ("AMTAKiN. 


Ifil 


cir,  iiiid  tlie 

M'litiul  factti 

'  >iHk<>d  Mr. 

re,  omitting 

(linn  "'  ^''•' 

iiiK.  in    Mr. 

(1  iiijiin*  th»* 

V«'(l  conctM'ii- 

vou  that  our 

e,  abuddcrH 

ale  dovasta- 

d  ronvirtion 

t  anxioiiH  foi 

{  (Treat  harm 

eater  in  the 

cation  of  the 
liHlied.  The 
ce  wliicli  liad 
i»  correBpcmd- 
'Life,  I'nblic; 

net.  Durinj? 
udent  invited 
in  the  (rronnd 
nal  enemies." 
heir  influence 
ed  u  promise 
smissed  from 
ward  was,  at 
t  body.  The 
he  acceptance 
ur.v,  tendered 
t  as  Assistant 
jinet  was  tlie 
h  the  demand 

Republicans. 

of  the  Enian- 
I  acrimonious 


irillc  iind  liad  a  great  fat-iihv  for  iiitikin)i>  enemieM.  Tlie  I'rcsident 
was  rehictant  to  remove  him,  iind  n(  (Hh-  time  said:  "I  propoHe  t-on- 
linninp;  to  be  nivseir  tlie  Jiidp-  iih  I"  when  ti  member  of  the  Tiibinet 
HJiall  b<>  dJHmiHHed;"  Init  iilong  in  Se|ileiiilM-r  liie  letterH  iiHkini;  tlie 
dlHUiisHal  came  liive  an  avuianciie.  Anion;:  otherH,  llenr.v  Wilson 
wrote:  "Kveryone  liates  Ithiir.  TenH  of  tlioiisnnilMof  men  will  ite  lost 
to  ,vou  or  will);ivea  reliiciant  vole  on  iic(  oiinl  of  i  lie  IthiirH."  At  last 
liin<-olii  >-ielde<l.  Illair  accepted  his  dlHiiiisHiil  ;r|.j|,«.f hHv,  hikI  pive 
Mr.  Lincoln  his  m(»st  earnest  support  in  the  campai);n. 

Tin*  September  and 
October  elections  set- 
tled beyond  (| nest  ion, 
the  result  of  the  Presi- 
d  e  n  t  i  a  1  contest.  In 
September  Maine  and 
Vermont  ptve  larp'ly 
increased  Republican 
majorities.  In  October 
Pennsylvania  char.;;ed 
her  representati<»n  in 
Congress  from  tw<'lve 
to  twelve  in  the  Thirty- 
eighth  to  fifteen  Re- 
publicans and  n  i  n  e 
Democrats  in  the  Thir 
ty-ninth.  Indiana 
passed  through  one  of 
the  most  exciting  cam- 
paigns in  its  history,  in 
which  Oovernor  Mor- 
ton made  a  nnigniflc<>nt 
canvass,  aided  by  ]>rominent  Republicans  from  nil  parts  of  the 
country.  He  was  r«»-elected  by  over  .'{(I.OIM)  majority.  Ohio,  which 
haul  sent  fourteen  Democrats  and  five  Republicans  to  Congress  in 
IS02,  now  chose  seventeen  Republicans  to  two  Democrats,  and  the 
I'nion  ticket  had  a  majority  of  54,754.  Maryland  gave  gr<*at  satis- 
faction to  the  entire  North  by  adopting  a  new  Constitution  abolish- 
ing slavery.     •  ' 

The  tide  from  this  until  the  November  election  was  resistless. 
In  that  election  McClellan  carried  the  three  States  <if  New  Jersey, 


OI-IVER  P.   MORTON. 


'I  i' 


V 


\ 


162 


HIHTOKYOFTIIK  1     PUUUrAN  PARTY. 


Ih'lawart'  iiimI  Ki'iitiuk.v,  with  Iwt'iit.voin'  ('l<><-t(iral  v<)t«*H,  while 
Lincoln  nMcivfd  tiM*  vitU'H  of  all  tin*  New  Kn^land  HtateH,  of  New 
York  and  I'ennH.vlvania,  vVeHt  \'ii-Kiniu.  Maryland,  TennenHee,  Louisi- 
ana and  Ai'knnHnH,  and  of  the  new  Htate  of  Nevada,  which  wan,  on 
the  .'Hut  of  ()<'toher  admitted  to  tlie  Union.  Their  electoral  ^  ote,  aH 
tinally  counted,  wuH  212.      The  popular  vote  was: 

f -incoln  and  JoluiMon 2,216,0«7 

Mc(Mellan  and  Tendlet  <  n 1,808,725 

Republican  nuijority .    407,342 

The  claim  Kiul  been  otcaHionall.v  made  that  the  DeniocrutH  con- 
tributed more  H,)l'Uerii  to  the  Union  arm!eH  than  the  RepiiMii-ans.  If 
thiB  had  been  .«'  the  vote  of  the  HoldierH  in  the  field  ougiii  io  have  be«'n 
larger  for  McOiellan,  the  "idol  of  the  HoldierH"  than  that  for  Lincoln. 
The  result  was  very  different  from  that.  Fourteen  of  the  »);ir«i»  had 
authorised  their  soldie"*  to  vote  in  the  field.  th<me  of  Nev-'  !>  ork 
sending  home  their  b;'i  ■  .^s  sealed  to  be  cast  by  their  next  friends. 
The  vote  of  the  Minnesttf;:  soldiers  did  not  reach  her  Btatf^  canvaswer  ' 
in  time  to  be  counted,  and  were  i)robably  destroyed  unopened.  Po 
with  itsn-l  of  the  Vermont  soldiers'  vote.  Of  the  states  u  lnose  f«ldierK 
voted  '•    tha*  their  ballots  can  be  distinguished,  the  nrnjy  vote  was 

returned  as  follows,  and  Lincoln's  majority  was  85,4(3.''.: 

'  .*;■ 

etottiiu,  Lincoln.     1    '        McClellan. 

••.iaiLe 4,174  ^  T41 

'Is^v    Hampshire 2,066  '  «ifr- v 

• '  ?rmont 245  49        , - 

lennsylvania.... 26,-712  12,459        '' 

Maryland 1,800             '  321     '^ 

Kentucky... 1,194  2,823    V? 

Ohio 41,146  9,767         ■ 

Michigan 9,402        >  2,059    v 

Iowa 15,170  1,364 

Wisconsin 11,372    >  2,458 

Kansas 2,867       v.  643 

California 2,600  237      , 

Total 1 19,754      » c  •    ^         34,291 

One  of  the  most  gratifying  results  of  the  election  was  the  defeat 
for  re-election  ab  Governor  of  New  York,  of  Horatio  Seymour,  who, 


I  r 


-.v 


M 


vot«'H,    while 

itl'H,   «f    N«'W 

?ii8ee,  LouIbI- 
hlcli  wai»,  on 
oral  ^  <»t«',  aH 


2,U16,0«7 

1,808,72R 


407,342 

MuocrntB  con- 
jubHiaiiB.  If 
I  to  have  be<*n 
,t  for  liinooln. 
he  plit^<•^«  had 
if  N<v'  vork 
next  friends, 
it*^  canvuBitier« 
nopened.  Pn 
ilkOBe  HoldlerK 
rniv  vote  was 


Mi^Clellan. 

741 

690 

40 

12,459 

321 

2,823 

0,757 

2,059 

1,364 

2,458 

643 

237 


34,291 


was  the  defeat 
Seymour,  who, 


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THE  LINCOLN  AND  JOHNSON  CAMPAIGN.  163 

88  President  of  the  Chicago  Convent  iou,  had  been  the  most  bitter 
in  his  assaults  on  Lincoln. 

During  the  following  period,  Congress  was  divided  politically  as 

follows: 

Thirty-ninth  Congress. 
Senate— Republicans,  42;  Democrats,  10. 
House — Republicans,  145;  Democrats,  46. 

Fortieth  Congress. 
Senate — Republij-ans,  42;  Democrats,  11. 
House — Republicans,  143;  Democrats,  49. 

The  vote  of  Michigan,  ns  cast  for  President  was:  Lincoln,  91,251; 
McClellan,  74,604,  a  majority  of  16,647.  The  Presidential  electors 
were  as  follows:  At  Large— Robert  R.  Beecher,  Thomas  D.  Gilbert. 
By  Districts— (1)  Frederick  Waldorf;  (2)  Marsh  Giddings;  (3)  Chris- 
tian E.  Berbach;  (4)  Perry  Hannah;  (5)  Omar  D.  Conger;  (6)  George 
W.  Pack. 

The  vote  for  Governor,  as  oflficially  returned,  was:  Henry  H. 
Crapo,  81,744;  William  M.  Fenton,  71,301;  Republican  majority, 
10,443.  In  this,  however,  the  vote  of  Alpena  and  Marquette  Counties 
was  omitted  because  it  was  returned  too  late  for  the  official  count, 
and  the  soldiers'  vote  was  thrown  out  under  a  Supreme  Court  decision. 
The  vote  as  cast  was  Crapo,  91,356;  Fenton,  74,293;  Crapo's  plurality, 
17,063.  The  Congressional  delegation  was  again  solidly  Republican 
and  consisted  of  the  following  members:  Fernando  C.  Beaman,  John 
F.  Driggs,  Thomas  W.  Ferry,  John  W.  Longyear,  Rowland  E.  Trow- 
bridge, Charles  Upson.  The  Legislature  chosen  at  this  time  elected 
Jacob  M.  Howard  United  States  Senator  for  the  full  term. 

To  Mr.  Lincoln  the  election  was  significant  and  gratifying  in 
many  ways.  On  the  evening  of  November  10  the  various  Lincoln  and 
Johnson  clubs  of  the  District  serenaded  the  President,  and  in  his 
acknowledgment  of  the  compliment  he  said: 

"It  has  long  been  a  grave  question  whether  our  Government,  not 
too  strong  for  the  liberties  of  the  people,  can  be  strong  enough  to 
maintain  its  existence  in  great  emergencies.  On  this  point  the 
present  rebellion  brought  our  Government  to  a  severe  test,  and  a 
presidential  election,  occurring  in  a  regular  course  during  the  rebel- 
lion, added  not  a  little  to  the  strain. 

"If  the  loyal  people  united  were  put  to  the  utmost  of  their 
strength  by  the  rebellion,  must  they  not  fail  when  divided  and  par- 
tially paralyzed   by  a  political   war   among  themselves?      But  the 


H.*]{Ol'\ii»l\m'ti>\»'a 


164  HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 

election  was  a  neceBsity.  We  rannot  have  free  >r„verniiient  without 
elections;  and  if  the  rebellion  could  force  us  to  forego  or  postpone  a 
National  election  it  might  fairly  claim  to  have  already  conquered 
and  ruined  us.  The  strife  of  the  election  is  but  human  nature,  prac- 
tically applied  to  the  facts  of  the  case.  What  has  occurred  in  this 
case  "  must  ever  recur  in  similar  cases.  Human  nature  will  not 
change.  In  any  future  great  National  trial,  compared  with  the  men 
of  this  we  will  have  men  as  weak  and  as  strong,  as  silly  and  as  wise, 
as  bad  and  as  good.  Let  us,  therefore,  study  the  incidents  of  this 
as  philosophy  to  learn  wisdom  from,  and  none  of  them  as  wrongs  to  be 
avenged.  <  _    _      _  _ 

•'But  the  election,  along  with  its  incidental  and  undesirable  strife, 
has  done  good,  too.  It  has  demonstrated  that  a  peoples  Government 
can  sustain  a  National  election  in  the  midst  of  a  great  civil  war. 
Until  now,  it  has  not  been  known  to  the  world  that  this  was  a  possi- 
bility It  shows,  also,  how  sound  and  how  strong  we  still  are.  It 
shows  that  even  among  the  candidates  of  the  same  party,  he  who  is 
most  devoted  to  the  Union,  and  most  opposed  to  treason,  «an  receive 
most  of  the  people's  votes.  It  shows,  also,  to  the  extent  yet  known, 
that  we  have  more  men  now  than  we  had  when  the  war  began.  (Jold 
is  good  in  its  place;  but  living,  bravt;  and  patriotic  men  are  better 

than  gold." 

Of  the  various  letters  of  congratulation  which  Mr.  Lincoln 
received  none  touched  him  more  than  those  which  came  from  the 
Christian  churches.  His  own  religious  feeling,  his  sense  of  reliance 
upon  Providence,  had  been  intensifying  for  some  time,  and  his 
responses  to  these  church  congratulations  give  full  expression  to  it. 


% 


-'■s^v-'"'" 't  ra«*?'*^  ''^. 


XIII. 
THE  THIRTEENTH  AMENDMENT. 

Important  Events  Attending  the  Close  of  President  Lincoln's  Admin- 
istration— Prominent  Members  in  the  House  of  the  Thirty-eighth 
Congress— The  Thirteenth  Amendment  Introduced  by  an  Old 
Demoorat--Its  Easy  Passage  in  the  Senate— Prolonged  Contest 
Over  the  Measure  in  the  House— Being  Defeated  Its  Parlia- 
mentary Standing  Was  Preserved  by  James  M.  Ashley— The 
Leading  Speakers  for  and  Against  It— The  President  and  Se<re- 
tary  Seward  Use  Their  Influence  In  Its  Favor— Pinal  Adoption 
of  the  Amendment.  t,  -  «         . 

The  period  from  Lincoln's  second  election  to  his  assassination 
was  fraught  witUmore  events  of  great  importance  than  any  other  five 
months  in  the  history  of  the  country.  It  witnessed  the  final  extinc- 
tion of  slavery  bv  the  adoption  of  the  Thirteenth  Amendment  to  the 
Constitution,  the  final  defeat  of  the  rebel  armies,  the  complete  collapse 
of  the  rebt  llion,  and  the  first  steps  toward  reconstruction. 

In  the  House  of  the  Thirty-eighth  Congress,  which  occupied  a 
large  amount  of  time  in  the  discussion  of  the  Thirteenth  Amndment, 
a  few  of  the  most  distinguished  members  of  former  Congresses  had 
disappeared,  among  them  E.  G.  Spaulding  and  Roscoe  Conkling,  of 
New  York,  and  Speaker  Galusha  A.  Grow,  of  Pennsylvania.  To  take 
their  places  there  appeared  an  unusually  large  number  of  new 
members  who  afterwards  attained  National  distinction,  including 
James  G.  Blaine,  of  Maine;  George  S.  Boutwell,  Samuel  Hooper  and 
William  B.  Washburn,  of  Massachusetts;  Thomas  A.  Jencks,  of  Rhode 
Island;  Charles  O'Neil  and  Glenni  W.  Schofield,  of  Pennsylvanm; 
John  A.  J.  Creswell  and  Henry  Winter  Davis,  of  Maryland;  Robert 
V.  Schenck,  of  Ohio;  William  B.  Allison,  John  A.  Kasson  and  James 
P.  Wilson,  of  Iowa.  Mr.  Grow's  retirement  gave  opportunity  for  the 
election  to  the  Speakership  of  Schuyler  (^olfax,  who  for  many  years 
after  this  was  among  the  most  conspicuous  figures  in  National  poli- 
tics.     A  number  of  the  new  members  made  their  first  Congressional 


tl 


r 


1U6 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 


speeches  of  any  importance  during  the  pendency  of  the  Thirteenth 
Amendment,  which  in  form  was  as  follows: 

Be  it  Resolved,  etc.,  That  the  following  Article  be  proposed  to 
the  Legislatures  of  the  several  states  as  an  Amendment  to  the  Consti- 
tution of  the  United  States,  which,  when  ratified  by  three-fourths  of 
said  Legislatures,  shall  be  valid,  to  all  intents  and  purposes,  as  a  part 
of  said  Constitution,  namely: 

Article  XIII. 

Section  I.  Neither  slavery  nor  involuntary  servitude,  except  as 
a  punishment  for  crime,  whereof  the  party  shall  have  been  duly  con- 
victed, shall  exist  within  the  United  States,  or  any  place  subject  to 
their  jurisdiction. 

Sec.  II.  Congress  shall  have  power  to  enforce  this  Article  by 
appropriate  legislation. 

It  is  a  striking  comment  on  the  changes  which  the  war  had 
brought  in  individual  and  party  politics,  that  this  Amendment  should 
be  introduced  in  the  Senate,  not  by  one  of  the  old  Abolition  or  Free 
Soil  Senators,  but  by  an  old  Douglas  Democrat  from  a  Slave  State. 
Gen.  John  B.  Henderson  had  been  appointed  a  Senator  from  Missouri 
in  January,  1862,  after  Trusten  Polk  was  expelled  for  joining  in  the 
Secession  movement.  He  was  a  Douglas  Democrat  up  to  the  close 
of  the  campaign  of  1860,  but  when  the  Secession  movement  began  to 
take  form,  he  became  one  of  the  most  active  Unionists  in  the  State, 
and  was  of  great  service  in  frustrating  the  schemes  of  the  Secession- 
ists. In  the  Senate  he  acted  with  the  Republicans,  except  on  what 
lie  considered  as  extreme  measures.  The  Confiscation  Act  of  1862, 
for  instance,  he  opposed,  because  it  would  "cement  the  Southern  mind 
against  us,  and  drive  new  armies  of  excited  and  deluded  men  from 
the  border  states  to  espouse  the  cause  of  the  rebellion,"  but  he  earn- 
estly supported  Mr.  Lincoln's  Compensated  Emancipation  policy,  and 
labored  strenuously  to  secure  the  passage  of  the  Missouri  Compensa- 
tion Bill.  With  the  failure  of  half  way  measures  his  Anti-Slavery 
sentiments  grew,  and  he  finally  became  a  fit  leader  in  the  Senate  of 
the  movement  for  securing  the  complete  abolition  of  slavery. 

The  Amendment  had  an  easy  road  in  that  body.  After  its  intro- 
duction it  took  the  usual  course  of  reference  to  the  Judiciary  Commit- 
tee, which  reported  it  favorably,  and  it  passed  by  a  vote  of  38  to  6, 
as  follows : 

ITeas — Fessenden  and  Morrill,  of  Maine;  Clark  and  Hale,  of  New 
Hampshire;  Sumner  and  Wilson,  of  Massachusetts;  Anthony  and 
Sprague,  of  Rhode  Island;  Dixon  and  Foster,  of  Connecticut;  Colla- 
mer  and  Foot,  of  Vermont;  Harris  and  Morgan,  of  New  York;  Ten 


-.'/ 


THE  THIRTEENTH  AMENHMENT. 


Uil 


Thirteenth 


i  Article  by 


E.Vi'k,  of  New  JerHe.v;  Cowan,  of  PennHylvania;  Kev<M'(l.v  Johnson,  of 
Maryhind;  Van  Winlile  and  Willey,  of  West  Vii-Kinia;  Hhernian  and 
Wade,  of  Ohio;  Lane,  of  Indiana;  TrunibntI,  of  IllinoiH;  Brown  and 
Henderson,  of  Misgouri;  Cliandler  and  Howard,  of  Michij^an;  GrinieH 
and  Harlan,  of  Iowa;  Doolittle  and  Howe,  of  WiMconHin;  KaniHey  and 
Wilkinson,  of  Minnesota;  Lane  and  Ponieroy,  of  Kansas;  Harding  and 
Nesniith,  of  Oregon;  Conners,  of  California — US. 

Nays — Riddle  and  Ranlsbnry,  of  Delaware;  l>avis  and  Powell,  of 
Kentucky;  Hendricks,  of  Indiana;  McDougall,  of  California — 6. 

Not  Voting — Bucka- 
lew,  of    Pennsylvania;  - 

Wright,  of  New  Jer- 
sey; Hicks,  of  Mary- 
land; Bawden  and  Car- 
lisle,  of  Kentucky ; 
Richardson,  of  Illinois. 

The  nays  and  those 
not  voting  were  all 
Democrats.  The  yeas 
were  all  Republicans 
except  Reverdy'  John- 
son, of  Maryland,  and 
Nesmith,  of  Oregon. 

In  looking  over  the 
list  of  yeas  one  cannot 
help  being  struck  with 
the  very  large  number 
of  names  of  men  of  ~ 
prominence.  The  war 
and  the  legislation  at- 
tending it,  furnished  a 

school  for  great  men.  There  is  hardly  one  in  the  list  who  was  not 
known,  the  country  over,  at  the  time,  and  many  of  them  achieved 
enduring  fame.  It  was  so  certain  that  the  Amendment  would  pass 
the  Senate,  that  it  was  not  considered  necessary  to  spend  much  time 
in  debating  the  measure,  and  there  was  less  oratory  over  it  than  is 
sometimes  indulged  in  over  a  very  trifling  measure. 

Of  the  nays,  Riddle  and  Saulsbury,  of  Delaware,  simply  repre- 
sented intense  conservatism.  Their  State  was  still  nominally  a 
Slave  State,  and  they  clung  tenaciously  to  the  institution,  and  thought 


OALUSHA  A.  GROW. 


:.  -•«.*?^.^--4.Yi-^rtlfl_ .'  :>*^" 


KiS 


IIIHTOUY  OF  tup:  UKIMIU.ICAN  I'AKTV. 


fc 


the  Tiiion  could  not  be  prewrvi'd  without  it.  When  tlie  vote  on  the 
Anu'ndnirnt  whb  announred,  Hautsbun  said:  "I  bid  farewell  to  all 
hoi>e  of  reconwt ruction  of  the  Tnion."  Hendrickn,  of  Indiana,  o)>poHed 
the  Amendment  and  objected  to  an.v  interference  with  slavery,  becauMe 
tin*  eleven  wtateH  in  rebellion  were  not  represented  in  CongregH. 
McDougall  succeeded  in  the  Senate,  William  M.  (rwin,  tht>  rabid  HeceK- 
Hion  leader  of  California,  lie  entered  the  Henate  an  a  War  Democrat, 
but  soon  fell  ba<k  into  the  rankH  of  the  regular  (•<»n»ervative  Denioc- 
ra<'.v.  The  only  really  rampant  Southern  H.vmpathi/.er  anions  the  six 
i.  •   t  nays    was     (Jarrett 

Davis,  an  old  Ken- 
tucky Whif?.  When  the 
bill  abolishing  slavery 
in  the  District  of 
Columbia  was  before 
Congress  in  1802,  he 
wanted  it  amended  so 
as  to  provide  for  coloni- 
zation beyond  the  lim- 
its of  the  Ignited  States, 
on  the  ground  that  the 
residence  of  liberated 
slaves  among  the 
whites  would  result  in 
a  war  of  races.  When 
Gen.  Henderson's  reso- 
lution was  introduced 
he  moved  an  irrelevant 
amendment,  excluding 
a  1 1  descendants  of 
negroes,  on  the  mater- 
nal side,  from  all  places  of  office  and  trust  under  the  Ciovernment  of 
the  United  States.  His  hostility  to  the  strongest  Anti-Slavery 
section  of  the  country  was  so  great  that  he  proposed  a  consolidation 
of  the  six  New  England  States  into  two  States,  to  be  called  East  New 
England  and  West  New  England.  He  was  one  of  the  extremest, 
as  he  was  one  of  tlie  last,  of  the  irreconcilables. 

The  amendment  did  not  fare  so  well  in  tlie  House.      It  was  intro 
duced  here,  December  14,  1803,  by  James  M.  Ashley,  of  Ohio,  who 
afterwards   became  famous   as   the  prime   mover  in   the   effort   to 


JAMES  M.  ASULEY. 


TIIK  THIRTKKNTII   AMENPMENT. 


10» 


vote  on  tile 
ewell  to  nil 
nil,  oppoHi'd 

T.V,  bocHUHC 

1  CoiigresH. 

abid  Hect'rt- 

Deiiiocrat, 

tive  Deiuo<*- 

long  the  six 

H     (lurrett 

old     Ken- 

:.   \Vlu*n  the 

liiij;  Hlavery 

District     of 

was    before 

n    18(52,    he 

amended  so 

le  for  coloni- 

)nd  the  lim- 

nited  States, 

II nd  that  the 

of   liberated 

among    the 

iild  result  in 

Lces.      When 

erson's  reso- 

i    introduced 

m  irrelevant 

t,    excluding 

endants      of 

n  the  mater- 

overnmeht  o* 

Anti-Slavery 

:'onsolidation 

ed  East  New 

le  extremest, 

It  was  Intro 
)f  Ohio,  who 
he  effort  to 


impeach  President  Johnson.  Ashley  was  iis  ardent  an  Anti-Hlavery 
man  as  that  other  ramons  Ohioaii,  Joshua  H.  (iiddings  had  been 
before  him.  He  was  a  forcible  spealier,  supported  his  iH'solulion 
with  tfvvat  earnestness,  and  was  persistent  in  its  advocacy,  although 
it  was  evident  that  the  House  was  not  favcu-able  to  its  adoption.  It 
was  referred  to  the  Judiciary  Commit (ee  and  there  remained  in 
re|M)se.  A  second  resolution  of  like  ]>urport  was  introduced  by 
Isaac  N.  Arnold,  of  Illinois.  Mr.  Holnian,  of  Indiana,  who  had 
already  earned  the  title  of  the  great  objector,  had  objected  to  the 
second  reading  of  31  r.  Ashley's  resolution,  but  was  overruled.  He 
now  took  another  form  of  obstruction,  and  moved  to  lay  Mr.  Arnold's* 
resolution  on  the  table.  This  was  negatived  by  a  vote  of  7!)  to  5S. 
Ab  it  requires  a  two-thirds  vote  to  adopt  a  Constitutional  Amend- 
ment, this  vote  was  not  encouraging,  and  the  resolution  was  not 
further  pressed. 

When  the  Senate  resolution  reached  the  House  its  reception  was 
even  more  discouraging.  Mr.  Holnian  objected  to  its  second  reading, 
but  was  overruled,  and  the  measure  remained  before  the  House  for 
consideration.  The  first  test  vote  showed  7(»  members  in  favor  of  the 
measure,  while  it  would  take  110  to  pass  it.  In  the  discussion  which 
followed  the  prhicipal  speakers  in  the  opposition  were  Fernando 
Wood,  Samuel  J.  Randall,  (Jeorge  H.  IVndleton  and  Robert  Mallory. 
The  latter,  a  Kentucky  Whig,  not  only  opjiosed  this  measure,  but 
insisted  that  the  Emancipation  I'roclamation  did  not  represent  Presi- 
dent Lincoln's  best  judgment,  but  was  for<*ed  upon  him  by  the  War 
< Governors  who  had  met  in  Altoona  in  1862.  Fernand«>  Wood  was 
naturally  hostile  to  this  measure.  He  represented  the  New  York 
City  Democracy,  and  cultivated  the  favor  of  the  mob,  who  had  been 
educated  into  hostility  to  nearly  everything  that  was  favored  by  the 
I'nion  side,  during  the  war.  Randall,  who  afterwards  became  one 
of  the  voat  broad-minded  of  the  Democrats  in  the  House,  entertained 
the  fe.  ;>'  that  possessed  many  of  the  young  men  at  that  time,  that  the 
abolition  of  slavery  was  the  forerunner  of  all  sorts  of  usurpations. 
Pendleton  took  the  ground  that,  as  then  constituted,  the  Union  had 
no  power  to  abolish  slavery. 

The  principal  speakers  in  favor  of  the  amendment  were  Daniel 
Morris,  of  New  York;  E.  ih  Ingersoll,  of  Illinois,  and  George  S.  Uout- 
well,  of  Massachusetts.  It  seems  extraordinary  that  the  older 
members  of  the  House  should  have  left  the  consideration  of  this 
important  measure  entirely  to  new  men.      The  hopelessness  of  the 


1 


:~:^r^- 


170 


HIHTOUY  OF  THE  KKITHLU'AN  TAKTY. 


■  :V;-. 


ciiMC  may  have  bi>en  one  reuBun.  A4  an.v  rate  the  8liiKKiHl>>>*'M>*  <>' 
the  debate,  on  thiH  ot-caHion,  was  in  marked  contraHt  to  itH  earneitt- 
neMH,  when  the  Hnbject  again  came  up  in  the  Hame  IIoiiHe,  a  year 
later. 

The  vote,  when  taken,  gave  *Xi  yvan  to  (»4  na.vH,  100  votes  being 
.,  required  to  [mmm  it.  Mr.  AHhle.v,  who  kept  careful  watch  of  the 
meaHure  at  every  Htape,  and  who  had  voted  no  for  that  puriMnw', 
moved  to  reconHider  and  thuf)  preHerved  the  parliamentary  HtatUH  of 
the  meaHure.  He  also  announced  that  when  CongreflH  met  again, 
in  I>e(>ember,  1H(>4,  he  Hhould  presH  the  reHolutiou,  and  exp«>ctcd  that 
it  would  be  adopted.  ^       ^  "  *••  •  ^*^' 

President  Lincoln  earnently  desired  the  ado]>tion  of  tills  Amend- 
ment. He  thought  it  essential  to  the  safe  reconstruction  and  jierpe- 
tnity  of  the  I'niou,  and  he  found  in  jt  also  a  vindication  of  his 
judgment  in  issuing  the  Eniancipati<m  Proclamation.  He  person- 
ally urged  his  views  upon  Members  of  Congress  who  were  friendly  to 
him,  and  in  liis  annual  message  to  Congi-ess,  De'-ember  0,  1864,  be 
'/  said: 

r^.'  "At  the  last  session  of  Congress,  a  projjosed  Amendment  of  the 
C%)nstitution,  abolishing  slavery  thrtmghout  the  T^nited  States, 
passed  the  Senate,  but  failed  for  lack  of  the  requisite  two-thirds  vot«> 
in  the  House  of  Representatives.  Although  the  present  is  the  same 
Congress,  and  nearly  the  same  members,  and  without  questioning  the 
wisdom  or  patriotism  of  those  who  stood  in  opposition,  I 
venture  to  recommend  the  reconsideration  and  passage  of 
the  measure  at  the  present  session.  Of  course  the  abstract 
question  is  not  changed,  but  au  intervening  election  shows 
almost  certainly  that  the  next  Congress  will  pass  the  measure,  if 
this  does  not.  Hence  there  is  only  a  question  of  time  as  to  when 
the  proposed  Amendment  will  go  to  the  states  for  their  action,  and 
as  it  is  to  go  at  all  events,  may  we  not  agree  that  the  sooner  the 
better?  It  is  not  claimed  that  the  election  has  imposed  a  duty  on 
members  to  change  their  views  or  their  votes  any  further  than  as  an 
additional  element  to  be  considered.  Their  judgment  may  be  affected 
by  it.  It  is  the  voice  of  the  people,  now,  for  the  tlrst  time,  heard 
on  the  question.  In  a  great  National  crisis,  like  ours,  unanimity  of 
action  among  those  seeking  a  common  end  is  very  desirable,  almost 
indispensable;  and  yet  no  ap)>roach  to  such  unanimity  is  attainable 
unless  some  deference  shall  be  paid  to  the  will  of  the  majority. 
In  this  case  the  common  end  is  the  maintenance  of  the  Union,  and 


kIhIiiichm  of 

tH  earneHt- 

II  He,  a  yeai* 

iitvh  of  tin* 
at  piii'iMttM', 
y  HtatiiH  of 
iiK't  aKaiii, 
pectc'd  that 

\\i'\H  Aiiieud- 
I  and  perp* - 
ition  of   hi« 

He  pei'Boii- 
»  friendly  to 

n,  1864,  he 

Iment  of  the 
ited  Btates. 
[)-thii'dH  vote 

id  the  same 

stioning  the 
pposition,     1 

passage  of 
he  abutract 
?tioD    shows 

measure,  if 

>  us  to  when 
*  action,  and 
e  sooner  the 
^d  a  duty  on 
r  than  as  an 
y  be  affected 

time,  heard 
unanimity  of 
'able,  almost 
is  attainable 
be   majority. 

>  Union,  and 


TIIK  TmUTKKNTII    AMENDMENT. 


171 


anioitg  the  nieiiiiH  lo  Henire  that  end,  hik-Ii  will,  tliroiigh  the  ele<  tion. 
is  moHt  clearly  declared  in  favor  of  hiicIi  ConHtitulional  Amend- 
ment." 

Mr.  Keward  had  added  his  intliience  to  that  of  th(>  PreHident  in 
behalf  of  a  meawnre  which  he  conHidered  "worth  an  army." 

With  this  new  support  for  the  resolution  Mr.  Ashley  called  it  up 
on  tli«>  (Uh  <»f  .lanuary,  IHti.*).      He  opened  the  del>ate  with  a  forcible 
Kpeech,  but  after  that  conHned  his  etrorts  mostly  to  perH(»nal  work 
among  the  members,  laboring  chiefly  with  th(>  Democrats.       When 
this  (\mgress  was  llrst  elected  it  consisted  of  10:<  Republicans  and  8<'l 
Democrats,  and  but  few  changes  had  lieen  nuide  after  that,  so  that 
the  Republicans  alone  could  not  carry  any  measure  requiring  a  tw(» 
thirds  vote.      The  task  of  securing  the  necessary  number  of  Demo- 
crats, by  any  amount  of  persuasion,  would  have  been  hopeless  a  year 
earlier,  but  circumstances  had  changed  greatly  in  twelve  months. 
The  end  of  the  rebellion  was  apparently  near,  for  one  thing,  and 
there  were  a  few  Northern  Demoj-rats  in  the  House  who  had  always 
been  in  favor  of  jiutting  down  the  rebellion,  who  did  not  agree  with 
the  Republicans  on  the  slavery  question,  but  who  did  now  recognize 
the  fact  that  the  passage  of  this  Amendment  would  strike  the  dead- 
liest blow  to  the"  Southern  cause.      The  utterances  of  the  nu)st  vio- 
lent Houthern  leaders  aided  in  )>romoting  this  view.    JetTerson  Davis 
wrote  to  (lovernor  Vance,  of  North  Carolina,  a  few  months  before: 
"We  are  not  fighting  for  slavery,  we  are  lighting  for  independence; 
and  that,  or  extermination,  we  will  have."      The  natural  inference  . 
was  that  if  the  South  was  not  fighting  for  slavery  there  was  no  reason 
why  the  North  should  continue  it  in  order  to  pacify  the  South.     The 
whole  attitude  of  the  Secession  leaders  was  such  as  to  finally  con- 
vince   observing    Nortliern    men    that    further    compromises    and 
concessions  on  the  slavery  question  were  useless.       That  was  no 
longer  the  main  question  in  issue.      The  first  Democrats  to  speak  in 
favor  of  the  Amendment  were  Odell,  of  New  York,  and  Yeaman,  of  '; 
Kentucky.      In  order  to  rally  the  Democrats  against  it,  Mr.  Pendle-  j 
ton,  the  leader  of  the  minority,  spoke,  three  days  later.      He  put  the  % 
issue  squarely,  not  on  the  wisdom  or  expediency  of  the  Amendment.    ' 
but  on  the  power  to   amend,  which    he  denied.      He    held  that  the 
power  to  amend  was  limited  in  two  ways:    (1)  by  the  letter;  (2)  by  ',^ 
the  spirit,  sc'oih'  and  intent  of  the  Constitution.      It  was  a  Question  . 
of  compact.      One  State,  the  smallest,  Rhode  Island,  could  of  right 
resist  such  an  Amendment  by  force. 


■;.wa 


Bl^.-.-wr*"'- 


17-' 


INHToltV  OFTMK  KKIM  IMilCAN  TAKTY. 


This  ('XtrtMiH'  groiiiHl  railed  out  a  iiiiiiiImt  of  Ioiik  hikI  hoiiu'- 
tiiiicM  tcdioiiH  arKiiiiii'iitH  fnMii  .vonii^  U«>piihli<>aiiH  wlio  wim'c  inakiiiK 
tli<>ir  tii-Ht  Htaiul  for  a  reputation,  liut  tlie  tcdiouHueHH  of  tlio  debatt' 
wan  relii'Vfd  h.v  the  diverMiouH  of  H.  H.  Cox,  of  Oliio.  Mr.  <'ox  wuh 
reall.v  a  due  ('oiiHtitutioiial  law.ver,  hut  he  often  rhoHe  to  take  the 
role  of  the  uixi-tt.v,  and  he  had  a  |>arti«-ular  fane,v  for  HtinKin){  men 
who  aHHUined  leaderHhip.  One  <if  hiit  ftrHt  utterancen  on  tliiH 
ipieHtion  wuh:  "The  part,v  to  which  I  belong  Iov(>h  the  I'nion  mh 
dearlv  aH  the  Houth  l<»veH  nlaver.v.  If  they  can  let  Hiaver.v  k«>  '"•' 
independence,  the  Democracy  can  let  it  ^^o  for  the  Hake  of  the 
I'nion."  Mr.  Cox'h  logical  action  after  mucIi  an  utterance  would 
have  been  to  vote  for  tlie  Amendment,  tliout;h  he  did  not.  HIh  j 
adroit  wu.v  of  Mtatini;  the  caHe  at  iHHue,  and  at  the  Hame  time  of 
enlivening  the  debate,  and  of  Htirring  up  hiH  oppoikentH  wuh  illuH- 
trated  by  thiH  patiHage  in  one  of  hiM  Hpeeches:  "It  wan  with  Home 
aniUHement  tluit  I  lintened  to  my  two  rolleaKHCM  iMeHHrH.  Pendleton 
and  AHhIey)  yenterday.  How  adroitly  the  Democratic  member 
HouKlit  to  catch  the  Republican.  How  he  plied  him  to  admit  the 
power  to  4>HtabliHh  nlavery!  How  nhrewdly  my  colleague  on  the 
other  Hide  evaded  I  On  the  other  hand,  memberH  on  the  other  Hide 
Hciupht  to  entangle  my  colleague  (Mr.  Tendlc'tcml  with  nome  of  hin 
former  voteH!  How  both  evaded  the  innueH  prenented  in  their 
former  poHitiouK!  While  the  humbler  member,  who  now  addreHBes 
you,  sat  complacently  conniHtent  amid  the  melodramatic-  perform- 
ance, ready  to  admit  the  power  to  change  the  fundamental  law  in 
,  unlimited,  under  the  guardn  and  moden  preHcribed,  even  to  the  entab- 
•  linhnient  of  Blavery  or  a  monarchy,  of  entiit»  freedom  or  entire 
democracy.  Both  of  my  friends  deny  this  an  extreme  and  heterodox; 
the  one  becauHe  he  would  have  nothing  but  limited  republicaninni 
UH  the  form  of  Government — that  iH  my  Democratic  colleague;  the 
other  becaune  he  would  have  nothing  but  Hweeping  democracy  aH 
the  basin  of  our  ConstltHtion— that  in  my  Re]>ublican  colleague,  who  •' 
in  HO  democratic.  The  wiHhen  of  each  color  their  present  urgunientH 
an  to  the  power.  When  slavery  in  to  be  guaranteed,  my  colleague  frcmi  i« 
Cincinnati  believes,  with  me,  in  the  power  to  amend,  and  my  colleague 
from  Toledo  denies  it.  When  it  ih  to  be  abolished,  my  colleague 
from  Toledo  believes,  with  me,  in  the  power  to  amend,  and  my 
colleague  from  Cincinnati  deni<>H  it.  Both  deny  the  power  when 
slavery  is  to  be  affected,  and  both  admit  it  when  slavery  is  not  to  be 
atfected.  I  have  them  both  on  either  side,  and  each  on  both  sides,  i 
and  both  with  me."  , 


'i^-Jz*^ 


TIIK  THIItTKKNTII    AMKNhMKNT. 


17:» 


II nd  Hoiiic- 
(•!'<•  iiiakiiiK 
till'  (leha(«> 
r.  Cox  wiiM 
to  takt'  till? 
iiittiiiK  men 
K  on  tlllH 
'  riiioii  iiM 

VIM'.V   ffO   fof 

Mike  of    the 

an<-e  would 

not.       HiH 

aiiie  time  of 

H   waH    illUH- 

H  with  Home 

H.  Pendleton 

itii-  member 

o  admit  the 

ague  on  the 

le  other  Hid** 

Home  of  IiIh 

ted  in    their 

»w  addresseH 

itic  perform- 

lental  law  ih 

to  the  estab- 

ini  Of    entire 

id  heterodox; 

eiMibUeaniHiii 

[)1  league;  the 

leniocrae.v  an 

dieague,  who 

it  argunientM 

d  league  from 

m.v  colleague 

ny  colleague 

end,  and  my 

power  when 

r  IB  not  to  be 

D  both  Bides, 


The  power  to  nmeiid  wiih  the  t|iieHlioii  upon  which  the  roiiMlitu- 
tioiuil  part  of  the  debate  tliially  liinied,  and  IIiIh  had  Ikm'Ii  tlrnt 
brought  ill  iHHiie,  in  the  broadcHt  teriiiH,  bv  Mr.  Cox,  two  da,VH  before 
Mr.  Pendleton  made  liin  argument.  Mr.  Cox  had  then  Hiii«l:  ''I 
curr.Y  the  Democratic  doctrine  to  hiicIi  an  extent  thai  1  iiiiiintain, 
that  the  people  Hpeiiking  through  three  fourtliH  of  the  HtatcH,  in  piir- 
Hiiance  of  the  mode  prencribed  by  the  CotiHlilution,  have  the  rigiit 
to  amend  it  in  ever.v  particular,  except  the  two  Hpecitled  in  that 
iiiHtrumeiit;  that  thin  indiideH  the  right  to  erect  a  monarchy;  to  make, 
if  you  pleiiHe,  the  King  of  DahtMiiey  our  King."  lie  |)ointed  out  that 
thiH  power  over  the  CoiiHtitution  wiih  conceded  by  MadiHon  and  by 
Calhoun,  and  that  it  waH  the  power  invoked  by  the  Peace  Confer- 
I'Uce  of  1S(»I,  and  by  the  Crittenden  CompromiHe. 

Mr.  Houlwell  argued  that  the  pow(<r  to  amend  waH  limited  <»nly 
by  the  preamble,  while  Mr.  Thayer,  of  IVniiHylvania,  aiul  Mr.  Duwi^h, 
of  MaHHachiiHettH,  agreed  that  there  were  almolutely  no  limitatioiiH; 
that  threefoiirtliH  of  the  KtatcH  could  alter  the  preamble,  an  well  as 
any  other  part  of  the  iiiHlrunient. 

When  the  debate  wan  over,  there  was  very  little  left  of  the 
theory  advanced  by  Mr.  Pendleton.  The  only  (|ueHtion  remaining 
waH  whether  there  were  enough  Democrats  who  would  follow  their 
real  convictionn  to  give  the  neceHHary  two-thirdn.  The  time  of 
voting  was  flxed  at  4  p.  ni.  January  '.11,  and  in  anticipation  of  the 
event,  there  waH  great  excitement  on  the  floor,  and  in  the  galleries, 
which  were  tilled.  Mont  of  the  membern  kept  tally  on  the  vote, 
which  had  a  few  disappointmentn.  Eight  Democrats  were  absent,  and 
act  they  were  all  unpaired,  the  inference  was  that  they  were  unwilling 
to  vote  against  the  amendment,  and  not  quite  ready  to  vote  for  it. 
Mr.  Cox  gave  the  House  a  surprine  and  the  friends  of  the  measure  a 
disappointment.  He  had  a  speech  prepared  explaining  his  vote  in 
favor  of  the  measure,  and  then  voted  against  it.  The  explanation, 
afterward «  given,  was  that  he  learned,  after  he  reached  the  floor  of 
the  House,  that  the  Peace  Commissioners  were  on  their  way  to 
Washington,  and  he  thought  that  the  Amendment  would  prove  an 
obstacle  to  |)eace  and  union.  The  following  Democrats,  fourteen  in 
number,  voted  for  it:  James  E.  English,  of  Connecticut;  Anson 
Herrick,  William  Radford,  Homer  A.  Nelson,  John  B.  Steele  and 
John  Ganson,  of  New  York;  Joseph  Bailey,  A.  H.  Caffroth  and  Archi- 
bald McAllister,  of  Pennsylvania;  Wells  A.  Hutchins,  of  Ohio; 
Augustus  C.  Baldwin,  of  Michigan;  J.  S.  Itollins  and  King,  of  Mis 
Houri,  and  Wheeler,  of  Wisconsin.  : 


i  ■'■'; 


tw 


HISTORY  OP  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY, 


The  Ainendment  was  adopted,  119  yeas  to  56  nays,  seven  more 
than  the  necessary  two-thirds.  There  was  great  applause  in  the 
galleries,  and  many  tongratulations  on  the  floor.  When  order  was 
restored  Mr.  Ingersoll,  of  Illinois,  said:  "Mr.  Speaker,  in  honor  of 
this  immortal  and  sublime  event,  I  move  that  the  House  do  now 
adjourn."  So  far  as  Congress  was  concerned,  the  final  act  for 
obliterating  the  institution  which  had  been  the  cause  of  contention 
for  four  score  years,  was  consummated. 

Other  measures  at  this  session  of  Congress  may  be  briefly  men- 
tioned. Early  in  the  session  E.  B.  Washburne,  of  Illinois,  intro- 
duced a  bill  to  revive  the  rank  of  Lieutenant  General.  Mr. 
Washburne  was  a  resident  of  the  same  town  as  General  Grant,  was 
instrumental  in  securing  his  first  appointment  in  the  army,  and  it 
was  considered  certain  that  the  passage  of  this  bill  meant  the 
appointment  of  General  Grant  to  the  position.  It  was  strongly 
opposed  by  Generals  Scljenck  and  Garfield,  but  was  adopted. 

The  bill  establishing  the  Preedmen's  Bureau  was  one  of  the 
measures  that  belong  to  the  latter  part  of  this  session.  The  House 
also  passed  a  bill  repealing  so  much  of  the  Confiscation  Act,  passed 
July  17,  1862,  as  prohibited  the  forfeiture  of  the  real  estate  of  rebels 
beyond  their  natural  lives.  The  Senate  failed  to  take  similar 
action,  and  the  law  remained  unchanged.  It  ceased  to  be  a  matter 
of  any  importance  before  the  next  Congress  met. 

A  further  reminder  of  the  changes  that  a  few  years  had  wrought 
came  in  the  death  of  Chief  Justice  Taney,  of  the  Supreme  Court,  and 
the  appointment  in  his  place,  of  Salmon  P.  Chase,  ex-Secretary  of  the 
Treasury.  One  of  the  most  extreme  upholders  of  the  right  of  slave- 
holding  had  given  place  to  one  of  the  earliest  Anti-Slavery  leaders. 


iMfflii^--''  — ■ 


»tf>'i;;riMiiiiiiiiiiiiitii">iiiiiiir-- 


seven  more 
luse  in  the 
I  order  was 
in  honor  of 
186  do  now 
aal  act  for 
'  contention 

briefly  men- 
inois,  intro- 
aeral.      Mr. 

Grant,  was 
rmy,  and  it 

meant  the 
ras  strongly 
pted. 

one  of  the 

The  House 

Act,  passed 

ate  of  rebels 

ake    similar 

be  a  matter 

bad  wrought 
e  Court,  and 
retary  of  the 
ght  of  slave- 
ry leaders. 


■Il^l 


XIV. 
THE  END  OF  THE  WAR. 
Futile  Attempts  at  Negotiation— President  Lincoln's  Ultimatum-  - 
Southerners  Still  Seek    Recognition  of    the  Confederacy— Mis- 
sion  of    Francis   P.   Blair-Jefferson    Davis   Appoints   Peace 
Commissioners— President  Lincoln    Visits    Fortress    Monroe— 
The  Overtures  Rejected— War  Meeting  at  Richmond— Report  of 
Conspiracy  Among  Democratic  Generals— Successes  of  Sherman. 
Sheridan  and  Grant— The  Evacuation  of  Richmond— Lincoln's 
Visit  to  that  City— His  Greeting  by  the  Colored  People— Sur- 
render   of    Lee— Assassination    of    the    President— Sherman's 
Terms  with  Johnston— Disbandment  of  the  Armies. 
While  Congress  was  making  an  end  of  slavery,  which  was  the 
cause  of  the  war"  the  war  itself  was  rapidly  nearing  its  close.    But 
before  the  end  came  by  force  of  arms,  there  were  futile  attempts  at 
negotiation.    In  his  last  message  to  Congress  the  President  had  said: 
"In  presenting  the  abandonment  of  armed  resistance  to  the 
national  authority,  on  the  part  of  the  insurgents,  as  the  only  indis- 
pensable condition  to  ending  the  war  on  the  part  of  the  Government, 
I  retract  nothing  I  have  heretofore  said  as  to  slavery.    I  repeat  the 
declaration  made  a  year  ago,  that  'while  I  remain  in  my  present  posi- 
tion I  shall  not  attempt  to  retract  or  modify  the  Emancipation 
Proclamation;  nor  shall  I  return  to  slavery  any  person  who  is  free 
by  the  terms  of  that  Proclamation,  or  by  the  Acts  of  Congress.     If 
the  people  should,  by  whatever  mode  or  means,  make  it  an  executive 
duty  to  re-enslave  such  persons,  another  and  not  I  must  be  their 
instrument   to   perform   it.      In   stating   a  condition   of   peace,    I 
mean  simply  to  say  that  the  war  will  cease  on  the  part  of  the  Govern- 
ment, whenever  it  shall  have  ceased  on  the  part  of  those  who 

began  it." 

Notwithstanding  this,  and  other  expressions  of  the  President  h 
purposes  in  the  matter,  members  of  the  Rebel  Government  still 
deluded  themselves  with  the  belief,  that  in  some  way,  peace  might 


r 


r^.-r.s 


176 


HISTORY  OP  THE  REPUIILICAN  PARTY. 


f 


be  had  with  a  recognition  of  the  Confederney.  In  negotiations  and 
t'orrespondence  wlii<-h  followed,  there  whh  constant  fencing  on  this 
points  Thus,  in  January,  Francis  I'.  Rlair  went  to  Richmond  to 
induce  Jefferson  Ha  vis  to  send,  or  ret-eive,  commissioners  to  treat  for 
jieace.  He  returned  to  Washington  January  Ifi,  bringing  with  him  a 
written  assurance,  addressed  to  himself,  from  Jefferson  Davis,  of  his 
willingness  to  enter  into  negotiations  for  peace,  to  rei-eive  a' commis- 
sioner whenever  one  should  be  sent,  and  of  his  readiness  to  appoint 
such  a  commissioner,  minister,  or  other  agent,  and  thus  ''render  the 
effort  to  enter  into  a  conferen<e,  with  a  view  to  secure  peace  between 
the  two  countries."  Mr.  Blair  presented  this  letter  to  President 
Lincoln,  who  at  once  authorized  him  to  return  to  Richmond,  carrying 
with  him  his  written  assurance  that  he  had  constantly  been,  was 
then,  and  should  continue  to  be,  "ready  to  receive  any  agent  whom 
Mr.  Davis,  or  any  other  person  now  resisting  the  national  authority, 
may  inforniall}'  send  me,  with  a  view  of  se<'uring  jwrnce  to  the  people 
of  our  common  Country." 

Notwithstanding  this  emphasized  difference  on  the  essential 
point,  Mr.  Davis  appointed  as  pea<*e  commissioners  Alexander  H. 
Stephens,  R.  M.  T.  Hunter  and  J.  A.  Campbell,  who  proceeded  to 
Fortress  Monroe,  where  Secretary  Seward  met  them,  under  instruc- 
tions to  insist  u]K)n  three  things  as  indispensable  (1)  The  restoration 
of  the  national  authority  throughout  all  the  states,  (2)  No  receding, 
from  the  position  of  the  National  Executive  on  the  subject  of  slavery, 
(3)  No  cessation  of  hostilities  short  of  an  end  of  the  war  and  the  dis- 
banding of  the  forces  hostile  to  the  Government.  Cpon  this  basis 
Mr.  Seward  was  to  hear  what  the  Commissioners  had  to  say,  and 
report  to  the  President,  but  he  was  to  consummate  nothing.  With 
this  as  a  starting  point,  negotiations  continued  for  several  days,  the 
I'resident  himself  visiting  Fortress  Monroe  at  one  time  to  take  part 
in  them.  They  were  of  no  use,  except  as  showing  to  the  people  of 
the  North  that  President  Lincoln,  while  ready  for  peace,  was  not 
ready  to  yield  any  of  the  principles  for  which  the  North  had  eontendetl 
and  to  show  them  also  that  the  Southern  leaders  were  still  bitter  and 
implacable.  After  the  <  Commissioners  returned  to  Richmond  a  great 
meeting  was  held  in  that  City,  which  was  addressed  by  Oovernor 
Smith  of  Virginia  and  by  Jefferson  Davis,  who  said:  "In  my  corre- 
spondence with  Mr.  Lincoln,  that  functionary  has  always  siioken  of 
the  United  States  and  the  Confedei'at-y  as  'our  afflicted  Country,'  but 
in  my  replies  I  have  never  failed  to  refer  to  them  as  separate  and  dis- 


y 


■  ■^j'^ 


THE  END  OF  THE  WAR. 


177 


tiation8  an«l 
•ing  on  this 
[ichinond  to 
to  treat  for 
;  with  him  a 
lavis,  of  his 
'e  a'  rominis- 
8  to  appoint 
"render  the 
ate  between 
o  President 
md,  carrying 
y  been,  was 
agent  whom 
al  authority, 
[o  the  people 

he  essential 
Jexander  H. 
proceeded  to 
nder  instruc- 
e  restoration 

No  receding. 
L't  of  slavery, 
•  and  the  dis- 
)n  this  basis 
[  to  say,  and 
hing.  With 
ral  days,  the 

to  take  part 
the  people  of 
ace,  was  not 
ad  contended 
rill  bitter  and 
mond  a  great 

by  (Governor 
'In  my  corre- 
lys  spoken  of 
Country,'  but 
arate  and  dis 


tinct  Governments;  and  sooner  than  we  should  ever  be  united  again, 
I  would  be  willing  to  yield  up  everything  I  have  on  earth,  and,  if  it 
were  possible,  would  sacrific  e  my  life  a  thousand  times  before  I  would 
succumb."  He  concluded  by  exhorting  those  at  home,  who  were  able 
to  bear  arms  "to  unite  with  those  already  in  the  army  in  repelling 
the  foe;  believing  that  thereby  we  would  ( ompel  the  Yankees,  in  less 
than  twelve  months,  to  petition  for  pem  v  up<»n  our  own  terms." 

This  meeting  unanimously  resolved  "that  we,  the  citizens  here 
assembled  do  spurn,  with  the  indignation  due  to  so  gross  an  insult, 
the  terms  on  which  the  President  of  the  United  Htates  has  offered 
peace  to  the  people  of  the  Confederate  States,"  and  "  That  the  circum 
stances,  under  which  that  proffer  was  made,  add  to  the  outrage,  and 
stamp  it  as  a  designed  and  premeditated  indignity  to  our  people." 

A  "War  Meeting"  was  held  in  Richmond,  three  days  afterwards, 
at  which  several  addresses  were  made,  and  resolutions  were  adopted, 
among  them  one  "that  the  events  which  have  occurred  during  the 
progress  of  the  war  have  but  confirmed  our  original  determination 
to  strike  for  our  independence;  and  that,  with  the  blessing  of  God, 
we  will  never  lay  down  our  arms  until  it  shall  have  been  won;"  and 
this  was  received  with  wild  and  long  continued  cheering.  The  people 
were  as  infatuated  as  their  leaders  were  bitter.  The  story  of  these 
negotiations  may,  very  appropriately,  be  followed  by  the  closing 
words  of  President  Lincoln's  second  inaugural,  which  came  three 
weeks  later,  and  which  are  in  such  striking  contrast  to  the  bitterness 
of  the  Rebel  leaders:  "With  malice  toward  none,  with  charity  for  all, 
with  firmness  in  the  right,  as  God  gives  us  to  see  the  right,  let  us 
strive  to  finish  the  work  we  are  in,  to  bind  up  the  Nation's  wounds, 
to  care  for  him  who  shall  have  borne  the  battle,  and  for  his  widow 
and  his  orphan,  to  do  all  which  may  achieve  and  cherish  a  just  and  a 
lasting  i)eace  among  ourselves  and  with  all  nations." 

From  8om«'  developments  that  have  since  been  made,  it  is 
believed  that  the  ( onfldent  tone  which  the  Rebelsassumed,  during  and 
after  the  negotiations  mentioned,  was  based  upon  the  existence  of  a 
conspiracy  among  the  Democratic  generals  of  the  Union  Army  to  sup- 
plant the  civil  by  the  military  power.  That  such  a  conspiracy  existed 
has  often  been  asserted,  and  it  has  even  been  said  that  the  conspira- 
tors made  overtures  to  General  Grant  with  a  view  to  making  him 
Dictator.  If  such  overtures  were  made  the  "Silent  Captain"  never 
told  of  them,  and  he  certainly  never  showed  signs  of  anything  except 
unwavering  loyalty  to  the  Country  and  the  Commander-in-Chief.  That 


S*i' 


.jesa-ii:;. 


il 


\i 


ii 

I? 

I? 


IfS 


HISTORY  OF  THE  KEPUBLIOAN  PARTY. 


such  a  coriBpirac.v  ever  existed,  except  in  the  brains  of  a  few  vision- 
ariea,  is  not  at  all  probable.  That  some  of  the  Rebel  leaders  believed 
it  to  exist  is  quite  certain. 

Upon  whatever  basis  (he  Rebels  placed  their  illusive  hoiMJS  and 
defiant  language  in  February,  they  were  rapidly  undeceived  after  the 
middle  of  March.  On  the  nineteenth  of  that  month  Sherman,  who 
had  marched  from  Georgia  into  North  Carolina,  effected  a  union  with 
General  Terry's  forces,  thus  presenting  a  front  to  General  Johnston, 
which  not  onlv  prevented  that  officer  from  reinforcing  Lee,  but  whuh 

put    his    entire    com- 
umnd  in  peril.    On  the 
twenty-flfth       General 
Leo    took    Fort    Sted- 
man   by   surprise,   but 
a  few  hours  afterwards 
was    driven    out    with 
great  loss.  On  the  first 
of  April  General  Sher- 
idan routed  the  enemy 
at  Five  Forks  with  a 
loss  to  them  of  nearly 
uix  thousand  prisoners, 
besides  the  killed  and 
wounded.    On  the  sec- 
ond of  April  our  forces 
pushed  the  enemy  with 
success,    almost    all 
along  the  line,  and  that 
night    I^ee    abandoned 
both    Petersburg    and 
PHiMP  H.  SHERIDAN.  Richmond,  which  were 

occupied  by  our  troops  the  next  daj-.    A  week  later,  April  9,  I^  sur- 
rendered. 

The  President  had  been  either  with  or  near  the  Army  during  the 
first  part  of  these  stirring  events.  He  entered  Richmond  the  day 
after  it  was  evacuated  by  the  Rebels,  being  rowed  from  a  man-of-war 
to  a  landing  about  a  mile  below  the  City  and  thence,  accompanied  by 
his  young  son  and  Admiral  Porter,  went  to  the  City  in  a  boat.  The 
party  then  walked  up  the  street  toward  General  Weitzel's  headquar- 
ters accompanied  only  by  the  sailors  who  had  rowed  him  up.      His 


..\      V- 


fWtr'^^Tii-"''-^  ■'■ 


THE  END  OF  THE  WAR. 


17!> 


few  vision- 
rs  believed 

holies  and 
d  after  the 
■rinaii,  who 
union  with 
1  Johnston, 
,  but  which 
ntire  com- 
ril.  On  the 
General 
Fort  Sted- 
irprise,   but 

afterwards 
I  out  with 
On  the  first 
?neral  Sher- 

I  the  enemy 
»rk8  with  a 
m  of  nearly 
d  prisoners, 
i  killed  and 

On  the  sec- 

II  our  forces 
enemy  with 
t  m  o  s  t    all 

ine,  and  that 

abandoned 

Tsburg    and 

which  were 

il  9,  Jjee  sur- 

y  during  the 
lond  the  day 
a  man-of-war 
;?ompanied  by 
a  boat.  The 
^I's  headquar- 
lim  up.      His 


coming  was  unannounced,  but  news  of  his  arrival  spread  rapidly,  and 
from  all  sides  the  colored  people  came  running  together.  A  maga- 
zine writer  of  the  time  thus  described  the  scene : 

"They  gathered  around  the  l»resident,  ran  ahead,  gathered  upon 
the  flanks  of  the  little  company,  and  hung  like  a  dark  cloud  upon  the 
rear.      Men  came  from  all  the  by-streets,  running  in  breathless  haste, 
shouting  and  hallooing  and  dan«lng  with  delight.      The  men  threw 
up  their  hats,  the  women  waved  their  bonnets  and  handkerchiefs, 
clapped  their  hands,  and  sang,  (ilory  to  God!    Glory!    Glory!'  render- 
ing   all    the    praise  to 
God    who    had    heard 
their    wailings    in    the 
past,    their    moanings 
for     wives,     husbands, 
children     and    friends 
sold  out  of  their  sight; 
had    given    them    free- 
dom,   and     after     long 
years  of    waiting,    had 
permitted     them,    thus 
unexpectedly,  to  behold 
the  face  of  their  great 
benefactor.      'I     thank 
you,  dear  Jesus,  that  I 
behold    President    Lin- 
kum,'  was  the  exclama- 
tion of  a  woman  who 
stood  upon  the  thresh- 
o  1  d  of  her    humble 
home,  and  with  stream- 
ing  eyes    and   clasped 
hands  gave  thanks  aloud  to  the  Savior  of  Men. 

"Another,  more  demonstrative  in  her  joy,  was  jumping  and 
striking  her  hands  with  all  her  might,  crying,  'Bless  de  Lord;  Bless 
de  Lord!  Bless  de  Lord!'  as  if  there  could  be  no  end  to  her  thanks- 
giving. The  air  rang  with  a  tumultuous  chorus  of  voices.  The 
streets  became  almost  impassable  on  account  of  the  increasing  multi- 
tude, till  soldiers  were  summoned  to  clear  the  way. 

"The  walk  was  long  and  the  President  halted  a  moment  to  rest. 
'May  de  good  Lord  bless  you,  President  Linkum,'  said  an  old  negro, 


WILLIAM   T.    SHEBMAN. 


"■•'^^-swsswssw-* 


^  "^feytfj  P'.    >'?  >-'  ■•-  .  ±??^^il^:^. 


'•.t?;r,i!S^,m^t, wi 


^ 


^.    e.--'.-"'*?^-'q&^ 


r 


(  ■ 


tm 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  I'ARTY. 


removinji;  his  hat  and  bowing,  with  tears  of  joy  rolling  down  his 
cheeks.  The  President  removed  his  own  hat  and  bowed  in  silence; 
but  it  was  a  bow  which  upset  the  fornix,  laws,  customs  and  cere- 
monies of  centuries.  It  was  a  death  shock  to  chivalry,  and  a  mortal 
wound  to  <'a8te.-' 

The  I'resident  returned  to  Washington  on  the  9th  and  for  the  next 
four  days  was  occupied  with  measures  of  relief  from  the  burdens  of 
the  war,  rendered  possible  by  its  rapidly  approaching  end.  The  days 
from  tlie  24th  of  March  till  the  14th  of  April,  were  probably  the 
happiest  of  his  life.  He  had  passed  through  days  and  months  of 
anxiety  and  depression,  when  the  Union  armies  were  suffering  defeat, 
when  the  political  skies  at  the  North  were  dark,  and  when  he  was 
himself  misunderslood  and  traduced.  Now  the  Union  armies  were 
on  the  high  tide  of  victory,  the  political  atmosphere  was  clear,  and  he 
had  frequent  evidence  that  he  himself  stood  higher  in  popular  favor 
than  ever  before.  The  great  task  of  his  life  had  been  accomplished, 
and  he  was  olready  planning  for  the  government  and  restoration  to 
prosperity  of  that  portion  of  the  country  which  was  about  to  be 
restored  to  peace;  plans  with  the  carrying  out  of  which  he  was  to 
have  nothing  to  do.  ;. 

The  story  of  his  assassination  at  Ford's  Theater  on  the  evening 
of  April  14;  of  the  universal  expression  of  sorrow  and  grief  through- 
out the  North;  of  the  long  journey  made  by  the  funeral  train;  of  the 
demonstrations  of  respect  and  sorrow  in  every  Town  and  City  along 
the  route;  and  of  the  impressive  ceremonies  and  the  interment  at  his 
old  home  in  Springfield,  which  he  had  not  visited  since  he  left  it,  four 
years  earlier — the  story  of  all  these  is  too  long  and  too  familiar  to 
the  public  to  warrant  repetition  here. 

The  surrender  of  Lee  had  not  quite  finished  the  war,  for  General 
Johnston  was  still  at  the  head  of  a  large  and  well  equipped  army  in 
North  Carolina,  which  might  be  reinforced  from  other  parts  of  the 
Confederacy.  Johnston,  however,  evidently  knew  that  it  was  merely 
a  question  of  time  when  he  must  surrender,  and  he  opened  corre- 
spondence with  General  Sherman  with  a  view  to  a  suspension  of  hos- 
tilities. General  Sherman  replied  that  he  was  fully  empowered  to 
negotiate,  on  the  same  terms  as  those  under  which  Lee  surrendered 
to  Grant.  This  was  not  satisfactory  to  Johnston,  and  subsequently 
he  had  two  interviews  with  Sherman,  in  which  he  overpersuaded  the 
latter  to  sign  the  following  remarkable  "Memorandum  or  Basis  of 


«*.. 


witWMuBjmimi.n 


it^r^:-;;-' 


THE  END  OF  THE  WAR.  ~ 


161 


ng  down  his 
d  in  silence; 
tns  and  cere- 
and  a  mortal 

i  for  the  next 
10  burdens  of 
d.      The  days 

probably  the 
nd  months  of  . 

ering  defeat, 
when  he  was  , 

armies  were 

clear,  and  he 
popular  favor 
accomplished, 
restoration  to 
I  about  to  be 
ich  he  was  to 

»n  the  evening 
grief  through- 
tl  train;  of  the 
ind  City  along 
terment  at  his" 
he  left  it,  four 
oo  familiar  to 

ir,  for  General 
lipped  army  in 
T  parts  of  the 
t  it  was  merely 
opened  corre- 
[)ension  of  hos- 
empowered  to 
ee  surrendered 
d  subsequently 
rpersuaded  the 
im  or  Basis  of 


Agreement,"  which  Sherman  afterwards  acknowledged  he  had  no 
power  to  guarantee: 

1.  The  contending  armies  now  in  the  field  to  maintain  the  status 
quo,  until  notice  is  given  by  the  Comnuniding  (Jeneral  of  any  one  to 
his  opponent,  and  reasonable  time,  say  forty-eight  hours,  allowed. 

2.  The  Confederate  armies,  now  in  existence,  to  be  disbanded 
and  conducted  to  their  several  Htaite  Capitals,  there  to  deposit  their 
arms  and  public  property  in  the  State  Arsenal;  and  each  officer  and 
man  to  execute  and  tile  an  agreement  to  cease  from  acts  of  war,  and 
to  abide  the  action  of  both  State  and  Federal  authorities.  The 
number  of  arms  and  of  munitions  of  war  to  be  reported  to  the  Chief 
of  Ordnance,  at  Washington  <Mty,  subject  to  the  future  action  of  the 
Congress  of  the  United  States;  and  in  the  meantime  to  be  used  solely 
to  maintain  peace  and  order  within  the  borders  of  the  states  respec- 
tively. 

3.  The  recognition,  by  the  Executive  of  the  United  States,  of  the 
several  State  Governments,  on  their  officers  and  Legislatures  taking 
the  oath  prescribed  by  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States;  and 
where  conflicting  State  Governments  have  resulted  from  the  war, 
the  legitimacy  of  all  shall  be  submitted  to  the  Supreme  Court  of  the 
United  States. 

4.  The  re-establishment  of  all  Federal  Courts  in  the  several 
states,  with  powers  as  defined  by  the  Constitution  and  the  Laws  of 
Congress. 

5.  The  people  and  inhabitants  of  all  states  to  be  guaranteed,  so 
far  as  the  Executive  can,  their  political  rights  and  franchises,  as  well 
as  their  rights  of  person  and  property,  as  defined  by  the  Constitution 
of  the  United  States,  and  of  the  states  representatively. 

6.  The  Executive  authority  or  Government  of  the  United  States 
not  to  disturb  any  of  the  people,  by  reason  of  the  late  war,  so  long  as 
they  live  in  peace  and  quiet,  and  abstain  from  acts  of  armed  hostility, 
and  obey  the  laws  in  existence  at  the  place  of  their  residence. 

7.  In  general  terms,  it  is  announced  that  the  war  is  to  cease; 
a  general  amnesty,  so  far  as  the  Executive  of  the  I'nited  States  can 
command,  on  condition  of  the  disbandment  of  the  Confederate  armies, 
the  distribution  of  arms  and  the  resumption  of  peaceful  pursuits  by 
oflBcers  and  men  hitherto  composing  said  armies.  Not  being  fully 
empowered  by  our  respective  principals  to  fulfill  these  terms,  we  indi- 
vidually and  officially  pledge  ourselves  to  promptly  obtain  authority, 
and  will  endeavor  to  carry  out  the  above  programme. 

In  making  these  terms  General  Sherman  utterly  misapprehended 
the  sentiment  of  people  at  the  North.  They  had  thought  the  terms 
granted  to  Lee  too  generous,  and  those  were  granted  before  the  assas- 
sination of  President  Lincoln.  The  suggestion  of  these  much  m.ort? 
liberal  terms,  coming  after  that  atrocious  crime,  was  intolerable.    In 


•■'PT^^uy  y.i  M  gi » 1  »wyBjj»#ii  frw-a  -^  W^ 


* 


182 


HISTORY  OF  THE  UElM'ItLICAN  I'AUTY. 


un-oi'dHDce  with  tliiH  Ht'iitiiiient  tlie  new  I'leHidiMit  and  <'abinet,  with 
th«  liearty  «'onciirrfn('f  of  (leueral  Oruut,  repudiated  the  agreeiiieut 
for  the  following  roasunB: 

1.  It  wa8  an  ex<'r<*i8e  of  authority  not  vested  in  (leneral  Hher- 
man,  and,  on  itH  face.  nhowH  that  both  lie  and  Johnston  linew  that 
(leneral  Hhernian  had  no  authority  to  enter  into  any  8u<'h  arrange-- 
ments. 

2.  It  was  a  practical  acknowledgment  of  the  Rebel  (lovernment. 

3.  It  undertook  to  re-establish  Rebel  Htate  Governments  that 
had  been  overthrown  at  the  sacrifice  of  nmny  thousand  loyal  lives 
and  immense  treanure,  and  placed  arms  and  munitions  of  war  in  the 
hands  of  Rebels  at  their  respective  capitals,  which  might  be  used  so 
soon  as  the  armies  of  the  United  States  were  disbanded,  and  used  to 
conquer  and  subdue  loyal  states. 

4.  By  the  restoration  of  Rebel  authority  in  their  re8i>ectiVe 
states,  they  would  be  enabled  to  re-establish  slavery. 

5.  It  might  furnish  a  ground  of  responsibility  on  the  part  of  the 
Federal  CJovernnient  to  pay  the  Rebel  debt,  and  certainly  subjects  ' 
loyal  citizens  of  Rebel  States  to  debts  contracted  by  Rebels  in  the 
name  of  the  State. 

6.  It  puts  in  dispute  the  existence  of  loyal  State  Governments, 
and  the  new  State  of  West  Virginia,  which  had  been  recognized  by 
every  Department  of  the  United  States  Government. 

7.  It  practically  abolished  confiscation  laws,  and  relieved  the 
Rebels  of  every  degree,  who  had  slaughtered  our  people,  from  all 
pains  and  penalties  for  their  crimes. 

8.  It  gave  terms  that  had  been  deliberately,  repeatedly  and  sol- 
emnly, rejected  by  President  Lincoln,  and  better  terms  than  the 
Rebels  had  ever  asked  in  their  most  prosi>erous  condition. 

9.  It  formed  no  basis  of  true  and  lasting  peace,  but  relieved 
Rebels  from  the  presence  of  our  victorious  armies,  and  left  them  in  a 
condition  to  renew  their  efforts  to  overthrow  the  United  States  Gov- 
ernment and  subdue  the  loyal  states,  whenever  their  strength  was 
recruited  and  any  opportunity  should  offer. 

General  Grant  was  sent  immediately  to  Raleigh  to  announce 
the  rejection  of  the  Sherman-Johnston  arrangement  and  to  direct  the 
immediate  and  general  resumption  of  hostilities.  Subordinate  gen- 
erals were  ordered  to  be  ready  to  resume  hostilities  at  noon  on  the 
26th.  But  Johnston,  finding  himself  now  in  firm  hands,  surrendered 
on  the  same  terms  as  Lee  did  to  Grant,  the  terms  being  as  follows: 
"Rolls  of  all  the  officers  and  men  to  be  made  in  duplicate;  one  copy 
to  be  given  to  an  officer  designated  by  each  of  the  Commanding 
Generals;  the  officers  to  give  their  individual  paroles  not  to  take  up 
arms  against  the  Government  of  the  United  States  until   properly 


^"^MWMi 


■le- 


-'i'- 


'W 


THK  END  OP  THK  WAR. 


18a 


aliinet,  with 
«*  agreeiiu'iit 

'neral  HIum*- 
ti  knew  that 
lurh  arraiige- 

lovornmpnt. 

nments  that 
loyal  lives 
>f  war  in  the 
It  be  UBed  bo 
,  and  oBed  to 

r    respeetite 

le  part  of  the 
inly  BubjectB 
KebelB  in  the 

GJovemmentB, 
recognized  by 

relieved  the 
)ple,  from  all 

tedly  and  sol- 
i-niB  than  the 
on. 

,  but  relieved 

left  them  in  a 

?d  States  Oov- 

Btrength  was 


1  to  announce 
1  to  direct  the 
)ordinate  gen- 
t  noon  on  the' 
s,  surrendered 
ng  as  follows: 
jate;  one  copy 
Commanding 
lot  to  take  up 
intil    properly 


exchanged;  and  each  company  or  regimental  commander  to  Hign  a 
like  parole  for  the  men  of  their  commands;  the  arms,  artillery,  and 
public  property  to  be  pa<-ked  and  Hta«'ked,  and  turned  over  to  United 
States  oflBcers.  This  will  not  embrace  the  side  arms  of  offlcers,  nor 
their  private  horses  or  baggage.  This  done,  each  olticcr  and  man 
will  be  allowed  to  return  to  his  home,  not  to  be  disturbed  by  United 
States  authority  so  long  as  they  <»bserve  their  paroles,  and  the  laws 
in  force  where  they  may  reside." 

There  were,  after  this,  a  few  battles  and  skirmishes  in  the  remote 
Southwest,  but  these  were  unimportant.  As  a  general  thing  the 
small  bands  of  Kebels,  still  in  the  field,  mustered  themselves  out, 
grabbed  what  property  they  could  lay  hands  on,  and  started  for 
home.  The  surrender  of  Lee  made  the  colla]iHe  of  the  ('onfe*lerucy 
inevitable.      The  surrender  of  Johnston  made  it  complete. 

It  remained  to  disband  the  Union  armies.  Tln're  were  in  the 
field  according  to  the  muster  rolls  on  the  1st  of  March,  9fi5,51)l  men, 
of  whom  602,593  were  present  for  duty,  and  132,538  on  detached 
service.  These  men  bad  been  accustomed,  in  the  Army,  to  short 
periods  of  fierce  action,  alternating  with  long  periods  of  comparative 
idleness.  They  had  lost  the  habit  of  steady,  (|iiiet,  labor,  and  many 
people  were  apprehensive  that  the  "turning  loose"  of  so  many  of 
them  at  once,  would  be  destructive  of  good  order,  good  morals  and 
good  government.  These  apprehensions  proved  groundless.  The 
Union  armies  were  made  up,  almost  entirely,  of  patriotic  citizens, 
and  not  of  bummers,  dead  beats  or  scalawags.  The  Western  armies 
were  mustered  out  as  fast  as  the  condition  of  the  districts  in  which 
they  were  located  would  warrant.  The  Eastern  armies  were,  as  far 
as  practicable,  concentrated  at  Washington  for  the  Grand  Review, 
which  has  become  historic  as  the  most  inspiring  parade  of  volunteer 
citizen  soldiery  ever  seen,  and  then  they,  too,  were  sent  to  their 
homes.  There  was  neither  disturbance,  nor  rioting,  nor  any  increase 
of  offenses  against  person  or  property.  The  vast  host  faded  away 
into  the  farms,  the  workshops  and  the  offices  of  the  country,  without 
a  sign  of  disorder,  creating  for  itself  only  two  reminders  of  its 
former  existence,  the  Grand  Army  of  the  Republic  for  the  living, 
Memorial  Day  for  the  dead. 


mtmmm* 


^ 


I  -• 


4         -, 


XV. 
ANDREW  .TOIINHON  AXH  HIW  I'Ol.irY. 

Forebodings  of  tlie  NortluTin'rH  in  H«')>;ar<l  ((»  -lolniHon — HIb  Cnni- 
paign  HjiftM'lM'H  Made  An  I'nfavoralih*  liiiprcHHion — His  TlircatH 
Toward  the  Houth — Talk  About  Making  TreaHon  OdiouH — 
Sudden  Change  of  Attitude — I'roclanuition  of  AnincHty  and 
Pardon — Poor  Seh'cHonM  of  I'roviHional  (SovernorH  for  tin* 
Wouthern  Htates — Mischievous  KeMultH  of  the  PreHident'i*  Plan — 
Houthern  States  Re-enact  Slav«'rv  in  Anotlier  Form — They 
Accept  the  Thirteentli  i\niendnM'nt  and  Then  Proc«'ed  to  Nullify 
It — IHscriniinationK  Against  Colored  People  in  the  Punishment 
of  Offenses — The  President's  Message — Committee  on  Recon- 
struction— Interesting    Debates    on    the    Southern    (Question — 

..  Passage  of  the  First  Reconstruction  A<'t  Uiid  Pro<'eedings  Ti^nder 
It — The  Fourteenth  Amendment  to  the  Constitution. 

In  casting  about  for  some  consolation  for  President  Lincoln's 
untimely  taking  off,  many  of  the  religious  people  of  the  class  that 
always  understand  in  advan<-e,  the  purposes  of  the  Almighty,  dis- 
covered in  this  tragic  event  a  design  of  vengeance  upon  the 
transgressing  South.  Lincoln's  gentle  and  forgiving  nature,  they 
said,  was  not  adapted  to  dealing  with  suflb-ient  severity  with  the 
erring  brethren.  Providence  had  ordained  that  the  heavy  hand  of 
Johnson  should  i-est  upon  them,  instead  of  the  soft  Iiand  of  Lincoln. 
It  did  not  take  many  months  to  convince  them  of  their  error,  for  the 
new  President,  though  truculent  and  threatening  at  first,  soon  inau- 
gurated a  policy,  that  if  carried  out,  would  have  put  the  Secession 
leaders  in  the  saddle  again,  reduced  the  negroes  to  practical  slavery, 
and  have  nullifled  half  the  eHects  of  the  war.  As  it  was,  he  kept 
the  country  in  a  turmoil  during  his  whole  four  years'  term  of  office, 
set  back  the  work  of  orderly  and  durable  reconstruction  and  hindered 
progressive  legislation  in  almost  every  direction.  He  was  one  of 
the  worst  mischief-makers  in  the  whole  history  of  American  politics. 


HMmPiP 


ANDUEVV  .lOIINHON  AND  IlIH  I'OKU'Y. 


18n 


11  iH  Cani- 
iH  TliriMitH 

OdioiiH — 
iiioHt.v  nn(] 
H  for  th»' 
nt'H  Plan — 
Oriii — They 
\o  NuUif.v 
'uniHiiinenf 
on  Reron- 
(iuestion — 
iiiRH  T'luU'f 


it  Lincoln's 
s  clasB  that 
rnighty,  dis- 
'  upon  the 
mture,  t\wy 
ty  with  the 
fivy  hand  of 
I  of  Lincoln, 
•ror,  for  the 
,  soon  inan- 
le  Secession 
ical  slavery, 
vas,  he  kept 
rm  of  office. 
,nd  hindered 
was  one  of 
can  politics. 


The  election  canipaiKi)  liad  no(  |iroKreHHed  far  when  the  Uepiib- 
licaiiH  who  heard  him  speak  became  convlnc(>d  that  the  nomination 
of  .Johnson  was  a  mistake.  Nearly  or  (|iiile  the  first  H«>t  speech  lie 
made  after  his  nomination  was  in  the  wiKwam.  at  Indianapolis,  dnrInK 
the  Htate  canvass  in  Indiana.  It  was  nearly  two  litMirs  Un\f(,  was 
ranihlinK  nnd  disconnected  in  f(»rm,  and  was  full  of  eulogistic  and 
ccmceited  alhisi(»ns  to  himself  and  his  career.  The  contrast  between 
that  and  the  elo(|uenl,  forcible  and  convincing;  arguments  which  the 
people  of  that  se<'tion  had  been  accustomed  to  hear  from  tlu>  lips  of 
Governor  Morton,  was  painful.  His  whole  stumping  lour  tliroup;h 
the  west  ^ave  the  impression  of  a  narrow,  self-sat isHed  man,  v\'h(» 
had  done  ^ood  service  to  the  country  when  he  was  obstinate  in  the 
riKht,  but  who  was  equally  likely  to  do  great  harm,  if  he  should  ever 
become  obstinate  in  the  wronj;.  The  hope  remained  that  tin-  rec<»),'- 
nition  of  the  War  l>emocra<'y  on  the  ticket  would  bring  to  it  many 
votes,  and  that  Johnson,  on  the  Vice  Presidential  shelf  would,  at  least, 
do  no  harm.  As  it  turned  out  the  votes  were  not  needed,  .Fohnson 
did  not  remain  on  the  Vice-Presidential  shelf,  and  he  did  an  inflnile 
amount  of  mischief. 

While  the  new  President  was  distrusted  at  the  North  his  ante- 
cedents, as  well  as  his  temper,  were  such  as  to  peculiarly  unfit  him 
for  dealing  with  the  influential  men  in  the  Houlh.  lie  was  not  only  a 
"poor  white,"  a  class  which  the  Houtheru  aristocracy,  who  were  the 
real  leaders,  despised,  but  he  was  a  leader  (»f  that  class.  He  con- 
stantly boasted  of  his  humble  origin,  and  he  had  first  climbed  inio 
political  prominence  on  the  votes  of  men  of  similar  origin.  He  had 
posed  as  the  workingman's  friend,  the  champion  of  the  poor  against 
the  ricli.  He  was  the  champion  of  white  labor  in  the  Tennessee 
Legislature  and  in  Tongress,  his  arguments  tending  to  antagonize 
slave  labor,  although  he  never  announced  himself  as  an  Anti- 
Slavery  nmn.  He  advo<'ated  the  Homestead  policy,  which  was  espec- 
ially obnoxious  1o  the  Southern  leaders,  as  tending  to  break  up  the 
territories  and  the  unsettled  portions  of  the  states  into  small  land 
holdings,  with  independent  settlers,  instead  of  putting  it  into  large 
plantations  with  slaves.  In  his  course  in  ('ongress  he  was  undoubt- 
edly sincere,  and  he  was  certainly  courageous.  He  was  a  Union 
man,  when  to  be  such  incurred  the  hatred  of  his  own  section.  At 
the  time  of  Secession,  he  was  the  only  Senator  froiu  a  seceded  State 
that  remained  loyal  to  the  Tnion.    His  firm  and  courageous  discharge 


mmKmmm 


1M 


HIHTOHVOFTIIK  KKITHLKAN  TAUTV 


of  liiN  diit.v,  MM  Mltitiiry  Oovi'mor  of  T«*nn<>i<M(>«',  liad  fnrtli«'r  intriiMl- 
lli'il  tli(>  liati-i'd  iiKaiiiMt  liiiii  in  the  Hoiitli. 

The  HoiitlKM'ti  IciKlcrM  iiiiKlit  |M'rliii|»N  liiivc  <-oo|M*i'iit('<l  with  mik-Ii  ii 
Hoiitlicni  Ucpiiblicuii  iim  Hfiir.v  Winter  huviH  or  iloraco  Ma.vtianI,  or 
KraiK-iH  I*.  Itlair,  in  tlio  ctTort  to  fornnilat«>  a  rcnHonabIc  and  Maf(>  plan 
of  r«M-onHtrii<-tion,  but  not  with  Andrew  .lolinHon.  lie  might, 
|H>rha|>H,  when  barked  bv  the  power  of  hiH  new  poHition,  have  over- 
come thiH  diHadvantage,  if  he  liad  poMHeHHed  an  ev(>n  temper,  tact  and 
KO(hI  judgment.  He  poHHeKHed  neither.  He  might  have  avoided 
ntoHt  of  liiH  nnmeroUH  miHtakeH,  if  he  had  taken  the  courMe  that 
would  have  iiuggeHted  itMelf  to  un.v  prudent  man,  railed  t'ongreHH 
together  in  extra  HeHMion,  conferred  with  itH  leaderH,  and  let  that 
bod.v  take  the  initiative.      He  wao  too  ronceited  for  that. 

There  had  been  nothing  in  hiH  rerent  utteraneeH  that  could  lead 
the  HouthernerH  to  expect  clemency  at  bin  handn.  He  proteHted  to 
I'reHident  liincoln  agaiuHt  what  he  called  the  too  eaH.v  terniM  of  sur- 
render accorded  b.v  <Jrant  to  Lee.  Hefore  Mr.  Lincoln's  renuiiuH  hud 
l(>ft  the  White  HouHe,  he  announced  that  hiM  policy  whh  not  to  be  one 
of  mercy.  In  a  Hpei'ch  to  a  delegation  of  diBtinguiHhed  citixens  of 
Ulinoig,  on  the  IMth  of  April,  he  announced  that  Lincoln'ti  policy 
would  be  hiK  policy,  but  afterwards  struck  out  that  portion  of  his 
HiMH**'!!  from,  the  stenographer's  notes.  It  did  not  agree  with  the 
sentiments  in  other  parts  of  the  address,  nor  with  what  he,  at  the 
time,  felt.  In  another  part  of  his  address  to  these  Illinois  visitors 
he  said:  "When  the  question  of  exercising  men-y  comes  before  me 
it  will  be  considered  calmly,  judicially,  remembering  that  I  am  the 
Executive  of  the  Nation.  I  know  men  love  to  have  their  names 
spoken  in  connection  with  acts  of  mercy,  and  how  easy  it  Is  to  yield 
to  that  impulse.  But  we  must  n«>ver  forget  that  what  may  be  mercy 
to  the  individual  is  cruelty  to  the  State." 

His  first  public  speech  after  he  became  President  showed  a  sin- 
gular want  of  tact.  He  gave  no  expression  of  grief  or  praise  for  the 
dead  I'resident,  beyond  the  declaration  that  he  was  "almost  over-  ' 
whelmed  by  the  announcement  of  the  sad  event  which  has  so- recently 
occurred."  But  he  had  much  to  say  about  himself,  and  his  career. 
This  was  always  a  ready  and  tempting  topic  to  him.  "Toil,  and  an 
honest  advocacy  of  the  great  principles  of  Free  Government  have 
been  my  lot,"  he  said.  "The  duties  have  been  mine,  the  consequences 
God's."      And  this  led  Senator  John  P.  Hale  to  remark:    "Johnson 


MM 


v\ 


ANhUKW  .MHINHON  AND  IMS  IMH.irY. 


1«7 


tliiT  intciiHi 

Willi  Miicli  a 
Ma.vnanl,  or 
mi  Maf(*  plan 
lie  iiiiglil, 
have  «>v«'r- 
MT,  ta<;t  uiul 
iav«'  avoided 
coiii'He  that 
ed  <'oii){reMH 
and  let  dial 
t. 

at  could  lead 

protested  to 

tei-iiiH  of  8ur- 

reiiiaing  hud 

not  to  be  one 

ed  citizens  of 

icoln'H    policy 

lortion  of  his 

cree  with  the 

]at  he,  at  the 

inoiH  vmitorci 

168  before  me 

hat  I  am  the 

their  nam^s 

it  is  to  yield 

nay  be  mercy 

showed  a  siii- 
praise  for  tlie 
"almost  over- 
US  sorecoutly 
id  his  career. 
"Toil,  and  an 
^rnment  have 
consequences 
k:    "Johnson 


Mecnied  willing  lo  Hliare  I  lie  ^'lory  of  IiIm  acliieveiiieiilH  willi  Ills  Oe- 
ator,  hut  utterly  forgot  thai  Mr.  liiiicoin  had  any  share  of  ciiMiil  for 
the  HUppresNion  of  the  Kehellion."  .loliiiHon's  remark,  and  Hale's 
comment  on  It,  were  enoiiKli  lo  make  the  new  I'reHideiil  an  object  of 
ridlcuh'  at  the  start.  In  this  same  Hpe<>cli  he  had  some  further 
remarks  about  himself,  his  humble  ori^'in,  etc.,  but  very  little  to  say 
ilbout  the  country,  aii'l  notliiuK  that  was  at  all  <-onclusive  on  the 
subject  that  was  uppermost  in  men's  minds,  the  re<-onst ruction  of  the 
Beteded  Htates. 

For  the  next  few  days  his  utterances.  Ihou^h  savuRe  enough  to 
buit  ili4<  most  implacable  Uebel-hal(>r,  tnw-  iiiMliint;  detlnite  as  to  his 
plan  of  reconstruction.  He  had  mu<-h  to  say  at*(/Mt  iiiukinK  "treason 
odious,''  but  nothing  about  how  to  make  llf(>  in  the  Kouthern  Htates 
safe,  nor  about  re-establishing;  loyal  (Sovernmeiits  in  states  that  were 
still  under  the  control  of  their  old  l{ebel  Iie){islatures,  or  uiid«>r  no 
control  at  all.  Members  of  the  Christian  ('ommission  called  upon 
him  in  the  Capitol,  while  the  dead  President's  remains  still  !'(>posed 
in  that  structure,  and  in  behalf  of  Hie  Conimission  the  Kev.  Dr. 
Borden,  of  Albany,  expressed  the  hope  that  justice  minht  lie  tempered 
with  merj'V.  Johnson  replied  tliat  he  proposed  "erecting  u  standard 
by  which  ev<»rybody  sliould  be  tauf^ht  to  believe  that  treason  is  the 
highest  crime  known  to  the  laws,  and  that  the  perpetrator  should  be 
visited  with  the  punishment  which  he  deserves.''  "I  have  become 
satisfled  that  mercy  without  justi<'e,  is  a  crime,  and  that  when  mercy 
and  ('leniency  are  exercised  by  the  Executive,  it  should  always  be 
done  in  view  of  justice,"  he  said  to  a  delegation  of  loyal  Houtherners. 
a  day  or  two  later. 

To  a  delegation  of  I'ennsylvanians,  headed  by  Himon  (-ameron, 
he  exclaimed:  "But  I  say  treason  is  a  crime,  the  very  liighest  crime 
known  to  the  law,  and  there  are  men  who  ought  to  siitTer  the  penalty 
of  their  treason.  To  the  unconscious,  the  deceived,  the  conscripted, 
in  short,  to  the  great  mass  of  the  misled,  I  would  say,  mercy,  clem- 
ency, reconciliation,  and  the  restoration  of  their  Government.  But 
to  those  who  have  deceived,  to  the  conscious,  intelligent,  influential 
traitor,  who  attempted  to  destroy  the  life  of  a  Nation,  I  would  say, 
on  you  be  inflicted  the  severest  penalties  of  your  crime." 

This  idea  of  the  "severest  penalties"  clung  to  him  for  some 
weeks.  Senator  Ben  Wade,  of  Ohio,  was  one  of  the  old  Anti-Slavery 
guard,  was  a  rough  rider  in  the  Senate,  was  a  good  hater,  and  was 
never  accused  of  being  especially  tender-hearted  on  any  subject.    But 


188 


HISTORY  OF  THE  KEPTJBUCAN  PARTY. 


ft-,*       * 


Johnson  r*«farded  Wade  as  beinia:  too  merciful  for  his  own  blood- 
lliirst.v  nati.  <*.  After  Henator  Wade  had  advised  him  not  to  be  too 
severe,  Johnson  said:  "Well,  Mr.  Wade,  what  would  you  do  if  yon 
were  in  my  place,  and  charfjed  with  my  responsibilities?"  "I  think," 
was  the  answer.  "I  should  either  force  into  exile  or  hang  about  ten 
or  twelve  of  the  worst  of  those  fellows,  i>erhaps  by  way  of  full 
measure  1  should  make  it  thirteen,  a  baker's  dozen."  "But  how," 
said  Johnson,  "are  you  going  to  pick  out  so  small  a  number,  and  show 
them  to  be  guiltier  than  the  rest?" 

In  all  this  ferocious  talk  there  was  no  hint  at  any  plan  of  restora- 
tion, but  on  the  25>th  of  May  he  announced  the  first  of  his  reconstruc- 
tion measures.  It  was  not  a  call  for  the  "severest  punishment,"  of 
the  "ccmscious,  intelligent  influential  traitors,"  nor  for  the  hanging 
of  any  of  those  "guiltier  than  the  rest."  On  the  contrary  it  was  a 
general  "Proclamation  of  Amnesty  and  Pardon,"  with,  however, 
thirteen  exceptional  classes  as  follows:  (1)  All  diplomatic  officers 
and  foreign  agents  of  the  Confederate  (Government.  (2)  All  who  left 
Judicial  stations  under  the  United  States  to  aid  the  Rebellion.  ^3) 
All  military  and  naval  oflfh-ers  of  the  Confederacy  above  the  rank  of 
Colonel  in  the  Army,  and  Lieutenant  in  the  Navy.  (4)  All  who  left 
seats  in  Congress  to  join  the  Rebellion.  (5)  All  who  resigned,  or 
ofTered  io  resign  from  the  Array  or  Navy  to  evade  duty  in  resisting 
the  Rebellion.  (6)  All  who  were  engaged  in  treating,  otherwise  than 
as  lawful  prisoners  of  war,  persons  found  in  the  United  States 
service  as  officers,  soldiers  or  seamen.  (7)  All  persons  who  were,  or 
had  be<rn  absentees,  from  the  United  States  for  the  purpose  of  aiding 
the  Rebellion.  (8)  All  graduates  of  the  Military  or  Naval  Academy. 
(9)  OlBcorg  of  the  states  in  insurrection.  (!(►)  All  who  passed  beyond 
the  Fedi'ral  military  lines,  for  the  purpose  of  aiding  the  Rebellion. 
(11)  All  persons  aiding  in  the  destruction  of  the  commerce  of  the 
United  States  on  the  high  seas,  lakes  and  rivers.  (12)  All  persons 
held  in  military,  naval  or  civil  confinement.  (18)  All  persons  engaged 
in  tlie  Rebellion,  the  estimated  value  of  whose  property  was  over 
^20,000. 

In  the  last  clause  the  President  showed  his  old  inclination  to 
play  the  poor  against  the  rich.  Nothing  could  possibly  have  been 
more  unpopular  than  to  [mt  under  the  ban  the  well-to-do  people  and 
men  of  means,  who,  if  they  chose,  could  be  vastly  more  in  the  work 
of  reconstruction  than  the  poorer  classes,  who  were  largely  unedu- 
cated and  uninfluential. 


I  < 


-    f:; 


ANlHtEW  JOHNHON  AM)  HIR  POLICY. 


189 


wu  blood- 
to  be  too 
do  if  yoM 
"I  think," 
about  ten 
ay  of  full 
hit  how," 
and  show 

of  restora- 

econstruc- 

hnient,"  of 

le  hanging 

'.V  it  was  a 

however, 

tic  offlcertl 

11  who  left 

!llion.      (H) 

he  rank  of 

II  who  left 

esigned,  or 

n  resisting 

^rwise  than 

ited    States 

ho  were,  or 

!.e  of  aiding 

1  Academy. 

ised  beyond 

^  Rebellion. 

erce  of  the 

Vll  persons 

ins  engaged 

y  Was  over 

'lination  to 
have  been 
people  and 
n  the  work 
a;ely  unedu- 


I  I 


This,  and  the  subseciuent  steps  in  the  President's  plan  of  restora- 
tion, are  credited  to  the  efforts  of  Secretary  Seward,  who,  it  is  said, 
speedily  acquired  great  influence  over  the  President,  and  who,  again 
desired  to  "direct  affairs  for  the  benefit  of  the  nation  in  the  name  of 
another."  If  that  is  so,  the  Secretary  was  never  proud  enough  of 
the  work  to  boast  of  it  as  his,  and  Johnson  was  too  proud  to  acknowl- 
edge that  he  got  his  ideas  from  anyone  but  himself.  Whatever  the 
cause,  the  President  abandoned  his  belligerent  attitude,  and  from 
this  time  on  a  pacific  plan  was  adopted.  Whether  Seward  originated 
it  or  not,  he  fully  <'oincided  with  it,  and  the  deplorable  results  that 
followed  caused  him  the  deepest  disappointment  and  humiliation. 
After  the  failure  of  the  plan  was  definitely  established,  he  expressed 
to  his  friends  great  surprise  and  chagrin  that  the  South  should 
respond  with  sudi  shameless  ingratitude  to  the  magnanimous 
lenders  of  symjtathy  and  friendship  from  the  National  Administra- 
tion. 

The  Proclamation  of  Amnesty  and  Pardon  was  followed,  the 
Bame  day,  by  the  appointment  of  William  W.  Holden  as  Provisional 
Governor  of  North  Carolina,  with  authority  to  restore  civil  govern- 
ment in  the  State.  It  was  nuide  the  duty  of  Governor  Holden  "at 
the  earliest  practicable  period,  to  prescribe  such  rules  and  regula- 
tions as  may  be  necessary  and  proper  for  assembling  a  Convention 
of  delegates  who  are  loyal  to  the  United  States,  and  no  others,  for 
the  purpose  of  altering  or  amending  the  Constitution  thereof,  and 
with  authority  to  exercise,  within  the  limits  of  the  State,  all  the 
powers  necessary  and  proper  to  enable  the  loyal  people  of  the  State 
of  North  Carolina  to  restore  said  State  to  its  Constitutional  relations 
to  the  Federal  Governnient,  so  as  to  entitle  the  State  to  the  guaranty 
of  the  I'nited  States  therefor,  and  to  guard  its  people  against  Inva- 
sion, insurre«'tions,  and  domestic  violence."  This  was  giving  wide 
latitude  to  a  single  individual,  with  no  law  of  Congress  for  his  guid 
ance,  and  with  no  very  definite  instructions  from  the  President. 

Governor  Holden  was  not  a  good  choice  of  an  official  for  the  deli- 
cate and  responsible  duties  of  a  position  of  this  character.  He  was 
a  shifty  politician,  who  always  aimed  to  be  on  the  winning  side. 
Before  the  war  he  was  a  Democratic  editor  at  Raleiigfh,  and  was  an 
original  Secessionist.  He  was  ahead  of  his  State  in  that  matter, 
for,  as  early  as  1850,  he  advocated  disunion  in  cjiSe  of  Fremont's 
election.  In  1.S60-1,  finding  that  the  sentiment  of  the  State  was  strong 
against  secession,  iie  opposed  it.  He  was  a  member  of  the  North  Car- 
olina convention,  and  when  he  saw  that  the  outside  pressure  was  cer- 


BOMB! 


iiJ'<U^IHH!Pii|i, 


100 


HISTORY  OP  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 


P 

f 


tain  to  cnrry  the  seccHgion  ordinance  tbrouKh,  he  shifted  again,  and 
voted  for  it.  He  declared  that  he  woald  keep  the  i)en  with  which  he 
signed  the  Ordinance  of  BeceBsion  as  an  heirloom  for  his  posterity, 
and  for  a  time  was  one  of  the  most  rampant  ''last  ditch"  Rebels. 
After  a  time  he  began  to  express  doubts  as  to  the  wisdom  of  the 
whole  movement,  and  criticised  the  Confederate  Oovernment  at  Rich- 
mond so  savagely  tlmt  he  came  to  be  regarded  as  an  open  enemy  of 
the  Confederate  cause,  and  he  was  subjected  to  persecution  and 
annoyance  for  that  reason.  This  soured  him  still  more  on  the  move- 
ment, and  he  expressed  great  satisfaction,  which  was  doubtless  genu- 
ine, at  the  downfall  of  the  Confederacy.  Like  Johnson,  he  sprung 
from  the  poor  white  class,  and  if  he  had  done  his  best,  he  could  never 
have  been  a  favorite  with  the  aristocracy.  He  did  not,  however,  do 
his  best.  He  did  little  toward  restoring  prosjierity  and  orderly  gov- 
ernment to  the  State,  but  much  toward  building  up  a  political  party 
for  President  Johnson  and  himself.  One  of  his  methods  for  accom- 
plishing this  purpose  was  what  Thaddeus  Stevens  called  "peddling 
amnesty,"  bringing  discredit  »pon  the  administration,  as  well  as 
himself.  His  arts  did  not  prevail,  and  at  the  first  election  under  the 
new  Constitution,  he  was  defeated  in  the  contest  for  Governor  by 
over  six  thousand  votes. 

Less  mischief  was  done  in  North  Carolina  by  President  John- 
son's loose  method  of  reconstruction,  than  in  the  cotton  states.  North 
Carolina  was  almost  the  last  of  the  seceding  states  to  go  out,  and  then 
irs  ordinance  was  passed  through  trickery  and  outside  pressure.  Its 
people  were  ready  to  accept  any  well-meant  endeavors  for  the  rehabil- 
itation of  the  South,  and  reorganized  without  much  help  from 
Holden.  Tlaey  accepted  the  President's  plan,  but  repudiated  its 
agent. 

In  Alabama  the  outcome  was  very  different.  Lewis  E.  Parsons 
was  appointed  Governor  and  tried  to  convince  the  people  that  the 
abolition  of  slavery  was  a  finality.  "There  is  no  longer  a  slave  in 
Alabama,"  he  said.  "It  is  thus  made  manifest  to  the  world  that  the 
right  of  secession  for  the  purpose  of  establishing  a  separate  confed- 
eratity,  based  on  the  idea  of  African  slavery,  has  been  fully  and 
effectually  tried,  and  is  a  failure."  But  in  the  convention  which  whi 
called  by  the  Provisional  Governor,  quite  a  different  spirit  prevailed. 
It  was  argued  in  the  debates  that  the  State  had  committed  no  crime 
in  seceding;  that  only  individuals  could  be  punished;  that  secession 
worked  no  forfeiture  of  the  right  of  slave  owners  in  their  slave  prop- 


ANDREW  JOHNSON  AND  HIS  POLICY. 


191 


kI  again,  and 
fith  which  lie 
his  posterity, 
itch"  Rebels, 
isdom  of  the 
ment  at  Rich- 
pen  enemy  of 
•secution  and 
on  the  move- 
)ubtle8s  genu 
m,  he  sprung 
le  could  never 
,  however,  do 
i  orderly  gov 
political  party 
ids  for  accom- 
lled  "peddling 
D,  as  well  as 
tion  under  the 
Governor  by 

resident  John- 
states.  North 
)  out,  and  then 
pressure.  Its 
'or  the  rehabil- 
ch  help  from 
repudiated  its 

vis  E.  Parsons 
cople  that  the 
ger  a  slave  in 
world  that  the 
'parate  confed- 
teen  fully  and 
ion  which  wa5 
pirit  prevailed, 
litted  no  crime 
that  secession 
leir  slave  prop- 


erty, and  that  there  was  no  power  in  the  United  States  Government, 
by  proclamation  or  otherwise,  to  destroy  slavery.  For  the  sake  of 
securing  standing  with  the  Government  and  representation  in  Con- 
gress, the  Convention  repealed  the  Ordinance  of  Secession,  and 
adopted  the  Thirteenth  Amendment,  and  then  proceeded,  as  far  as 
possible  to  nullify  the  latter.  It  adopted  a  Constitution  without  sub- 
mitting it  to  the  people,  and  the  Governor  and  Legislature  elected 
under  it,  went  as  far  as  they  could  toward  re-establishing  slavery,  and 
promised  to  go  farther  in  the  future.  The  Governor  in  his  address,  ; 
on  assuming  oflBce,  desired  it  to  be  understood,  while  commending 
the  policy  of  the  President,  that  socially  and  politically  the  affairs  of 
the  State  should  be  controlled  by  the  superior  intelligence  of  the 
white  men.  A  few  inconveniences  incident  to  the  situation  were  to 
be  endured  until  they  could  be  changed,  but  in  due  season  Alabaum 
was  to  control  the  negro,  much  as  it  did  before  the  war. 

One  of  the  first  acts  of  the  Legislature  provided  that  freedmen, 
free  negr<ies,  and  mulattoes,  wh(Mi  contracting  to  labor  for  a  longer 
time  than  one  month,  should  enter  into  a  written  agreement,  wit- 
nessed by  two  white  persons,  and  failure  to  perform  the  contract  was 
made  a  misdemeanor.  The  penalty  was  loss  of  wages  and  sentence 
for  vagrancy,  which  meant  sale  to  the  highest  bidder,  and  virtual 
slavery.  By  subsequent  enactment  a  sale  for  vagrancy  was  limited 
to  six  months,  but  "stubborn  or  refractory  servants"  and  "servants 
who  loiter  away  their  time,"  were  added  to  the  class  of  vagrants. 
Mobile  was  given  a  charter  which  made  the  n).unicipal  corporation  the 
direct  agent  in  enslaving  men.  The  Mayor,  Aldermen  and  Common 
Council  were  empowered  "to  cause  all  vagrants,  all  such  as  have  no 
visible  means  of  support,  all  who  can  show  no  reasonable  cause  of 
employment  or  business  in  the  city,  all  who  have  no  fixed  residence 
or  cannot  give  a  good  account  of  themselves,  or  are  loitering  about 
tippling  houses,  to  give  security  for  their  good  behavior  for  a  reason- 
able time,  and  to  indemnify  the  city  for  any  reasonable  charge  for 
their  support,  and  in  case  of  their  inability  or  refusal  to  give  security, 
to  cause  them  to  be  confined  to  labor  for  a  limited  time,  not  exceeding 
six  months,  said  labor  to  be  for  the  benefit  of  the  city."  Under  the 
various  provisions  mentioned,  with  the  testimony  of  white  witnesses 
only  received,  it  would  be  easy  to  secure  six  months'  slavery  for 
almost  any  colored  man. 

The  other  Provisional  Governors  were  William  L.  Sharkey,  of 
Mississippi,  James  Johnson  of  Georgia,  Andrew  J.   Hamilton  of 


ii 


'.?'t 


1J»2 


HISTORY  OF  THE  KEITBLICAN  PAKTY. 


I 
I 


Texas,  B««njaniin  F.  Perry  of  South  Carolina  and  \Yiniam  Marvin  of 
Florida.  (Governors  Johnson  and  Hamilton  worked  zealously,  and 
with  fair  success,  in  ifivinjj  their  resiMH-tive  states  a  start  in  the  right 
direttion.  but  in  the  other  three  states  mentioned  the  situation  was 
worse  than  in  Alabama. 

Oovernor  Sharkey  of  Mississippi  was  a  man  of  probity,  and  a 
good  jurist,  but  without  exeeutive  qualifleations.  He  was  helpless 
when  it  nime  to  contact  with  the  flreeaters  in  that  hot-headed  State. 
The  I^egislature  chosen  in  accordance  with  the  Johnson  policy 
reje«ted  the  Thirteenth  Amendment,  and  went  so  far,  in  direct  enai-t- 
ments  of  an  objectionable  character,  as  to  lead  to  the  impression  that 
it  would  adopt  slavery  as  a  State  institution.  In  fact  the  old  slave 
code  was  re-enacted,  as  far  as  possible,  under  another  name. 

In  the  South  Carolina  I^^gislature  a  motion  to  repeal  the  Ordin 
ance  of  Secession  was  introduced  by  the  same  man  who  introduced 
the  Ordinance  itself  in  1860.  The  Thirteenth  Amendment  was 
accepted  only  after  long  delay,  and  then  only  at  the  personal  solicita- 
ti(»n  of  President  Johnson  and  Secretary  Seward.  One  of  the  acts 
passed  made  felonies  of  crimes  committed  by  jiersons  of  color,  which 
were  only  misdemeanors  if  committed  by  white  persons.  Many  other 
acts  were  passed  which  were  unjust  and  tyrannical,  and  other  special 
laws  were  enacted  of  such  an  extreme  character  that  General  Sickles 
finally  interfered,  and  virtually  suppressed  the  legislature. 

In  Florida  the  Thirteenth  Amendment  was  not  ratified  until  it 
had  already  been  proclaimed  as  part  of  the  organic  law  of  the  land. 
Laws  relating  to  vagrancy,  similar  to  those  in  Alabama,  were  passed 
and  among  other  cruel  enactments  was  one  that  any  negro  intruding 
himself  'into  any  religious  or  other  public  assembly  of  white  jiersons, 
or  into  any  railroad  <ar,  or  other  vehicle  set  apart  for  white  persons, 
must  stand  in  the  pillory  for  one  hour,  and  then  be  whipped  with 
thirty-nine  lashes  on  the  bare  ba<k." 

This  was  the  situation  when  Congress  met  in  December,  1863. 
The  South  had  been  reconstructed  without  its  knowledge  or  consent. 
Schuyler  Colfax  was  elected  Siieaker  by  a  vote  of  139  votes  to 
36  for  James  Brooks  of  New  York.  On  assuming  the  chair,  Mr. 
Colfax  reflected  the  tenii)er  of  the  House  by  departing  from  the  usual 
perfunctory  expression  of  thanks.  He  made  some  positive  declara- 
tions as  to'  the  work  before  the  body,  and  the  declarations  were  not 
in  the  line  of  President  Johnson's  policy,  either.  Even  before  the 
President's  messagi'  had  been  received.  Thaddeus  Stevens  made  a 
motion  for  a  joint  committee  on  reconstruction  and  his  motion  was 


■WMSiI 


v\- 


"-^V'" 


TY. 

Iliam  Marvin  of 
I  zealously,  and 
fart  in  the  right 
le  situation  wuh 

'  probity,  and  a 
le  was  helpless 
otheaded  Wtate, 
.)ohns(m  policy 
,  in  direct  ena<'t- 
inipression  that 
ict  the  old  slave 
»r  name, 
epeal  the  Ordin- 

who  introduced 
nnendnient  was 
[>ersonal  soliciia- 
One  of  the  acts 
B  of  color,  which 
ms.  Many  other 
ind  other  special 
t  General  Sickles 
ilature. 

ratified  until  it 
law  of  the  land, 
luia,  were  passed 
'  negro  intruding 
of  white  iiersons, 
[>r  white  persons, 
be  whipited  with 

December,  1863. 
ledge  or  consent. 

of  139  votes  to 
ig  the  chair,  Mr. 
ig  from  the  usual 

|w>8itive  declara- 
irations  were  not 

Even  before  the 

Stevens  made  n 
[1  his  motion  was 


ANDREW  JOHNSON  AND  HIS  POLICY. 


193 


immediately  adopted  under  suspension  of  the  rules.  The  message 
itself  was  unexpectedly  moderate  in  tone,  and  indicated  no  purposi; 
to  break  with  the  nmjority  in  the  two  houses,  but  it  received  scant 
attention.  Its  words  were  not  in  accord  with  the  President's  deeds. 
In  the  Senate  Mr.  Sumner  outlined  a  radical  policy  of  reconstruction, 
without  reference  to  what  the  President  might  or  might  not  do  or 
say.  Thus  in  both  houses,  within  the  first  two  days  there  was  every 
indication  that  the  President's  policy  would  be  promptly  repudiated. 

The  joint  committee  on  recimstruction,  provided  for  by  Mr. 
Stevens'  resolution, 
was  appointed  on  the 
thirteenth  of  Decem- 
ber, and  consisted  of 
William  Pitt  Fessen- 
den,  of  Maine;  James 
W.  (} rimes,  of  Iowa; 
Ira  Harris,  of  New 
York;  Jacob  M.  How- 
ard, of  Michigan;  Rev- 
erdy  Johnson,  of  Mary- 
land; and  George  H. 
Williams  of  Oregon, 
on  the  part  of  the  Sen- 
ate ;  and  Thaddeus 
Stevens,  of  Pennsyl- 
vania; Elihu  B.  Wash- 
burne.  of  Illinois;  Jus- 
tin S.  Morrill,  of  Ver- 
mont; Henry  Grider  of 
Kentucky;  John  A. 
Bingham,  of  Ohio; 
Roscoe  Conkling,  of  New  York;  George  S.  Boutwell,  of  Massachusetts; 
Henry  T.  Blow,  of  Missouri;  and  Andrew  J.  Rogers,  of  New  Jersey. 

Before  this  committee  reported,  the  general  policy  of  reconstruc- 
tion was  discussed  in  the  two  houses  in  a  somewhat  rambling  way, 
as  there  was  great  divergence  of  opinion  as  to  the  best  methods. 
Upon  one  point  the  Republicans  were  very  generally  agreed:  That 
they  wanted  no  more  of  Johnson's  policy.  This  feeling  was  not  at  all 
diminished  by  the  character  of  the  men  who  came  to  Washington  to 
represent  the  reconstructed  states.    Four  of  Johnson's  Provisional 


SCHUYLER  COLFAX. 


mm 


WW 

m 


104 


IlIHTOUY  OF  THE  UEPUIJLK'AN  PAKTV. 


Goveiiiiu-H  npiieart'd  with  (tTtiflcates  for  seats  in  the  Senate,  and  the.v 
were  the  four  whose  states  had  prmtiially  beKuu  to  re-establisli 
slavery.  They  were  l.ewis  E.  I'arsons,  of  Alabama;  William  Marvin 
of  Florida;  William  L.  Sharkey,  of  Mississipi)!;  and  Benjamin  F. 
Perry,  of  South  Carolina,  while  Georgia  sent  as  Senators  the  Vice 
President  of  the  Confederacy,  Alexander  H.  Stephens,  and  one  of  the 
most  <.onspicutHis  Rebels.  Herschell  V.  Johnson.  The  House  was 
reminded  that  there  had  been  a  war,  by  the  advent  of  the  foilowiuK 
Rebel  niilitarv  officers:      (Jeneral  Cullen  A.  Battle,  of  Alabama;  (}en- 

eral  Philip  Cook  and 
General  Wofford,  of 
Georgia;  General 
Samuel  McGowan  and 
<\)lonel  John  1>.  Ken- 
nedy, of  South  Caro- 
lina; Colonel  Arthur  E. 
Reynolds  and  Colonel 
Richard  Pinson,  of  Mis- 
sissippi; Colonel  Josiah 
E.  Turner,  Jr.,  of  North 
Carolina,  together  with 
a  large  number  of  men 
who  had  been  civil  lead- 
ers in  the  Rebellion. 

Thaddeus  Stevens 
was  the  leader  of  the 
House    forces  on    the 
Reconstruction    q  u  e  s- 
tion.      He    maintained 
that  the  states  that  se- 
ceded from  the  TTnion 
must  come  back  as  new  states,  or  come  back  as  conquei-ed  provinces. 
"The  separate  action  of  the  President,  or  Senator,  or  House,"  he  said, 
"amounts  to  nothing,  either  in  admitting  new  states  or  guaranteeing 
republican    form    of   Government    to    lapsed    or   outlawed    states. 
\»  hence  springs  the  preposterous  idea  that  any  one  of  these,  acting 
separatelv,  can  determine  the  right  of  states  to  send  senators  or  rep- 
resentatives to  tlie  Congress  of  the  Union?"      Mr.  Stevens  had  not, 
at  that  time,  got  so  far  as  to  ad  -cate  suffrage  for  the  blacks  by 
Federal  action,  but  '.„  i.  iptnl,  by  excluding  the  entire  population  from 


THADDHJUS  STEVENS. 


W 


'Y. 


ANDREW  JOHNSON  AND  HIS  POLICY. 


195 


i«nnlt',  nnd  tho.v 
to  re-eBtablish 
Viltiain  Marvin 
J   Benjamin  F. 
atoi-B  the  Vice 
and  one  of  the 
rhe  House  was 
f  the  following; 
Alabama;  Oen- 
lilip  Cook   and 
NVofford,    of 
;ia;  General 
McGowan  and 
John   D.   Ken- 
f    South    Caro- 
•lonel  Arthur  E. 
|g    and    Colonel 
I  rinson,  of  MIb- 
;  Colonel  Josiali 
ler,  Jr.,  of  North 
a,  together  with 
number  of  men 
i  been  civil  lead- 
he  Rebellion, 
dens  Stevens 
le  leader  of  the 
forces  on    the 
truction    q  u  e  s- 
He    maintained 
le  states  that  se- 
frora  the  TTnion 
|uei*ed  provinces. 
House,"  he  said, 
or  guaranteeing 
)utlawed    states. 
(  of  these,  acting 
1  senators  or  rep- 
Stevens  had  not, 
r  the   blacks  by 
population  from 


the  hmh  of  representation  in  Congress,  to  compel  the  States,  in 
their  own  interest,  to  extend  the  suffrage.  He  gave  notice,  more- 
over, that  the  blacks  were  not  to  go  unprotected.  He  said:  "We 
have  turned,  or  are  about  to  turn  loose,  four  million  slaves,  without 
a  hut  to  shelter  them  or  a  cent  in  their  pockets.  The  diabolical 
laws  of  slavery  have  prevented  them  from  obtaining  an  education, 
understanding  the  commonest  laws  of  contract,  or  of  managing  the 
ordinary  business  of  life.  This  Congress  is  bound  to  look  after  them 
until  they  can  take  care  of  themselves.  If  Ave  do  not  hedge  them, 
around  with  protective  laws,  if  we  leave  them  to  the  legislation  of 
their  old  masters,  we  had  better  have  left  them  to  bondage.  Their 
condition  will  be  worse  than  that  of  our  prisoners  at  Andersonville. 
If  we  fail  in  this  great  duty  now,  when  we  have  the  power,  we  shall 
deserve  to  receive  the  execration  of  history  and  of  all  future  ages." 
He  denounced,  with  great  bitterness,  the  cry  that  this  is  a  white 
man's  Government,  saying:  "Sir,  the  doctrine  of  a  white  man's  Gov- 
ernment is  as  atrocious  as  the  sentiment  that  damned  the  late  Chief 
Justice  to  everlasting  fame,  and  I  fear,  to  everlasting  flre." 

The  difficult  task  of  answering  Stevens  was  assigned  to  Henry 
J.  Raymond,  of  the  New  York  Times.  The  vagaries  of  Mr.  Greeley, 
of  the  Tribune,  during  the  war  had  deprived  that  jmper  of  its  former 
prestige,  and  Mr.  Raymond  had  succeeded  in  bringing  the  Times  to 
the  front  as  the  leading  Republican  paper.  It  had  now  sided  with 
Seward  and  Johnson,  and  Mr.  Raymond  himself  was  the  ablest  of  the 
very  few  Republicans  in  Congress  who  were  formed  in  those  ranks. 
He  evidently  felt  that  he  was  in  a  somewhat  anomalous  position,  in 
being  separated  so  thoroughly  from  the  great  majority  of  his  party 
associates,  but  made  the  best  that  he  could  of  the  situation.  "I 
have  no  party  feeling,"  said  he  in  opening  his  speech,  "that  would 
prevent  me  from  rejoicing  in  the  indications  apparent  in  the  Demo- 
cratic side  of  the  House,  of  a  purpose  to  concur  with  the  loyal  Admin- 
istration of  the  Government  and  with  the  loyal  majorities  in  both 
Houses  of  Congress  in  restoring^  peace  and  order  to  our  common 
country.  I  cannot,  however,  help  wishing,  that  these  indications  of 
an  interest  in  the  preservation  of  our  Government  had  come  some- 
what sooner.  I  cannot  help  feeling  that  such  expressions  cannot 
now  be  of  as  much  use  to  the  country  as  they  might  once  have  been. 
If  we  could  have  had  from  that  side  of  the  House  such  indications  of 
an  interest  in  the  preservation  of  the  Union,  such  heart-felt  sympathy 
of  the  friends  of  the  Government  for  the  preser'.  ation  of  that  Union, 


Ml.  II 1 1      r 


w 


1!MS 


HISTORY  OF  TMK  REPUBFilCAN  PARTY. 


fliioh  lienrt.v  denuiK-iations  for  all  those  who  were  seeking  its  destruc- 
tion while  the  war  was  raging,  I  am  sure  we  might  have  been  spared 
some  .years  of  war,  some  millions  of  money  and  rivers  of  blood  and 
tears." 

In  seeking  to  j'ontrovert  Htevens'  theory  of  dead  states,  he  said: 
"The  gentleman  from  Pennsylvania  believes  that  what  we  have  to  do 
is  to  create  new  states  out  of  this  <'(mquered  territory,  at  the  prop<M' 
time  many  years  distant,  retaining  them  meantime  in  a  territorial 
condition,  and  subjecting  them  to  |ire<-iscly  such  a  state  of  discipline 

and  tutelage  as  Con- 
gress and  the  Govern- 
ment of  the  United 
States  may  see  fit  to 
prescribe.  If  I  be- 
lieved in  the  premises 
he  assumes,  possibly, 
though  I  do  not  think 
probably,  I  might  agree; 
with  the  conclusion  he 
has  reached.  But,  sir, 
I  <-annot  believe  that 
these  states  have  ever 
been  out  of  the  Union, 
or  that  they  are  now 
out  of  the  Union.  If 
they  were,  sir,  how  and 
when  did  they  become 
BO?  By  what  specific 
act,  at  what  precise 
time,  did  any  one  of 
those  states  take  itself 
out  of  the  American  Union?" 

After  the  recess  Mr.  Shellabarger  answered  Mr.  Raymond  pn 
this  point  with  a  caustic  summary,  that  is  in  itself  the  history  and 
the  substance  of  the  debate.  "I  answer  him,"  said  the  earnest 
member  from  Ohio,  "in  the  words  of  the  Supreme  Court:  'The 
causeless  waging  against  their  own  Government  of  a  war  which  all 
the  world  acknowledges  to  have  been  the  greatest  civil  war  known  in 
the  history  of  the  human  race.'  The  war  was  waged  by  these  people 
by  states,  and  it  went  through  long,  dreary  years.     In  it  they  threw 


SAMUEL.  SHELLABARGER. 


,:!vJfr; 


'^'-W% 


CY. 

ingits  destruc- 
ive  been  spared 
rt)  of  blood  aud 

Htateg,  he  said: 
t  we  have  to  do 
y,  at  the  proper 
in  a  territorial 
ate  of  discipline 
itelage  as  Con- 
nd  the  Govern- 
[>f     the    United 

may  see  fit  to 
be.  If  I  be- 
in  the  premises 
limes,    possibl}', 

I  do  not  think 
ly,  I  might  agree 
\ie  conclusion  he 
iched.  But,  sir, 
lot  believe  that 
states  have  ever 
ut  of  the  Union, 
it  they  are  now 

the  Union.  If 
■ere,  sir,  how  and 
did  they  become 
By  what  specific 
It  what  precise 
did  any  one  of 
states  take  itself 

Mr.  Raymond  pn 
f  the  history  and 
said  the  earnest 
me  Court:  'The 
f  a  war  which  all 
Ivil  war  known  in 
(d  by  these  people 
In  it  they  threw 


ANDREW  JOHNHON  AND  HIS  POLICY 


off  and  defied  the  authority  of  your  Constitution,  and  your  Govern- 
ment.     They  obliterated  from  their  Ktate  ('(mstitutions  and  Laws 
every  vestige  of  recognition  of  your  Government.      They  discarded 
all  their  official  oaths,  and  took  In  their  places  (witlis  to  support  your 
enemies'    government.      They  seissed,    in    their  own  states,  all    the 
Nation's    property.       Their  Senators  and    Representatives  In    your 
('ongress  insulted,  bantered,  defied,  and  then  left  you.    They  expelled 
from  their  land,  or  Jissasslnated,  every  inhabitant  of  known  loyalty. 
They  betrayed  and  surrendered  your  arms.      They  passed  se^juestra- 
tion  and  other  acts,  in  Hagitious  violation  of  the  laws  of  nations, 
nmking  every  citizen  of  the  United  States  an  alien  enemy,  and  placing 
in  the  treasury  of  their  Rebellion  all  money  and  property  due  such 
•  itizens.       They  franted  iniquity  and  universal  murder  into  laws. 
For  years  they  besieged  your  capital  and  sent  your  bleeding  armies  in 
rout  back  here,  upon  five  very  sanctuaries  of  your  National  power. 
Their  pirates  burned  your  unarmed  commerce  upon  every  sea.    They 
carved  the  bones  of  your  unburied  heroes  ihto  ornaments,  and  drank 
from  goblets  made  out  of  their  skulls.    They  poisoned  your  fountains, 
put   mines   under   your   soldiers'   i)risons,   organized   bands   whose 
leaders  were    concealed    in    your    homes,    and  whose  commissions 
ordered  the  torch  to  be  carried  to  your  cities,  and  the  yellow  fever  to 
your  wives  and  children.      They  planned  one  universal  bonfire  of  the 
North,  from    Lake  Ontario  to  the   Missouri.      They  murdered,    by 
systems  of  starvation  and  exposure,  sixty  thousand  of  your  sons,  as 
brave  and  heroic  as  ever  martyrs  were.     They  destroyed,  in  the  four 
years  of  horrid  war,  another  array  so  large  that  it  would  reach  almost 
around  the  globe  in  marching  columns.      And  then  to  give  to  the 
infernal  drama  a  fitting  close,  and  to  concentrate  into  one  crime  all 
that  is  criminal  in  crime,  and  all  that  is  detestable  in  barbarism,  they 
murdered  the  President  of  the  United  States.      I   allude  to  these 
hcrrid  events,  not  to  revive  frightful  memories,  nor  to  bring  back  the 
impulses  toward  the  peri)etual  severance  of  this  people  which  they 
provoke.      I  allude  to  them  to  remind  us  how  utter  was  the  over- 
throw and  the  obliteration  of  all  government,  Divine  and  human; 
how  total  was  the  wreck  of  all  constitutions  and  laws,  political,  civil 
and  international.      I  allude  to  them  to  condense  their  monstrous 
enormities  of  guilt  into  one  crime,  and  to  point  the  gentleman  from 
New  York  to  it,  and  to  tell  him  that  that  was  the  specific  act/' 

Raymond  made  a  rejoinder  to  Shellabarger  before  the  debate 
chfsed,  but  without  effect.      His  speech  was  ingenious  and  it  was 


■HP 


>mmmm 


lUH 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 


I  pi 


pnilHwtfor  ltn  cleveriioHn,  but  it  niPt  with  no  praeticiil  (lyinpathy,  and 
wlu'ii  the  tcHt  vote  wan  taken  only  one  Republican  in  the  House  voted 
with  Mr.  Raymond — hit)  colleague  and  friend,  William  A.  Darling. 
While  he  lived  Mr.  Raymond  believed  he  <-ould  have  made  a  serious 
diverHion  among  the  Republicans  in  fouKress  if  he  could  have  had 
the  benefit  of  the  hostility  of  President  Johnson's  Democratic  friends. 
He  was  especially  indignant  at  Mr.  N'oorhees,  whose  ill-timed  resolu- 
tion, that  "the  President  is  entitled  to  the  thanks  of  Congress  and  the 
country  for  his  faithful,  wise,  and  successful  effort  to  restore  civil  gov- 
einment,  law,  and  order  to  the  states  lately  in  rebellion,"  was  the 
cause  of  the  break  with  the  President,  and  the  disaster  that  made 
Raymond  the  approved  ally  of  the  discredited  Democracy. 

In  the  Senate  Mr.  Huuiner  led  in  the  debates,  which  covered  essen- 
tially the  same  ground  as  those  in  the  House.  While  there  was  an 
almost  universal  agreement,  among  I{epubli(;ans,  that  some  act  should 
be  passed  tliat  should  take  the  Reconstruction  matters  entirely  out 
of  the  hands  of  the  Pi'.'jident  and  his  Provisional  <}overnors,  there 
was  great  difficulty  hi  r'omJng  to  an  agreement  as  to  the  proper 
method.  There  was  a  strong  feeling  among  many  against  supplant- 
ing civil  by  military  government,  and  still,  without  this,  no  method 
of  securing  a  sufficiently  strong  Government  presented  itself.  The 
differences  among  Republicans  were  not  adjusted  and  the  bill  passed 
until  near  the  close  of  the  second  session  of  the  Thirty- 
ninth  Congress.  The  President  returned  the  bill  with  hit 
veto,  ati  an  argument  against  military  rule.  He  delayed 
the  veto  >iiitil  the  last  moment  allowed  by  the  Constitution,  and  it 
did  not  reach  the  House  until  Saturday,  while  Congress  was  to 
adjourn  Monday.  Dilatory  tactics,  including  talking  against  time, 
were  attempted  by  the  minority,  but  the  majority  was  strong  enough 
to  overcome,  by  suspensions  of  the  rules,  this  opposition,  and  the 
bill  passed  over  the  veto  by  a  vote  of  135  to  48  in  the  House,  and  38 
to  U)  in  the  Senate. 

The  text  of  this  much-discussed  measure  was  as  follows: 

WHEREAS,  No  legal  State  Government,  or  adequate  protect 
tion  for  life  or  property  now  exist  in  the  Rebel  States  of  Virginia, 
North  Carolina,  South  Carolina,  Georgia,  Mississippi,  Alabama, 
Louisiana,  Florida,  Texas  and  Arkansas;  and  whereas,  it  is  neces- 
sary that  peace  and  good  order  should  be  enforced  in  said  States 
until  loyal  and  republican  State  Governments  can  be  legally  estab- 
lished;     Therefore, 

Be  it  enacted,  etc..  That  said  Rebel  States  shall  be  divided  into 
military  districts  and 'made  subject  to  the  military  authority  of  the 


■>  \ 


■■$'-'; 


'Y. 


ANDKFA     rOHNHOX  AND  TUt*l  '^^'Y. 


IM 


Hyinpathy,  and 
ic  House  voted 
ni  A.  l>arlint(. 
iiade  a  Berious 
till  Id  have  had 
o<TaM<*  friendii. 
Iltinied  reBolii- 
ngresB  and  the 
'Store  civil  gov- 
lion,"  waH  the 
8ter  that  made 
racy. 

1  covered  essen- 
!(>  there  was  an 
»oine  act  should 
tfrs  entirely  out 
overnors,  there 
to  the    proper 
jainst  supplant- 
this,  no  method 
ed  itself.      The 
the  bill  passed 
at    the    Thirty- 
bill    with    hii 
He    delayed 
stitution,  and  it 
longress  was  to 
ig  against  time, 
8  strong  enough 
osition,  and  the 
e  House,  and  38 

follows: 

idequate  protect 
:e8  of  Virginia, 
jippi,  Alabama, 
eas,  it  is  neces- 
1  in  said  States 
)e  legally  estab- 

be  divided  into 
authority  of  the 


I'nited  KtateH.  an  lH'n'iiinfl««r  i  i  IImhI.  I  fw  li  f  piifpoHe  Vir- 
);inia  Mhall  couHtiliite  (lie  tin  iMirici;  ..<rth  ('iiruliiiii  iiiid  South 
raroliiiH  the  Mccond  district ;  ('  Kin.  A  hi  uua,  nixl  Florida  the  third 
district;  MisHiMsippi  and  Arkin  "<  tli(>  fomth  diHirict,  and  houiHiana 
and  Texas  the  Hfth  district. 

Hec.  2.  That  it  shall  be  the  duty  of  (lie  I'l-eHident  to  assign  to 
the  command  of  each  of  said  diHtrictM  an  olticer  of  the  Army,  not 
below  the  rank  of  Itrigadier  Oeneral,  and  to  detail  a  HutTlcii'nt  mili- 
tary force  to  enabl(>  such  officer  to  perform  his  duties  and  enforce 
his  authority  within  the  district  to  which  he  is  asHigned. 

Hec.  .*>.  That  it  shall  lie  the  duty  of  each  officer  assigned  as 
aforesaid  to  protect  all  persons  in  their  rights  of  person  and  property, 
to  suppress  insurrection,  disorder,  and  violence,  and  to  punish,  or 
cause  to  be  punished,  all  disturbers  of  the  public  peace  and  criminals, 
and  to  this  end  he  may  allow  local  «-ivii  tribunals  to  take  jurisdiction 
of  and  to  try  offenders,  or,  when  in  his  judgment  it  nuiy  be  necessary 
for  the  trial  of  offenders,  he  shall  have  power  lo  organize  mili- 
tary conmiissions  (»r  tribunals  for  that  purpose;  and  all  interferenr(>, 
under  c<»lor  of  State  authority,  with  the  exen  ise  of  military  authority 
under  this  Act  shall  be  null  and  void. 

Se<'.  4.  That  all  persons  put  under  military  arrest  by  virtue  of 
this  Act  shall  be  tried  without  unnecessary  delay,  and  no  cruel  or 
unusual  punishment  shall  be  inflicted;  and  no  sentence  of  any  mili- 
tary commission  or  tribunal,  hereby  authorised,  affecting  the  life  or 
liberty  of  any  person  shall  be  exe<*uted  until  it  is  approved  by  the 
officer  in  command  of  the  district,  and  the  I^aws  and  Kegulations  for 
the  (Jovernment  of  the  Army  shall  not  be  affected  by  this  Act,  except 
in  so  far  as  they  conflict  with  its  provisions: 

PKOVIDEI),  That  no  sentence  of  death  under  the  provisions  of 
this  Act  shall  be  carried  into  effect  without  the  approval  of  the 
I'resident. 

See.  5.  That  when  the  {leople  of  any  one  of  said  Rebel  States 
shall  have  formed  a  constitution  of  government  in  conformity  with 
the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  in  all  respects,  framed  by  a 
convention  of  delegates  elected  by  the  male  citizens  of  said  State, 
twenty-one  years  old  and  upward,  of  whatever  race,  color,  or  previous 
condition,  who  have  been  resident  in  said  State  for  one  yeav  previous 
to  the  day  of  sndi  election,  except  such  as  may  be  disfranchised  f(n- 
parti<*ipation  in  the  Rebellion,  or  for  felony  at  common  law, 
and  when  such  Constitution  shall  provide  that  the  elective 
franchise  shall  be  enjoyed  by  all  such  ]>ersons  as  have  the 
qualification  herein  stated  for  ele<'tors  <»f  delegates,  and  when 
such  Constitution  shall  be  ratified  by  a  majority  of  the  persons 
voting  on  the  question  of  ratification  who  are  qualified  as  electors 
for  delegates,  and  when  such  Constitution  shall  have  been  submitted 
to  Congress  for  examination  and  approval,  and  Congress  shall  have 
approved  the  same,  and  when  said  State,  by  a  vote  of  its  Legislature 
elected  under  such  Constitution,  shall  have  adooted  the  .\mendment 


r«i 


IIIHTOUV  OKTIIK  UKriHI.K^AN  PARTY. 


to  tli(>  CniiHlitiition  of  tlH'  rtiilcti  KtatcH,  propoMcd  h\  lli«>  Tliirt,v  ninth 
CoiiKn'HH,  iiiid  known  iih  Arliric  F(Mii-t<'«'n.  inul  wImmi  Hiiid  Article 
hIihII  liavc  li<>(<inM'  u  ]iiii't  of  tlir  ('(UiHtitntion  of  the  I'nitcd  HratcM, 
Hiiid  Htat4>  Hliall  Im>  4hM'lai'<>(l  rntillcd  to  i-t'|in'H<'ntatioii  in  ronf;r(>MH, 
and  Kcnatoi'H  and  U<'pr<>H(>ntativch  hIuiII  lie  admitted  tlict-cfroui  on 
taking;  tho  oatlitt  prcHcriiiod  by  law,  and  tlirn  and  tli<>i-<>aft«M'  tli<> 
pnM-cdinK  HcrtionH  of  tliiH  act  Hliall  lir  inopiM'ativc  in  Maid  Stiiti 

I'KOVIDKh,  That  no  |M>rf«on  cxchidcd  from  tlir  privi  l•^^^'  (»f 
holding  ofTlcc  b,v  Haid  ]>i'opoH('d  AnicndnuMit  to  the  ConHtitntion  of  tli(> 
Tnitod  HtatoN  Hliall  hv  i'li|;il>lt>  to  election  an  a  nicnihtM'  of  the  Con- 
vention to  frame  a  f'onHtitiition  Un-  an,v  of  Haid  Rebel  Staten,  nor 
Hhall  any  Hneh  jiernon  vote  for  iiiemberH  of  hiicIi  fonvontion. 

Hec.  0.  That  until  the  |H'ople  <if  Haid  Reb<>l  HtateH  Hhall  be  by 
law  admitted  to  reprenentation  in  the  ConmreHM  of  the  T'nited  Htaten. 
any  civil  governnientH  which  may  exint  therein  nliall  be  de«>nied  pro- 
vidional  only,  and  in  uiS  veH|K'ctH  Hubject  to  the  ]Hiramonnt  authority 
of  the  United  Htaten  at  any  time  to  aboliHh,  modify,  control,  or  Huper- 
<'ede  the  name;  and  in  all  electionn  to  any  olflce  under  Hiich  I'roviH- 
ional  OovernmentH  all  jierHona  nhall  be  entitled  to  vote,  and  none 
otherH,  who  are  entitled  to  vote  under  the  provinioUH  of  the  Fifth 
Section  of  this  Act;  and  no  perBon  Rhnll  be  eli|;ible  to  any  office  under 
any  such  ProviHional  (iovernmentn  who  would  be  disqualified  from 
holding  office  under  the  provinions  of  the  Third  Article  of  said  Con- 
Htitutional  Amendment. 

The  Military  Governors  appointed  under  thin  Act  were  Major 
General  Schofleld,  for  the  DiHtrict  of  Virginia;  Major  General  Sickles, 
for  the  District  of  North  and  South  Carolina;  Major  General  Pope, 
for  Georgia,  Alabama  and  Florida;  Major  General  Ord,  for  Missis- 
sippi and  Arkansas;  Major  General  Sheridan,  for  Louisiana  and 
Texas.  The  President  was  hostile  to  I'ope,  Sickles  and  Sheridan,  and 
they  were  replaced  by  Meade.  Canby  and  Hancock  respectively. 
Under  these  Military  Governors  the  real  work  of  Reconstrn<'tion  com- 
menced, but  it  was  not  until  1808,  that  any  of  the  states  were 
readmitted  to  representation.  Arkansas  was  the  llrst,  and  that  was 
followed  in  their  order  by  North  Carolina,  South  Carolina,  Louisiana, 
Georgia  and  Florida.  The  bills  for  their  readniission  were  all  vetoed 
by  the  President,  and  promptly  passed  over  his  veto.  Virginia,  Mis-, 
sissippi  and  Texas  did  not  comply  with  the  terms  requisite  for  re-ad- 
mission till  1870. 

The  Joint  Committee  on  Reconstruction  also  reported  an  Amend- 
ment to  the  Constitution,  to  stand  as  the  Fourteenth  Amendment,  as 
follows: 

Section  1.  All  persons  born  or  naturalized  in  the  I'nited  States 
and  subject  to  the  jurisdiction  thereof,  are  citizens  of  the  United 


aX 


.J:ix■::'mtae'■'r^^:l^'\.^'A^r«s. 


"I'l 


AXnUKW  .MHINKON  ASM  IIIH  I'OLFCY. 


201 


Thirty  uiiilli 
Hiii<l   A  r|irl(> 

llit<>«l    KTUtt'H, 

ill  CongrcHM, 
llicri'froni  on 
i('r«'Hff«M*  flio 
<i  Htiit< 

\>V\\  i    i-ffV   (»f 

itiitlon  of  fli<> 
r  of  llio  Coil- 
I  KtatoH,  nor 
(ion. 

H  hIuiII  hv  by 
I'nitod  Stat«*H, 
«'  (l«M*iiH'd  jiro- 
Mint  nuthority 
trol,  or  Hiipor- 
I-  Hiicli  ProviH- 
ot<'.  nnd  non«» 
4  of  the  Fifth 
riy  offlcp  under 
quiiliflcd  from 
«*  of  snid  Ton- 

t  w«'rp  Major 
<*neral  Hickles, 
Clenoral  Pope, 
rd,  for  MJBiiiB- 
Tionigiana  and 

Sheridan,  and 
i  respectively, 
istrnetion  t'oni- 
e  stated  were 
,  and  that  was 
ina,  Louisiana, 
svere  all  vetoed 

Virginia,  Mis-, 
lisite  for  re-ad- 
ted  an  Amend- 
Amendment,  as 

T'nited  States 
of  the  United 


States  and  of  the  Stat*'  wlier«'in  ihey  reside.  No  State  shall  make 
or  enforce  any  law  which  shall  ahridKc  the  privileges  or  immunities 
of  citizens  of  the  I'liittMl  States;  nor  shall  any  State  deprive  any 
IN'i'son  of  life,  liberty  or  pi'op<>rty,  without  due  process  of  law;  nor 
deny  to  any  person  within  its  jurisdiction  the  eipial  protection  of  the 
laws. 

Sec.  2.  Representatives  shall  be  apportioned  among  the  several 
states  acconling  to  th<*ir  reH|K'ctive  numbers,  counting  the  whole 
number  of  persons  in  each  State,  excluding  Indians  not  taxed.  Itut 
when  the  right  to  vote  at  any  election  for  the  choic«'  of  Electors  for 
President  and  Vice-President  of  the  llnl(e<l  States,  Uepresentatives 
in  Congress,  the  Kxecutive  and  .ludicial  ofticers  of  u  State,  or  the 
Members  of  tlie  Legislature  thereof,  is  denied  to  any  of  the  male 
inliabitants  of  such  State,  being  twenty-one  years  of  age,  and  citixens 
of  the  I'liited  States,  or  in  any  way  abridged,  except  for  participation 
in  rebellion,  or  other  crime,  the  basis  of  represiMitation  therein  shall 
be  reduced  in  the  proportion  which  tlie  number  of  such  male  citixens 
shall  bear  to  the  whole  numb«'r  of  male  cilixens  twenty -one  years  of 
age  in  such  Si  ate. 

Sec.  ;{.  No  person  shall  be  a  Senator  or  Representative  in 
Congress,  or  Klector  of  President  and  Vice-President,  or  hold  any 
office,  civil  or  military,  under  the  United  States,  or  under  any  State, 
who,  having  previously  taken  an  oath,  as  a  Member  of  Congress,  or 
an  officer  of  the  United  States,  or  as  a  Member  of  any  State  Legisla- 
ture, or  as  an  Exet-utive  or  Judicial  olH<er  of  any  State,  to  support  the 
Constitution  of  the  Inited  States,  shall  have  engaged  in  insurrection 
or  rebellion  against  the  same,  or  given  aid  or  comfort  to  the  enemies 
thereof.  Hut  Congress  may,  by  a  vote  of  two-thirds  of  each  House, 
remove  such  disability. 

Sec.  4.  The  validity  of  the  public  debt  of  the  United  States, 
authorized  by  law,  including  debts  incurred  for  payment  of  pensions 
and  bounties  for  services  in  suppressing  insurrection  or  rebellion, 
shall  not  be  questicmed.  Rut  neither  the  T'nlte<l  States  nor  any 
Slate  shall  assume  or  pay  any  debt  or  obligation  incurred  in  aid  of 
insurrection  or  rebellion  against  the  T^nited  States,  or  any  claim  for 
the  loss  or  emancipation  of  any  slave;  but  all  such  debts,  obligations, 
or  claims  shall  be  held  illegal  and  void. 

Section  2  of  this  Amendment  was  a  carrying  out  of  Thaddeus 
Stevens'  idea  of  securing  negro  suffrage  through  State,  instead  of 
Federal  action,  and  section  one  was  aimed  at  the  laws  which  some  of 
Johnson's  reconstructed  states  had  enacted  ,  discriminating  against 
the  blacks.  The  various  propositions  embodied  in  this  Amendment 
occasioned  prolonged  discussions  which  would  be  of  little  interest 
at  the  present  time.  The  Amendment  first  passed  the  House,  May 
10,  1866,  yeas  128,  all  Republicans;  nays  .'17,  of  whom  82  were  Deim>- 


iMMMMi 


WUBW^W"^ 


202 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 


crats  and  5  niembors  who  were  eleoted  as  RepublicanB,  but  classed  as 
Unionists  at  the  time.  The  Henate  amended  it  and  passed  it  as 
an  ended,  June  8,  by  33  yeas,  all  Republicans;  nays  11,  of  whom  7 
were  Democrats,  the  other  four  being  the  Unionists  Cowan,  Doolit- 
tle,  Norton  and  Van  Winkle.  As  amended  it  again  passed  the  House 
by  a  vote  of  138  yean,  all  Republicans,  to  36  nays,  all  Democrats.  It 
was  finally  submitt*  d  to  the  States,  June  16,  1866.  The  first  states 
to  ratify  it  were.  Connecticut,  June  30,  and  New  HampsLire,  July  7. 
Tennessee  followed,  July  19,  whereupon  i^ongress  promptly  restored 
that  State  1o  the  Union,  and  her  Senators  and  Representatives  were 
seated  July  28.  It  was  nearly  two  years  before  any  other  of  the 
seceded  states  accepted  the  Amendment,  though  it  was  ratified  by 
most  of  the  Northern  States  as  soon  as  their  Legislatures  met. 

The  other  great  measures  of  this  Congress  were  the  Tenure  of 
Office  Act,  passed  at  the  second  session,  and  intended  to  prevent 
President  Johnson  from  making  wholesale  removals  from  office  in 
order  to  make  places  for  his  friends,  the  Act  Establishing  the  Freed- 
men'B  Bureau,  and  the  Civil  Rights  Act.  The  latter  was  designed 
to  confer  upon  the  bla«ks  all  the  civil  rights  enjoyed  by  the  white 
men  except  that  of  suffrage,  to  give  them  equality  in  all  things 
before  the  law,  and  to  nullify  every  State  law.  North  or  South,  that 
was  in  conflict  with  the  Federal  statutes.  The  bill  passed  the  Senate 
mth  onlv  two  Republican  votes  against  it,  Senators  Doolittle  and 
Norton.  When  it  came  to  the  question  of  passing  it  over  the  veto 
it  had  a  narrow  escape  in  the  Senate,  for  Senators  liane  and  Van- 
Winkle  joined  the  Johnson  forces,  and  the  vote  stood  33  to  15. 
Senator  Dixon,  of  Connecticut,  who  would  have  voted  with  the  Presi- 
dent, was  absent  on  account  (<f  illness,  and  Senator  Stockton,  of  New 
Jersey,  who  would  have  voted  the  same  way,  had  very  recently  been 
expelled.  Their  presence  would  have  reversed  the  decision.  That 
was  as  near  as  the  I'resident  came  to  getting  any  satisfaction  out  of 
the  Thirty-ninth  Congress. 

Other  Acts  passed  at  the  second  session  of  the  Thirty-ninth 
Congress  were  as  follows:  Giving  colored  men  the  right  to  vote  in 
the  District  of  Columbia  and  in  the  territories;  repealing  the  author- 
ity of  the  President  to  proclaim  amnesty  and  pardon  conferred  by 
Section  13  of  the  Act  of  July  17, 1862;  providing  i>enalties  for  forging 
public  securities;  amending  the  course  of  procedure  in  habeas 
corpus  proceedings  and  establishing  a  uniform  system  of  bankruptcy. 


{. 


but  classed  as 
1  passed  it  as 
1,  of  whom  7 
!owan,  Doolit- 
sed  the  House 
democrats.  It 
he  first  states 
>sLire,  July  7. 
aptly  restored 
jntatives  were 
►'  other  of  the 
as  ratified  by 
res  met. 
the  Tenure  of 
ed  to  prevent 
from  oflBce  in 
ing  the  Preed- 

was  designed 
1  by  the  white 

in  all  things 
or  South,  that 
ised  the  Senate 

Doolittle  and 
:  over  the  veto 
lane  and  Van- 
rood  33  to  15. 
with  the  Presi- 
ockton,  of  New 
f  recently  been 
iecision.  That 
isfaction  out  of 

e  Thirty-ninth 
'ight  to  vote  in' 
ing  the  author- 
n  conferred  by 
ties  for  forging 
lure  in  habeas 
of  bankruptcy. 


XVI.        ;':://' 

THE  IMPEACHING  CONGRESS. 

The  Elections  of  J8fi6— The  Arm-in-Arm  Convention  in  Philadelphia 
—A  Serious  Movement  Turned  to  Ridicule— Conventions  of 
Southern  Loyalists  and  Northern  Republicans— A  Powerful 
Address  to  the  Country  by  the  Former— The  President's  "Swing 
Around  the  Circle*'— Administration  and  Anti-Administration 
Soldiers'  and  Sailors'  Conventions— Large  Republican  Majority 
in  the  New  Congress— Johnson's  Numerous  Vetoes— Charges 
and  Articles  of  Impeachment— Attempt  to  Force  Secretary 
Stanton  Out  of  Office— Impeachment  Renewed— Trial  of  the 
Case  and  Benefits  Therefrom— The  Fifteenth  Amendment. 

For  an  off  vear  the  campaign  of  1860  was  exciting  and  in  some 
resiwcts  it  was*  unique.  The  Johnson  and  the  Congressional  plans 
of  Reconstruction  were  squarely  before  the  people,  and  they  presented 
the  sole  issue  in  the  Congressional  elections.  It  was  hoped,  before 
the  campaign  opened,  that  a  combination  might  be  made  between  the 
Johnson  Republicans  and  the  Democrats  that  would  control  the 
Fortieth  Congress.  President  Johnson  had  been  doing  his  best, 
though  not  very  successfully,  through  that  powerful  instrument,  the 
Federal  patronage,  to  build  up^  a  party,  and  he  was  in  hopes  that  if 
the  combination  succeeded  in  1866  it  might  open  the  way  for  his 
re-election  in  1868.  It  is  not  likely  that  the  Democrats  had  any  idea 
of  playing  into  Johnson's  hands,  but  if  tliey  could  divide  the  Republi- 
can party  they  could  themselves  reap  the  benefit  in  the  next  election. 

Tlie  first  inove  looking  towai-d  such  a  combination  was  the  famous 
•'Arm-in-Arm"  Convention  in  Philadelphia,  August  14, 1866.  It  was 
intended  to  bring  together,  in  fraternal  union,  leading  Johnson  Re- 
publicans and  Democrats,  North  and  South,  and  to  effect  a  complete 
fusion.  With  the  Republicans  it  was  an  assertion  of  the  Johnson- 
Seward  plans  against  the  Sumner-Stevens-Wade  leadership.  With 
the  Democrats,  it  was  the  search  for  an  ally.      For  the  use  of  the 


wm 


wssm 


204 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 


ronreiiH6n  a  wigwam,  calculated  to  accoiniiiodate  ten  thousand 
I)ei'8ong,  was  erected  on  flirard  avenue,  near  Twentieth  street.  The 
white  man's  troubles  began  with  the  construction  of  the  wigwam.  A 
bitter  campaign  was  on  for  the  election  of  Governor  and  other  State 
officers,  and  tla-  feeling  was  running  high,  particularly  in  Philadel- 
phia. Besides  that,  the  old  war  feeling  had  been  aroused  by  John- 
son's furious  speeches.  A  lot  of  the  young  fighting  Republicans, 
including,  espe<*ially,  the  boys  in  the  V^olunteer  Fire  Department,  who 
were  always  ready  either  for  a  fight  or  a  Are,  resented  this  "Rebel 
invasion  of  Philadelphia,"  this  "contamination  of  the  pupils  of  Girard 
College."  They  threatened  that  the  wigwam  should  never  be  com- 
pleted, or  if  completed,  that  it  should  be  burned  down  before  it  was 
occupied.  These  threats  were  so  frequent,  that,  though  no  attempt 
to  burn  the  wigwam  was  made,  the  Mayor  still  feare<l  a  riot.  On 
tlie  opening  day  of  the  Convention,  as  a  precautionary  measure,  he 
had  in  readiness  for  service,  in  addition  to  the  police,  a  large  force 
of  Militia.  The  feeling  of  the  young  Republicans  was  directed  esiKM*- 
ially  against  Clement  L.  Vallandigham,  whom  they  regarded  as  th^ 
incarnation  of  Northern  treason,  Fernando  Wood,  and  Isaiah 
Rynders,  of  New  York  City.  These  men  Anally  submitted  to  the 
demand  that  they  should  not  be  seen  at  the  wigwam,  and  that  par- 
ticular cause  of  disturbance  was  removed.  The  threats  gradually 
diminished,  and  there  was  no  disturbance  of  any  kind. 

The  opening  of  the  Convention  was  planned  with  a  view  to  dra- 
matic effect..  The  delegates  went  in,  arm-in-arm,  and  the  aim  was  to 
bring  those  who  had  formerly  been  of  different  politics  together,  Ten 
years  before  James  L.  Orr,  of  South  (Carolina,  had  been  conspicuous 
as  the  Speaker  of  the  House  at  Washington ;  he  had  been  swept  into 
the  Secession  movement  and  he  had  been  eminent  in  the  Confederate 
civil  service.  On  the  other  hand,  Darius  N.  Couch,  of  Massachus- 
etts, had  served  throughout  the  four  years  of  the  war  with  signal 
gallantry  as  a  I'nioh  officer,  and  had  risen  to  the  rank  of  a  Major 
General  of  Volunteers.  These  two  men  were  chosen  to  lead  the 
march  of  the  delegates;  the  one  representing  the  Bay  State,  the  other 
the  Palmetto  State,  as  symbolic  of  bringing  together  the  extremes 
cf  the  lately  shattered  Union,  and  they  advanced  up  the  aisle  to  the 
alternate  music  of  "Dixie"  and  "Yankee  Doodle."  Other  similar 
pairs  of  extremes  were  efTe<'ted,  and  in  the  procession  there  were  men 
of  every  shade  and  variety  of  political  belief  and  association,  inso- 
much that  the  Republicans  compared  the  grand  entry  to  the  Biblical 


THE  IMPEArHINC.  CON(UlEHS. 


en  thousand 
street.      The 
wigwam.    A 
d  other  State 
r  in  Philadel- 
ised  by  John- 
Republicans, 
>artnient,  wlu» 
il  tliis  "Rebel 
pils  of  Qirard 
jever  be  <'oui- 
before  it  was 
fh  no  attempt 
I  a  riot.      On 
,'  measure,  lie 
a  large  forco 
lireited  e8i>ec- 
E;arded  us  th^ 
,   and    Isaiah 
mitted  to  the 
and  that  par- 
tats  gradually 

a  view  to  dra- 
he  aim  was  to 
together.  Ten 
n  conspicuous 
»en  swept  into 
le  Confederate 
of  Massachus- 
ir  with  signal 
nk  of  a  Major 
en  to  lead  the 
itate,  the  other 
■  the  extremes 
he  aisle  to  the 
Other  similar 
here  were  men 
Mtciation,  inso- 
to  the  Biblical 


des<ription  of  the  advent  into  the  Ark  of  "clean  beasts  and  of  beasts 
that  are  not  clean,  and  of  fowls  and  of  everything  that  creepeth  upon 
the  earth."  ■■  >.-■"■  :^;,--''.  .■.•■  *:-;     -  '■;,  ;'-V.v,,-- 

General  Dix.  of  "shoot-him-on-the-spot"  fame,  an  old  Democrat, 
was  the  temporary  Chairman,  and  Senator  James  R.  Doolittle,  one 
of  the  pioneer  Republicans,  was  permanent  (niairman.      Of  the  grand 
aggregation  of  attractions,  one  of  the  City  pajiers,  in  a  review  of  it 
at  a  recent    date,  said:      "The   Arm-in-Arm    (Convention  contained 
many  statesmen  who  were  either  then  or  afterward  eminent  in  the 
Democratic  party.      In  the  Oirard  avenue  wigwam  during  the  three 
days'  sessions  sat,  for  example,  Thomas  A.  Hendricks,  of  Indiana; 
Asa  Packer,  of  Pennsylvania;  Joel  Parker,  of  New  Jersey;  James  E. 
English,  of  Connecticut;  Sanford  E.  Church,  of  New  York;  Reverdy 
Johnson,  of  Maryland,  and  James  R.  Doolittle,  of  Wisconsin,  each  of 
whom  was  afterward  presented  to  one  or  more  National  Conventions 
as  a  candidate  for  tlie  Democratic  nomination  for  the   Presidency, 
while  Samuel  J.  Tilden  was  there  with  no  thought  that  in  a  few  years 
the  first  great  Democratic  reaction  after  the  Civil  War  would  place 
him  in  the  forefront  of  the  party.     The  similitude  of  the  animals  that 
went  into  the  ark  was.  indeed,  justified  in  the  strangely  varying  politi 
cal  character  and  past  record  of  the  delegates,  not  a  few  of  whom, 
however,  were  men  of  marked  ability— Robert  (\  Winthrop,  the  once- 
illustrious  Whig,  and  Judge  Josiah  G.  Abbott,  of  Massachusetts;  the 
late  Edward  J.  Phelps,  of  Vermont,  Cleveland's  first  Minister  to 
Kugland;  James  Brooks,  of  the  New  York  Express;  John  P.  Stock 
ton,  Ashbel  Green   and  Abraham    Browning,  of   New  Jersey;   the 
veteran   Thurlow  Weed,  of   New   York,  with  Seward's   Republican 
friends,  like  Henry  J.  Raymond,  of  the  New  York  Times;  Montgom- 
ery Blair,  Lincoln's  first  Postmaster  General;  Garrett  Davis,  of  Ken- 
tucky; William  A.  Graham,  of  North  Carolina,  who  was  a  candidate 
for  Vice-President  in  1852,  on  the  Whig  ticket;  Senator  James  W. 
McDougall.  of  California;   James  A.    Broadhead,  of   Missouri,  and 
William  S.  Groesbeck,  of  Ohio,  who  afterwards  was  conspicuous  as 
one  of  Johnson's  defenders  in  the  impeachment  trial.      There,  too. 
were  such  characters  as  Henry  Clay  Dean,  the  eccentric  Copperhead, 
and  E.  O.  Perrin,  whose  vast  voice  until  his  death  gave  him  distinc- 
tion as  the  only  Democrat  in  the  country  who  could  fill  the  place  of 
Reading  Clerk  in  Presidential  Conventions.      Edgar  Cowan,  who  at 
that  time  was  Charles  R.  Buckalew's  colleague  in  the  United  States 
Senate  from  Pennsylvania,  and  who  had  gone  out  of  the  Republican 


fc;f 


206 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUHLK^AN  PARTY. 


party  into  the  Johuson  ranks,  was  one  of  the  leading  spirits  of  the 

v!  ;       Convention,  and  with  him  were  such  noted  Penns.vivanians  of  the  day 

I'v         as  William  Bigler,  Fran«'i8  W.  Hughes,  David  R,  l»orter,  George  W. 

Woodward,    Heister    Clymer,    James    Campbell    and    Thomas    B. 

;'  •      Florence." 

The  Convention  was  in  session  three  days,  and  accomplished 
:  v'  nothing.  It  was  as  great  a  fiasco  as  any  in  American  politics.  On 
>>  account  of  the  name  of  its  (Chairman,  the  Republicans  dubbed  it  the 
"Didlittle  Convention." 

A  fortnight  later  two  other  Conventions  were  held  in  Philadel- 
phia, which  were  much  more  signiflcaut.  One  was  composed  entirely 
:  -  of  Kouthern  Loyalists,  and  the  other  of  prominent  Northern  Republi- 

cans. They  met  separately,  though  they  were  in  entire  accord  iu 
sentiment  and  action.  In  the  Northern  Convention  were  most  of  the 
prominent  Henators  and  Repii'sentatives,  a  number  of  Governors, 
many  active  Republicans  in  private  life,  and  a  good  sprinkling  of 
newspaper  editors,  including  John  W.  Forney,  of  the  Philadelphia 
Press,  Carl  Schurz,  of  the  Detroit  Post,  and  Horace  Greeley,  of  the 
New  York  Tribune.  Greeley  rather  lost  caste  with  the  party  by  his 
vagaries  during  the  war,  and  the  New  York  Times  cametc  be  regarded 
as  the  leading  Republican  paper  in  the  country.  Now,  by  its  adher- 
ence to  the  Johnson -He  ward  party,  the  Times  had  lost  prestige,  and 
the  Tribune  was  restored  to  its  supremacy.  In  addition  to  the  classes 
?neutioned  the  Northern  Convention  contained  a  number  of  delega- 
tion*; ot  business  men  who  never  took  active  part  in  politics,  unless 
in  some  important  crisis.  John  Jacob  Astor  headed  such  a  delega- 
tion from  New  York,  and  E.  W.  Fox  from  8t.  Louis.  Governor 
Curtin,  of  Pennsylvania,  presided  and  the  speeches  and  resolutions 
breathed  a  spirit  of  determined  resistance  to  Johnson  and  his  policy. 
The  Convention  was  followed  by  the  most  imposing  mass  meetings 
ever,  up  to  that  tinia,  held  in  the  City. 

The  Southern  Convention  carried  greater  weight  even  than  the 
Northern,  because  it  represented  men  who  had  been  loyal  in  sections 
where  loyalty  was  maintained  at  personal  sacriflc<>,  and  because  it 
represented  those  portions  of  the  country  which  were  most  directly 
interested  in  the  Reconstruction  problem.  "Parson"  Brownlow,  of 
Tennessee,  one  of  the  most  courageous  and  active  of  Southern  Union- 
ists, John  Minor  Botts,  of  Virginia,  and  Andrew  J.  Hamilton,  of 
^^  Texas,  the  only  one  of  Johnson's  Provisional  Governors  who  accom- 

plished much  toward  the  rehabilitation  of  his  Htate,  were  among 


iM 


/■\ 


jjC.  ,; 


THE  IMPEACHINCl  CONGRESS. 


207 


pirits  of  th(> 
18  of  the  day 

,  George  W. 

Thomas    B. 

icfompliBhed 
olities.  On 
ubbed  it  the 

in  Philadel 
oHed  entirely 
lern  Republl- 
ire  a<x*oi'd  in 
e  most  of  th(> 
f  Governoi'8, 
»pritilcling  of 

Philadelphia 
•eeley,  of  the 

party  by  his 
c  be  regarded 
by  its  adher- 
prestige,  and 
to  the  classes 
>er  of  delega- 
DlitifS,  unless 
nch  a  delega- 
I.  Governor 
d  resolutions 
nd  his  policy, 
lass  meetings 

veil  than  the 
al  in  sections 
nd  because  it 
most  directly 
Brownlow,  of 
ithern  Union- 
Hamilton,  of 
B  who  accom- 
were  among 


those  present.  There  were  also  the  following,  among  others,  who 
had  aided  in  keeping  the  border  states  from  going  into  the  Secession 
movement:  Rev.  Dr.  Robert  J.  Breckinridge,  of  Kentucky;  Senator 
J.  A.  J.  Creswell,  and  Governor  Francis  Thomas,  of  Maryland;  Gov- 
ernor Boreman  and  Nathan  Goff,  of  West  Virginia,  and  Governor 
Fletcher,  of  Missouri.  v    ■''/"'•i^'      '       .     " 

James  Speed,  of  Kentucky,  who  had  retired  from  Johnsou  -  old 
r'abinet  when  it  went  to  pieces,  two  or  three  weeks  earlier,  presided, 
and  in  his  oi)ening  address  struck  the  keynote  of  the  (.'onvention. 
Referring  to  the  Arm-in-Arm  gathering,  he  said:  "Why  was  that 
Convention  here?  It  was  here,  in  part,  because  the  great  cry  came 
up  from  the  white  man  of  the  South:  'My  Constitutional  and  my 
natural  rights  are  denied  me!'  and  then  the  cry  came  up  from  the 
black  man  of  the  South:  'My  Constitutional  and  natural  rights  are 
denied  me.'  These  complaiutH  are  utterly  antagonistic,  the  one  to 
the  other;  and  this  Convention  is  called  to  say  which  is  right.  Upon 
that  question,  if  upon  none  other,  as  Southern  men,  you  may  speak 
out  your  mind.  Speak  the  truth  as  you  feel  it;  speak  the  truth  as 
you  know  it;  speak  the  truth  as  you  love  permanent  peace,  as  you 
may  hope  to  establish  the  instit;itions  of  this  Government  so  that 
our  children  and  our  <-hildren's  children,  shall  enjoy  a  peace  that  we 
have  not  known.  The  Convention  to  which  I  have  referred,  as  I 
read  its  history,  came  here  to  simply  record  its  abject  submission  to 
the  commands  of  one  man.  Tlmt  Convention  did  hi^  commands. 
The  loyal  Congress  of  the  United  States  had  refused  to  do  his 
commands;  and  whenever  you  have  a  Congress  that  does  not  abso- 
lutely and  tlrmly  refuse,  as  the  present  Congress  has  done,  to  merely 
act  as  Recording  Secretary  of  the  tyrant  at  the  White  House,  Ameri- 
can liberty  is  gone  forever." 

The  address  issued  by  the  Southern  Convention  was  a  powerful 
arraignment  of  the  President,  and  the  whole  Administration  scheme 
of  Reconstruction.  It  was  issued  as  a  campaign  document,  and  was 
the  most  effective  agency  in  the  canvass  save  one.  That  one  the 
President  himself  furnished  in 'his  tour  through  the  Middle  and 
Western  State  ',  from  Washington,  by  way  of  Philadelphia,  New 
York,  Albany,  Rochester,  Buffalo,  Cleveland  and  Chicago  to  St.  Louis. 
He  left  Washington,  August  28th,  accompanied  by  Secretaries 
Welles  and  Randall,  Admiral  Farragut  and  General  Grant.  At  New 
York  the  party  was  joini>d  by  Secretary  Seward.  Of  this  party  Sec- 
retary   Randall,    who    was    rather    a    blatant    supporter    of    the 


# 


BBBMMKii 


fi-^mmw!^'-- 


1     fli^lllH,!)    Il.....,(t       l_  ll^l  11 


nHU* 


208 


HISTORY  OP  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 


Adininistrntion,  and  Reoretary  Seward,  who  was  joint  author,  with 
the  President,  of  the  Provisional  Governor  scheme,  were  witling  par- 
ticipants in  tlie  journey,  though  the  gentlemanly  instincts  of  the 
latter  must  have  been  shocked  at  some  of  the  antics  of  the  President, 
as  his  polished  oratory  must  have  blushed  at  some  of  the  utterances 
of  the  same  functionary.  Offlcial  etiquette  required  the  presence 
of  (Jrant  and  Farragut,  but  neither  oneof  these  looked  as  if  he  enjoyed 
the  trip,  which  soon  came  to  be  known  as  Johnson's  "swing  around 
the  circle." 

In  this  tour  the  coarser  side  of  Johnson's  character,  and  that' 
was  very  poarse,  found  full  expression.  He  commenced  with 
denoun«ing  the  Senate  and  House  in  unmeasured  terms,  and  added 
to  this  iiersonal  abuse  of  individuals  who  did  not  agree  with  him. 
As  he  advanced  on  his  journey  and  found  increasing  evidences  of 
popular  disfavor,  he  became  furious.  Some  of  the  meetings  were 
more  like  a  bear-baiting  than  a  political  disj-ussion.  Crowds  would 
demand  a  speech,  and  then  bandy  words  with  the  President,  until 
in  his  rage,  his  replies  were  more  like  a  series  of  growls  than  like 
rational  spt^ech.  The  most  humiliating  exhibition  was  at  Cleveland, 
where  the  President  was  chaffed  without  mercy  by  the  crowd,  and  he 
rei»lied  to  the  taunts  and  jeers,  with  <oarse  wit  and  repartee,  such  as 
would  not  add  dignity  nor  grace  to  a  ward  meeting  in  municipal  poli- 
tics. The  most  enterprising  Republican  papers  took  pains  to  publish 
the  President's  speeches  in  full,  and  they  made  excellent  campaign 
material  for  the  Anti-Administration  tickets. 

Still  another  feature  entered  into  this  remarkable  Congressional 
campaign.  A  Soldiers'  Convention  in  behalf  of  the  Administration 
was  held  in  Cleveland  on  the  17th  of  September.  General  Wood,  a 
veteran  of  the  War  of  1812,  presided,  and  among  the  other  officers 
I  esent  were  Generals  Granger  and  Custer,  of  the  Regular  Army, 
and  the  following  from  the  Volunteer  service:  Generals  Jolin  A. 
McClernand,  of  Illinois;  J.  W.  Denver,  of  California;  Willis  A. 
Gorman,  of  Minnesota;  John  B.  Steedman  and  Thomas  Ewing,  of 
Ohio.  The  principal  speech  of  the  occasion  was  made  by  General 
Ewing,  who  was  the  only  Republican  of  prominence  who  was  present. 
Whatever  effect  this  demonstration  might  have  had  was  neutralized 
by  an  interchange  of  messages  between  this  Convention  and  a  Confed- 
erate Convention,  in  session  at  the  same  time,  in  Memphis,  which  sent 
a  despatch  of  sympathy  to  the  Cleveland  gathering.  This  was 
answered  with  thanks  for  the  ''magnanimity  and  kindness"  of  the 
message. 


nm 


V      \ 


MgESSS^aiEii^S 


TY. 

lit  author,  witb 
ere  willing  par- 
nstinctB  of  the 
f  the  Presidonr, 
f  the  utteranced 
EHi  the  presence 
as  if  he  enjojed 
"swing  around 

aoter,  and  that 
onimenoed  with 
>rm8,  and  added 
agree  with  him. 
ng  evidences  of 
i  meetings  were 
Crowds  would 

President,  until 
[growls  than  like 
kras  at  Cleveland, 
lie  crowd,  and  he 
repartee,  such  as 
n  municipal  poll- 
:  pains  to  publish 
cellent  campaign 

)le  Congressional 
i  Administration 
(General  Wood,  a 
he  other  officers 
^  Regular  Army, 
renerals  John  A. 
jrnia;  Willis  A. 
lomas  Ewing,  of 
nade  by  General 
tvho  was  present, 
was  neutralized 
on  and  a  Confed- 
iplis,  which  sent 
ing.  This  was 
kindness"  of  the 


THE  IMPEAClIIXii  CONORESW. 


L'(M> 


J^-' 


The  time  liad  not  yet  come  when  a  majority  of  the  rnioii  Hoidiers 
were  willing  to  mingle  the  blue  with  the  gray  on  terms  of  equality, 
much  less  to  Hpeak  of  the  ''magnanimity  and  kiiidncHs"  of  the  (\)u- 
federates,  and  this  incident  undoubtedly  added  mncli  to  the 
attendance  and  spirit  of  the  Holdiers'  and  Hailors'  Convention  which 
hud  already  been  called  to  meet  at  Pittsburg,  September  2(5.  This 
was  a  reunion  of  the  field  and  statf  officers,  the  rank  and  file,  of  till 
the  I^nlon  armies.  Every  State  except  Oregon  was  reijresented,  and 
it  is  said  that  in  an  hour  the  Conventi(m  could  have  been  turned  Into 
an  army  of  25,(MH»  veterans.  A  private  soldier,  L.  Edwin  Dudley,  was 
temporary  Chairman,  and  General  Jacob  I).  Cox  was  permanent' 
Chairman.  The  address  adopted  declared  that  the  President's 
"attempt  to  fasten  his  scheme  of  Reconstruction  upon  the  country  is 
us  dangerous  as  it  is  unwise;  that  his  a<-ts  in  sustnining  it  have 
retarded  the  restoration  of  peace  and  unity;  that  they  have  converted 
<*onquered  Rebels  into  impudent  claimants  to  rights  which  they  have 
forfeited,  and  to  places  whi<-h  they  have  desecrated.  If  the  Presi- 
dent's scheme  be  consummated  it  would  rendpr  the  sacrifice  of  the 
Nation  useless,  the  less  of  our  buried  comrades  vain,  and  the  war  in 
which  we  have  so  gloriously  triumphed  a  failure,  as  it  was  declared 
to  be  by  President  Johnson's  present  associates,  in  the  Democratic 
National  Convention  of  1864." 

With  a  camjmign  such  as  that  here  outlined  there  could  be  no 
question  as  to  the  result.  With  the  combined  efforts  of  the  Demo- 
crats and  the  Johnson  Rejiublicuns  there  was  a  Democratic  gain  of 
only  three,  as  compared  with  the  previous  Congress.  The  new 
House,  after,  the  filling  of  a  single  vacancy,  had  144  Republicans  to  49 
Deiiio<-rat8,  almost  a  three-fourths  majority,  while  only  two-thirds 
was  required  to  fight  the  President.  The  Senate  had  42  Republicans 
and  11  Democrats.  Michigan  again  sent  a  solid  delegation  to  the 
House,  consisting  of  Fernando  C.  Heaman,  Austin  Blair,  John  F. 
Driggs,  Thomas  W.  Ferry,  Rowland  E.  Trowbridge  and  Charles 
Cpson.  The  vote  on  Governor  was:  H.  H.  Crapo,  Republican,  96,74G; 
A.  8,  Williams,  Democrat,  (iljm;  Republican  majority,  29,038.  This 
was  a  larger  vote  and  a  larser  Republican  majoi \iy  than  in  any  previ- 
ous election. 

With  a  view  of  keeping  a  check  ui)on  the  President  the  Thirty- 
ninth  C<ingres8  had  provided  that  the  Fortieth  should  meet  immedi- 
ately upon  Its  own  adjournment.  The  new  Congress  was  therefore 
immediately  convened  and  organized,  Mr.  Colfax  again  being  elected 


I 


y^T>»iS"i    -?  ■ 


^ililiPPiiPii 


Twn-*;     r^i^^r^ 


Ifi 


21U 


'»t^- 


UlHTDliV  OF  TllK  KKIMMLK'AN  PARTY. 


S]M>akei*i  The  flrst  wurk  undt'i'tukeu  WU8  tlu>  piiMMugc  of  an  amenda 
tory  Rei-ouHtruction  Art.  The  Ai-t  paused  by  the  Thirty-ninth  Con- 
Ki'eHM  wa8  intended  to  Hecure  impartial  HiilTrage.  It  declared  the 
principle  plainly  enough,  bnt  did  not  provide  the  machinery  for 
carrying  it  out.  Tlie  supplementary  Act  provided  the  necesBary 
detailH  for  conducting  the  prescribed  elections,  administering  the 
oaths  of  ofltce,  making  returns  and  paying  expenses.  It  also  declared 
that  if  in  any  Ktate  "the  Constitution  shall  be  ratified  by  a  majority 
of  the  votes  of  the  registered  electors  qualifl(>d  to  vote,  at  least  one- 
half  of  all  the  registered  voters  voting  upon  the  question,  a  copy  of 
the  same,  duly  certified,  shall  be  transmitted  to  the  President  of  the 
I'nited  Htates,  who  shall  forthwith  transmit  the  same  to  Congress, 
and  if  it  shall  ap}>ear  to  Congress  that  the  election  was  one  at  which 
all  the  registered  and  qualified  electors  in  the  Htate  had  an  opiMtr 
tunlty  to  vote,  freely  and  without  restraint,  fear,  or  influence  of 
fraud,  and  if  (\>ngress  shall  be  satisfied  that  such  (Constitution  niet'ts 
the  approval  of  a  nmjority  of  all  the  qualified  electors  in  the  State, 
and  if  the  said  Constitution  shall  be  declared  by  Ccmgress  to  be  in 
conformity  with  the  provisions  of  the  Act  to  which  this  is  supple 
mentary,  and  the  other  provisions  of  said  Act  shall  have  been 
complied  with,  and  the  said  Constitution  shall  have  been  approv<Hl 
by  Congress,  the  Htate  shall  be  declared  entitled  to  repn'sentation, 
and  Henators  and  Representatives  shall  be  admitted  therefrom  as 
themn  provided." 

This  Act  was,  of  course,  vetoed  by  the  President,  and,  equally 
a  matter  of  course,  was  passed  over  the  veto.  On  the  30tb  of  March 
Congress  took  a  recess  till  the  M  of  July.  Meantime  Attorney  Gen- 
eral Htanbery  gave  two  opinions  tending  to  neutralixe  the  effects  of 
both  the  Reconstruction  Acts.  Congress,  therefore,  passed  a  second 
Huppleuteutary  Act  intended  to  remedy  the  defects  thus  pointed  our. 
It  also  added  two  sections,  emphasizing  the  military,  as  against  the 
i'ivil  rule.  One  of  these  gave  the  commanders  of  districts  the  {tower, 
subject  to  the  approval  of  the  General  of  the  Army,  to  suspend  or 
remove  from  office,  or  from  the  performance  of  official  duties  and  the 
exercise  of  official  powers,  any  officer  holding  or  exercising  any  civil 
or  military  office  or  duty,  under  any  power,  election,  appointment,  or 
authority  derived  from  any  Ktate  or  Municipal  Government,  and  to 
provide  for  the  temporary  filling  of  the  vacancy  thus  occasioned. 
The  other  section  mentioned,  invested  the  General  of  the  Army  with 
the  same  power  in  all  the  districts.  This  also  was  vetoed,  and 
promptly  passed  over  the  veto. 


Y. 


TlIK  IMrKA('IIIX<l  CONOUKSH, 


211 


of  an  tinieudu 
iriy-ninth  Con- 
t  derlared  th«» 
machinery  for 
the  necessary 
linisteriuK  the 
t  also  declared 
by  a  majority 
e,  at  least  one- 
it  ion,  a  copy  of • 
resident  of  the 
le  to  Conufress, 
IS  one  at  which 
had  an  oppor 
or  influence  of 
Htitution  niet^tH 
PS  in  the  State, 
ngress  to  he  in 
this  is  supple 
all    have    been 
been  approv<»d 
representation, 
i  therefrom  aa 

it,  and,  equally 
e  30th  of  March 
i  Attorney  Gen- 
ie the  eflfects  of 
passed  a  second 
lus  pointed  our. 
,  as  against  the 
ricts  the  power, 
,  to  suspend  or 
1  duties  and  the 
rcising  any  civil 
appointment,  or 
^rnment,  and  to 
hus  oc<>a8ioned. 
'  the  Army  with 
K'as  vetoed,  and 


The    history  of    the    Fortieth    ('onKresH  was    one  of    constant 
clashint;  with  the  I'refident.       He  vetoed  all    bills  of    a    political 
nature,  and  some  of  a  neneral  character,  but  they  were  in  most  caseH 
passed  over  his  head  by  much  more  than  the  necesHjiry  two-thirdt* 
vote.      The  relations  between  the  two  were  ho  strained,  and  the  Pr«'»i 
dent  was  so  inclined  to  aRRressive  acts,  that  it  is  not  surprising  the 
impeachment  which  had  previously  been  often  talked  of  should  at 
last  come.      The  head  of  the  Impeachment  movement  was  the  impetu 
ous  James  M.  Ashley,  of  Ohio,  who  had  before  that  been,  the  leader 
in  pushing  the  Thirteenth  Amendment  to  the  Constitution.      On  the 
17th  of  December,  186«,  he  introduced  a  resolution  for  the  appoint 
ment  of  a  select  committw*  to  inquire  whether  any  acts  had  bet-n  done 
by  any  officer  of  the  Government  of  the  Tnited  Htates,  which,  in  the 
contemplation  of  the  Constitution,  are  high  «rimes  and  misdemean- 
ors.    The  resolution,  rnjuiring  a  two-thirds  majority  for  its  adoption, 
was  not  agreed  to.      On  the  7th  of  January,  1807,  Representative 
B.  P.  Loan,  of  Missouri,  and  John  R.  Kelso,  of  the  same  State,  offered 
resolutions  aiming  at  impeachment,  and  late  in  the  same  day,  Mr. 
Ashley  made  formal  charges  against  President  Johnson.       In  the 
course  of  his  charges,  he  said:    "I  charge  him  with  an  usurpation  of 
power  in  violation  of  law;  in  that  he  has  corruptly  used  the  apiM)inl- 
ing  power;  in  that  he  has  corruptly  used  the  pardoning  iKiwer;  in 
that  he  has  corruptly  used  the  veto  jiower;  in  that  he  has  corruptly 
disposed  of  the  property  of  the  I'nited  States;  in  that  he  has  cor 
ruptly  interfered  in  elections,  and  committed  acts,  which  in  contem- 
plation of  the  Constitution  are  high  crimes  and  misdemeanors." 

It  would  have  been  very  difficult  to  maintain  in  court  those 
sweeping  charges,  and  in  any  ordinary  condition  of  the  public  mind 
the  whole  nwitter  would  have  been  promptly  tabled.  But  the  House 
was  angered  at  the  abusive  speeches  which  the  IMesident  had  made 
i u  his  swing  around  the  circle,  and  was  ready  for  at  least  an  investi- 
gation. Accordingly  the  resolutions  of  Messrs.  Loan  and  Kelso,  and 
the  charges  of  Mr.  Ashley  were  referred  to  the  Judiciary  Committee, 
who,  on  the  28th  of  February,  reported  that  they  had  taken  testimony 
of  a  character  sufficient  to  justify  further  investigation,  but  had  been 
unable  to  dispose  definitely  of  the  important  matters  submitted  to 
their  investigation,  and  the  whole  matter  was  bequeathed  to  the 
Fortieth  Congress.  On  the  8th  of  March,  in  the  new  Congress,  Mr. 
Ashley,  repeated  his  charges.  They  were  referred  to  the  Judiciary 
Committee,  who  continued  taking  testimony  at  intervals  during  the 


I" 

1  ■ 


212 


IIISTOUY  OF  THE  KKITHLUUN  I'AKTY. 


J 


MuninuT  and  fall.  In  the  meantime  there  were  a  number  of  ukIv 
rumors  about  the  PresidentV  IntenMonH.  One  of  these  was  the 
report  that  lie  had  a  project  for  brinuhiK  in  the  Houthern  Beuatorn 
and  RepreHentativen,  and  with  them  and  the  DemorratB,  forming  a 
new  (VrngreKH,  iKnorinj?  the  Kepublican  majority,  and  that  lie  had 
tailed  on  (Irant  to  support  him  with  the  Army,  (leneral  fh-ant  was 
examined  by  the  committee  and  his  testimony  showed  that  the  most 
serious  of  the  actual  <harKes  made  were  without  foundation.  Not- 
withstanding this  a  majority  of  the  committee  reported,  on  the  25th 

of  November,  a  resolu- 
tion  that:  "Andrew 
Johnson,   President   of 
the   United   Htates,   be 
i  m  p  e  a  c  h  e  d  of  high 
crimes  and  misdemean- 
ors."     The    resolution, 
after  a  spirited  discus- 
sion, was  deft'uted  by  a 
vote  of  109  to  56.    Two 
members  of   the  Judi- 
<'iary  Committee,   Rep- 
resentatives      W  o  o  d- 
bridge,     of    'Vermont, 
and  James  F.  Wilson, 
of  Iowa,  voted  against 
the  resolution  in  com- 
mittee, Jind  the  follow- 
ing  pnuninent    Repub- 
licans     were      among 
those    who   voted 
against  it  on  the  floor 
of  the  House:       Allison,  Banks,  Hingham,  Blaine,  Davis,  Oarfleld, 
Harper,  Peters,  Robertson,  the  three  Washburns,  and  E.  B.  Wash- 

burne. 

This  would  have  been  the  last  of  the  impeachment  if  it  had  not 
been  for  the  President's  attempt  to  force  Edwin  M.  Stanton  out  of 
his  position  as  Secretary  of  War.  A  Cabinet  which  could  work  with 
even  a  moderate  degree  of  harmony  under  Lincoln,  could  hardly  be 
expected  to  hold  together  under  Johnson.  As  early  as  July  I,  186(», 
Postmaster  General  Dennlson  resigned  because  he  could  not  accept 


BDWIN  M.   STANTON. 


MMHJIH 


.     ,   \   ,:  • 


-^.a.:'  -*., 


THK  IMPKACIIINO  COXORRKH. 


21.1 


iinibtT  of  ii^lv 
tlu>8e   WUH   tli<> 
tlii'i'ii  HeuuforH 
utH,  forming  ti 
id  that  he  had 
cral  Ornnt  wuh 
that  the  iiioHt 
iiudutioii.     Not- 
ed, on  the  25tli 
inbei',  a  reciolii- 
ha  t:  "Andrew 
,    PreHJdent   of 
ited   Htates,    be 
(■  h  e  d  of  high 
ind  niiHdeniean- 
The    regoliitioii, 
Hpirited  diseuH- 
H  defeated  bv  a 
101)  to  5«.    Two 
•s  of   the  Jiidi- 
'oniniittee,   Rep- 
Hves       Wo<»d- 
of     'Vermont, 
mes  F.  WilMoa. 
),  voted  aj^ainHt 
oliition  in  eom- 
and  the  folio w- 
)iiiinent    Repub- 
were      amonj; 
who    voted 
it  on  the  floor 
Davis,  Oarfleld. 
nd  E.  B.  Wash 

>nt  if  it  had  not 
Stanton  out  of 
I'ould  work  with 
could  hardly  be 
as  July  I.  1860, 
lould  not  acecpt 


•lohuHon'M  plan  of  Re<-onHtrurtion,  and  was  Hun-eeded  by  Alexand<>r 
\V.  Randall,  of  WiHronHin.  A  week  later  .lameH  Speed  reHJKned  aH 
Attorney  Oeneral,  becauHe  lie  thought  the  AdminiHtration  was 
drifting  rapidly  toward  the  Demoeratie  party,  and  Henry  Htanbery, 
of  Ohio,  accepted  the  place  for  the  Name  reaHon.  Then  JameH  Harlan, 
Secretary  of  the  Interior,  resigned  and  wan  Huccecded  by  Orvllle  H. 
Itrowning.  This  left  of  the  Lincoln  Cabinet.  Seward,  who  agreed 
with  JohnHoit'..  ,,lan  of  RecouHtnu-tion,  whether  he  wan  the  author 
of  it  or  not;  "(Jrandfather"  WelleH,  who  could  ngn***  with  everything 
JohnHon  said,  as  readily  nn  he  <-ould  with  everything  Lin<-«)ln  said: 
McCulloch,  who  wuh  a  financier,  and  not  a  politician,  and  Stanton, 
whom  JohnHon  hated,  but  who  would  not  rcHign.  Stanton  was  not 
a  man  who  would  h<»ld  an  office  for  th(>  Hake  of  th(>  ofTtce,  but  there 
was  grave  apprehension  tluit  if  Jtdmson  had  a  Secretary  of  War  who 
was  subservient  to  him,  he  might  plan  serious  mischief;  certainly  his 
opportunities  for  mischief  would  lie  greatly  enhanced.  Stanton, 
tlierefore,  retained  the  oflllce  on  account  of  the  urgency  of  leading 
Republicans,  and  from  a  sense  of  duty  to  the  country.  August  T). 
1867,  Johnson  asktnl  Stanton  to  resign,  but  the  Secretary  refused. 
He  was  then  sus(H>nded  under  the  Tenure  of  Oflllce  Act,  General 
<}rant  being  di'signated  to  administer  the  Department  until  the 
Senate  <ould  vote  upon  the  matter.  January  18,  IHtJS,  the  Senate 
refused  to  concur  in  the  susfH'nsion.  Oeneral  Grant  immediately 
va<'ated,  and  Stanton  went  back  to  his  olflce. 

The  President,  however,  was  obstinate  and  ugly,  and  on  the  21st 
of  February,  sent  to  Secretary  Stanton  an  order,  saying:  "By  virtue 
of  power  and  authority  vested  in  me,  as  President,  liy  the  Constitu- 
tion and  Laws  of  the  United  States,  you  are  hereby  removed  from 
ofHce  as  Se<-retary  of  the  Department  of  War,  and  your  functions  as 
such  will  terminate  upon  receipt  of  this  communication..  Yon  will 
turn  over  to  Brevet  Major  (ieneral  Lorenzo  Thomas,  Adjutant  (}«;n 
eral  of  the  Army,  who  has  this  day  been  authorized  and  empowered 
to  act  as  Secretary  of  War,  ad  interim,  all  records,  papers,  and 
other  public  projierty  now  in  your  custody  and  charge." 

Secretary  Stanton  transmitted  a  <opy  of  this  to  the  Speaker  of 
the  House,  and  another  copy  soon  reached  the  Senate.  In  both 
Houses  the  action  upon  it  was  prompt.  In  the  Senate,  the  same 
day  after  long  consultation  in  executive  session,  a  resolution  was 
adopted  that  the  I'resident  had  no  right  to  remove  the  Secretary  of 
War,  nor  to  designate  any  other  ofllicer  to  perform  the  duties  of  that 


fl4 


IIIHTOUY  OKTIIK  KKITHLKAN  I'AUTY 


offlro  art  Intoiliii.  Th«'  IIouHf  nt  once  n«f»'i'nMl  flu*  nctlon  of  tin- 
Pn-Hldt'iU  to  till'  lliToiiHt ruction  r(Mniiiitt«M'.  Tin*  fri«MidH  of  tin- 
I'n'HuU'iit  tln'ii  trh'd  to  Hcnir*'  an  adjournnwnt  till  Monday,  an  tin? 
noxt  day.  waH  WnHliinnton'M  birthday.  Tin'  Kepuhlirann  voted  tliiH 
down,  and  later  in  tJio  Hnnio  day.  Keprewntative  .lolin  ('ov<Kh',  of 
IVnnBylvanIa,  introduced  a  foriual  resolution  for  inipeaclinient. 
which  waH  alHo  referretl  to  the  KeconHtructi<»n  <'oniniitlee. 

When  thin  defiance  of  ConnreHH,  by  the  President,  became  known 
throughout    the    country,  it  created  the  wildest    excitement.      The 

UepublicauH     k<^'I><^'I'aII.v 
favored   immediate  Im- 
peachment, while  Dem- 
ocratH  arK'ied  that  the 
PreHldent'H  course  was 
Justified  by  the  Consti- 
tntiou.      Some    of    th«' 
extreme  1  )emocrats, 
generally   of   the   class 
who    stayed    at    home 
during    the    war    and 
urged  others  to  go  to 
the    front,    now  urged 
the   [•resident  to  stand 
firm,  even  to  the  verge 
of  actual  conflict,  and 
made  him  offers  of  men 
and  arms.  Many  alarm 
ists  predicted  civil  war. 
Rut    there    was    little 
danger    of    that.     The 
BENJAMIN  F.  BUTLER.  c  o  u  n  t  r  y     had      had 

enough  of  war.  Meantime  Secretary  Stanton,  under  the  impulse 
of  his  own  sturdy  character,  and  with  the  advice  of  leading  Republi 
cans  held  his  position.  He  ate  and  slept  in  his  olflce,  and  for  a  few- 
days  was  virtuallv  in  a  state  of  siege.  It  was  on  this  occasion  that 
Sumner  sent  the  shortest  message  of  his  lifetime.  It  was  addressed 
to  Stanton,  and  consisted  of  the  single  word  "Stick." 

On  the  22d  of  February,  the  lay  after  Johnson's  letter  to  Stanton 
was  received,  Mr.  Stevens,  for  the  Keconstruction  Committee, 
reported  that  in  addition  to  the  papers  refi-rred  to  the  committee  they 


■iBUiir-. 


TIIK  IMI'K.\<'FIIN(}  COX^IKKHH. 


215 


ID-lion  of  flif 
i«>ndM  of  tilt* 
iihIii.v,  HM   til*' 

MM    VOttMl    tlliH 

II  ('ov<h1(>,  of 
illl|M>iirliiii«>ilf. 
v^'. 

>ecii!iu>  known 
cnicnt.  TIk» 
iiH  K<Mu>raIlr 
ninicflinte  ini- 
It,  while  I)<Mii- 
Kiicd  that  th«' 

I'h    COIirHC  WilH 

b.v  the  ConBti- 
Home  of  the 
he  DeinocrutH, 
of  the  clntiH 
yed  nt  home 
the  war  and 
hers  to  );o  to 
it,  now  urged 
)4ident  to  stand 
•n  to  the  vei'H** 

I  eonflict,  and 

II  offers  of  men 
i.  Many  alarni- 
icted  civil  war. 
re  was  little 
of  that.  The 
!■  y  had  had 
?r  the  impulse 
ading  Republi- 
,  and  for  a  few 
8  occasion  that 
was  addressed 

tter  to  Stanton 
)n  Committee, 
committee  thev 


■V'.    ■>.-, 

4  ■■' 


had  found  that  the  IVewideiit  liiid  "niKtied  and  ordered  ii  coiiiniiHMion 
or  letter  of  authority  to  one  l.orenxo  TIioiiuim,"  diitMtiiig  him  to  act 
as  Ke<'retary  of  War  ad  iiit«'riiii.  The  roiiiiiiille<>  traiiHiiiitted  a  copy 
of  this  letti'r,  and  added  that  upon  llie  evidence  collected  they  were 
of  opinion  that  the  rrcsideiit  oiiglil  to  lie  ini|H>aclied  and  reported  a 
brief  resolution:  "That  Andrew  JoIiiihoii,  I'resident  of  the  United 
Htates,  be  ini|M'ached  of  high  criiiicH  and  iniHdeiiieaiiorH."  A  lively 
ten-hour  debate  followed,  when  the  r«'Moliitloii  wiih  a(lo|)ted  by  a  vote 
of  V2i\  to  47.  A  committee  of  two  waH  appoiiite<l  to  notify  the  Heiuile 
of  the  action  Just  taken,  and  the  following  coiuiiiittee  of  Heven  wax 
appointed  to  prepare  .Xrticles  of  IiiipcMcliincnt :  Itoiitwell,  of  .MaHHa- 
chiiM(>ttH;  HteveiiH,  of  I'ennsylvania;  Kingluiiii,  of  Ohio;  WilHoii,  of 
Iowa;  Logan,  of  Illinois;  tliilian,  of  Indiana,  and  Ward,  of  New  York. 

The  Articles  of  Iinpeachment,  as  presented  by  this  committee, 
were  nine  in  number,  eight  of  which  referred  to  different  pliiiseH  of 
the  President's  action  in  regard  to  the  War  Hecretaryship,  and  one 
to  his  advising  an  ofHcer  of  the  Army  that  a  <'ertain  Act  of  CongresH 
was  unconstitutional  and  should  be  disregarded  by  said  officer, 
although  the  Act  in  question  had  never  been  adjudicated  in  th«> 
courts.  On  motion  of  (l(>neral  Hutler  the  House  added  a  Tenth 
Article,  covering  certain  speeches  made  by  the  President  in  his  West-  • 
ern  tour.  On  motion  of  John  A.  liingham,  of  Ohio,  an  Kleventh 
Article  was  added.  This  was  considered  the  strongest  Article  of 
the  eleven,  and  was  the  only  one  voted  upon  at  the  end  of  the  trial.  It 
was  as  follows: 

"The  said  Andrew  Johnson,  President  of  the  I'liited  Htates, 
unmindful  of  the  high  duties  of  his  ofTice  and  his  oath  of  olfl<-e,  and 
in  disregard  of  the  Constitution  and  Laws  of  the  Cnited  States,  did 
on  the  18th  day  of  August,  1H6(5,  at  the  City  of  Washington,  and  in 
the  District  of  Columbia,  by  public  speech  declare  and  afflrm,  in 
substance,  that  the  Thirty-ninth  Congress  of  the  Cnited  States  was 
not  a  Congress  of  the  I'nited  States,  authorized  by  the  Constitution 
to  exercise  legislative  power  under  the  same,  but  on  the  contrary 
was  a  Congress  of  only  part  of  the  states,  thereby  denying,  and 
intending  to  deny,  that  the  legislation  of  said  Congress  was  valid  or 
obligatory  upon  him,  the  said  Andrew  Johnson;  except  in-so-far  as  he 
saw  tit  to  approve  the  same,  and  also  thereby  denying  the  power  of 
the  said  Thirty-ninth  Congress  to  propose  Amendments  to  the  Con- 
stitution of  the  United  States;  and  in  pursuance  of  said  declarations 
the  said  Andrew  Johnson,  President  of  the  United  States,  did,  on  the 


■  ii 


f  ■  '     ■■;>. 


wmm 


210 


HISTORY  OB^  THE  REPUBLICAN  TARTY 


2l8t  day  of  February,  1868,  at  the  City  of  \Va8hiiiKton,  unlawfully, 
and  in  disregard  of  the  requirements  of  the  (Constitution,  that  he 
should  take  care  that  the  laws  be  faithfully  executed,  attempt  to 
prevent  the  execution  of  an  Act  entitled  'An  Act  regulating  the 
tenure  of  certain  civil  offices,'  passed  March  2,  1867,  by  unlawfully 
devising  and  contriving,  and  attempting  to  devise  and  contrive,  ^ 
means  by  which  he  should  prevent  Edwin  M.  Htanton  from  forthwith 
resuming  the  functions  of  the  olfice  of  Secretary  for  the  Department 
of  War,  notwithstanding  the  refusal  of  the  Senate  to  concur  in  the 

suspension,  theretofore 
made  by  the  said  An- 
drew Johnson  of  said 
Edwin  M,  Stanton, 
from  said  office  of  Sec- 
retary for  the  Depart- 
ment of  War;  and  also 
by  further  unlawfully 
devising  and  contriv- 
ing, and  attempting 
to  devise  and  contrive, 
means  then  and  there, 
to  prevent  the  execu- 
tion of  an  Act  entitled 
'An  Act  making  appro- 
priations for  the  sup- 
port of  the  Army,  for 
the  tiscaJ  year  ending 
June  30th,  1868,  and 
for  other  purposes,'  ap- 
proved March  20,  1867; 
WILLIAM  M.  EVART8.  and  also  to  prevent  the 

execution  of  an  Act  entitled:  'An  Act  to  provide  for  the  more  efficient 
government  of  the  Rebel  States,'  passed  Mar<h  2,  1867,  whereby  the 
said  Andrew  Johnson,  President  of  the  United  State*.,  did  then  on  the 
2l8t  of  February,  1868,  at  the  City  of  Washington,  commit,  and  was 
guilty  of  a  high  misdemeanor  in  office.' 

The  House  appointed  seven  managers  to  conduct  the  case  before 
the  Court  of  Impeachment,  which  consisted  of  the  whole  Senate,  with 
Chief  Justice  Chase  as  the  presiding  officer.  The  managers  were 
John  A.  Bingham,  deorge  S.  Boutwell,  James  F.  Wilson,  Benjanun 


THE  IMPE ACHING  TONORESS. 


217 


I,  unlawfully, 
tion,  that  hi.' 
I,  attempt  to 
egnlating  the 
ty  unlawfully 
and  contrive, 
om  forthwith 
B  Department 
conour  in  th(? 
n,  theretofore 

the  said  An- 
inson  of  said 
M,  Ktanton, 
I  office  of  Sec- 
r  the  Deparl- 
Yar;  and  also 
?r   unlawfully 

and  contriv- 
l     attempting 

and  contrive, 
len  and  there, 
Qt  the  execu- 
a  Act  entitled 
making  appro- 

for  the  sup- 
:he  Army,  for 
1  year  ending 
th,    1868,   and 

purposes,'  ap- 
[arch  20,  1867; 

to  prevent  the 
i  more  efficient 
r,  whereby  the 
lid  then  on  the 
nmit,  and  was 

he  case  before 
le  Senate,  with 
managers  were 
son,  Benjanun 


F.  Butler,  Thomas  Williams,  John  A.  Logan  and  Thaddens  Stevenn. 
They  were  all  lawyers  of  high  standing  in  their  own  states,  and 
Butler  and  Stevens  had  National  reputations,  and  they  all  believed 
in  the  justice  of  their  cause.  The  President's  counsel  were  Henry 
Htanbery,  who  resigned  from  the  office  of  Attorney  General  in  order 
to  undertake  this  case;  Benjamin  R.  Curtis,  William  M.  Evarts, 
William  S.  Groesbeck,  and  T.  A.  Nelson.  Of  these,  the  most  dis- 
tinguished were  William  M.  Evarts,  who  was  at  the  head  of  the  bar 
in  New  York  State,  and  Mr.  Curtis,  who  was  six  years  on  the 
Supreme  Court  bench,  but  who  resigned  in  1857,  and  had  a  wide 
practice  throughout  the  East.  Mr.  Nelson  was  the  President's 
personal  choice,  and  Mr.  Groesbeck  was  selected  at  the  suggestion 
of  Mr.  Stanbery. 

The  defense  was  allowed  ten  days  in  which  to  file  an  answer 
to  the  charges,  and  the  case  was  formally  opened  on  the  30th  of 
March  by  a  very  long  argument  by  Benjamin  F.  Butler.  Mr.  Butler 
went  over  every  legal  phase  of  the  subject,  but  was  especially  strong 
in  its  presentation  of  the  point  upon  which  the  House  depended  for 
conviction,  the  intentional  violation  of  the  Tenure  of  Office  Act,  and 
of  the  Constitution,  in  the  removal  of  Secretary  Stanton. 

Judge  Curtis  opened  the  case  for  the  defense  in  a  masterly 
argument  from  the  judicial  standpoint,  and  after  the  evidence  was 
all  in,  all  the  other  managers  and  counsel  made  arguments,  most  of 
them  of  considerable  length.  It  was  such  a  surfeit  of  oratory  as 
even  Washington  does  not  often  have.  Besides  all  this  twenty-nine 
Senators  filed  opinions  in  the  case. 

The  trial  lasted  until  May  16,  when  a  vote  was  taken  on  Article 
Eleven,  resulting  in  35  votes  of  "guilty"  and  19  "not  guilty."  The 
change  of  a  single  vote  would  have  resulted  in  the  conviction  of  the 
President.  Of  the  nineteen  "not  guilty''  votes,  nine  were  cast  by 
Senators  who  were  elected  as  Republicans:  Dixon,  of  Connecticut; 
Doolittle,  of  Wisconsin;  Pessenden,  of  Maine;  Fowler  and  Patterson, 
of  Tennessee;  Grimes,  of  Iowa;  Henderson,  of  Missouri;  Ross,  of 
Kansas,  and  Van  Wrinkle,  of  We»t  Virginia.  Of  these.  Fowler  was 
son-in-law  to  the  President,  and  Fessenden  had  been  a  member  of 
his  Cabinet,  resigning  only  after  he  was  elected  Senator.  Dixon 
was  a  natural  conservative,  as  also  was  Doolittle,  who  had  presided 
over  the  Arm-in- Arm  Convention,  and  who  soon  afterwards  left  the 
party.  Henderson's  politics  had  been  variable,  although  he  was  a 
man  of  great  ability  and  force  of  character,  and  Grimes  and  Van 


'''''^issmmm 


PWMHIII 


i 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REPrKLICAN  PARTY. 

Winkle  had  fallen  outside  the  party  breastworkB  on  several  previous 
otoasions.  Patterson  and  Ross  had  not  been  suffloiently  prominent 
in  the  Senate  to  be  well  placed  as  respects  their  temperamerr  or 
political  convictions.  The  opinion  of  the  people,  who  had  watched 
the  trial  with  a  great  deal  of  interest,  was  sufficiently  shown  by  the 
fact  that  not  one  of  the  nine  was  ever  again  sent  to  the  Senate. 

The  vote  on  the  Eleventh  Article  showed  that  the  President 
(ould  not  be  convicted  on  any  of  the  others,  and  the  trial  abruptly 
ended  the  same  day.  Secretary  Stanton  imnuMiiately  resigned,  Gen- 
eral John  M.  Schofleld  was  nominated  in  his  place,  and  the  nomina- 
tion was  confirmed  by  the  Senate. 

In  view  of  its  failure,  the  Impeachment  proceeding  has  been 
often  criticised  as  a  mistake.  But  the  criticism  is  hardly  just.  Not 
onlv  was  there  a  limit  to  the  patience  of  (.'ongress,  which  limit  the 
President  had  passed,  but  there  was  an  absolute  necessity,  for  the 
pea«e  of  the  country,  that  a  check  should  be  placed  upon  his  reckless 
designs.  If  he  had  been  allowed  to  override  the  laws  of  <'ongres8 
in  this  case,  it  is  difficult  to  see  what  limit  could  have  been  placed 
upon  his  revolutionary  schemes.  The  Impeachment  trial  did  not 
improve  his  temper,  but  it  sobered  him.  He  was  g^  "  obstructive,  but 
he  ceased  to  be  violent. 

Although  the  Fortieth  Congress  occupied  i.<        '     of  its  time 
with    the    Impeachment    matter,   it   accomplisheu  a,  great   deal  of 
important  legislation.      Aside  from  the  Supplementary  Reconstruc 
tion  Acts,  it  passed  the  following  Acts  of  general  interest:      Estab- 
lishing the  eight-hour  law  for  laborers  and  mechanics  in  the  Gov- 
ernment employ;  prescribing  an  oath  of  office  for  persons  whose  disa 
bilities  have  been  removed;  providing  for  filling  vacancies  in  the 
Executive  Departments;    providing  for   the  discontinuance  of    the 
Freedmen's  Bureau  on  the  1st  of  January,  1869;  providing  for  the 
establishment  of  an  American  line  of  mail  and  emigrant  steamers 
between  New  York  and  one  or  more  European  ports;  making  import 
ant  changes  in  the  pension  laws;  prohibiting  the  loaning  of  money 
on  National  Bank  notes;  giving  permission  to  construct  a  bridge 
between  New  York  and  Brooklyn. 

Toward  the  latter  part  of  Johnson's  administration.  Secretary 
Seward  rendered  to  the  country  his  most  valuable  service,  save  one, 
that  in  which,  by  his  treatment  of  the  Trent  affair,  he  saved  us  from 
a  war  with  England.  This  service  was  the  purchase  from  Russia 
of  the  immense  territory  known  us  Alaska.      The  treaty  was  made 


THE  IMPEACHING  TONORESS. 


219 


jveral  previoiw 
ntly  pr<nniiM'nt 
jinperamer  r  or  f 

0  had  watched 
'  Rhnwn  by  the 
ie  Henate. 

the  rresident 

trial  abruptly 

resigned,  Oen- 

nd  the  iioinina- 

'ding  has  been! 
irdly  just.  Not 
(vhich  limit  the 
cesaity,  for  the 
H>n  his  reckless 
WB  of  <'ongres8 
ive  been  placed 
it  trial  did  not 
ob-itructive,  but 

<•,    of  its  time 

1  great  deal  of 
ary  Reeonstrue 
terest:  Estab- 
ics  in  the  Gov- 
lons  whose  disa- 
acancies  in  the 
inuanee  of  the 
•oviding  for  the 
igrant  steamers 

making  import- 
waning  of  money 
struct  a  bridge 

ation,  Secretary 
ervice,  save  one, 
le  saved  us  front 
ase  from  Russia 
reaty  was  made 


March  30,  1867,  and  was  confirmed  with  comparatively  little  opposl-  ^ 
tion  in  the  Senate.  It  could  not  be  completed,  however,  until  the 
House  appropriated  the  purchase  money,  f7,2(M),(M)(».  This  only 
occurred  July  27,  1868,  and  that  after  serious  opposition.  It  was 
stated  in  the  debates  that  there  were  indications  of  gold  in  Alaska, 
but  those  who  favored  the  purchase  advocated  it  chiefly  on  the 
ground  that  the  control  of  the  seal  fisheries  would  be  of  -eat  value 
to  us,  and  that  our  ownership  of  Alaska  would  prevent  any  hostile 
power  from  ever  getting  control  of  that  long  stretch  of  Pacific  ('oast, 
so  near  our  own  border.  There  were,  for  several  years,  sneers  at 
the  purchase,  which  was  called  ''Seward's  iceberg."  After  a  time 
the  value  of  the  seal  fisheries  began  to  be  appreciated.  Within  the 
season  of  18!)»,  the  value  of  the  gold  taken  out  of  the  Cape  Nome 
district  alone,  in  a  single  month,  exceeded  the  purchase  price  of  the 
whole  vast  territory. 

One  of  the  most  important  Acts  of  the  Fortieth  Congress  was 
the  passage  of  the  Fifteenth  Amendment  to  the  Constitution,  which 
<ame  quite  the  last  part  of  the  second  session.  On  the  30th  of  Jan- 
uary, by  vote  of  150  to  42,  it  passed  the  House  in  the  following  form: 
"The  right  of  any  citizen  of  the  United  States  to  vote  shall  not  bi? 
denied  or  abridged  by  the  United  States  or  any  State,  by  reason  of 
race,  color,  or  previous  <'ondition  of  slavery  of  any  citizen,  or  class 
of  citizens,  of  the  United  States."  The  Senate  passed  a  joint  resolu- 
tion for  an  Amendment  to  the  Constitution,  intendwl  to  accomplish 
the  game  purpose,  but  it  was  long,  involved  in  its  grammatical  con- 
struction, and  had  additional  clauses,  containing  some  extraneous 
matter.  This  was  not  acceptable  to  the  House,  and  the  whole 
subject  went  to  a  Committee  of  Conference,  which  reported  the 
Amendment  in  the  following  concise  form:  "The  right  of  citizens  of 
the  United  States  to  vote  shall  not  be  denied  or  abridged  by  the 
United  States  or  by  any  State  on  account  of  race,  color,  or  previous 
condition  of  servitude." 

This  report  of  the  Committee  of  Conference  was  agreed  to  in 
the  House,  February  25,  1860,  by  a  vote  of  144  to  44,  and  in  the 
Senate,  the  next  day,  by  a  vote  of  39  to  13.  In  a  little  over  a  year 
the  Amendment  was  ratified  by  a  sufficient  number  of  states,  and  on 
the  30th  of  Mar<h,  1870,  Secretary  Fish  proclaimed  its  adoption  as 
part  of  the  Constitution. 

This  action  has  often  been  criticised  as  being  premature,  but  the 
need  of  it  appeared  to  be  very  great.      Between  the  November  elec- 


MlMi 


;  ■  i ' 


ll  ! 


220 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REIM'BLirAN  PARTY. 


tions  aind  the  time  rongreHS  adjourned,  authenticated  reportx 
reached  Wa8hin)i:ton  of  numerous  outrageg  upon  white  RepublicanH. 
Intimidation  and  violence  and  even  murder  w<>re  resorted  to.  In 
Uiuisiana,  when*  the  condition  of  afTairs  was  the  worst,  it  was  said 
that  2,000  persons  were  killed  or  seriously  injured  within  a  few 
weeks  previous  to  ele<'tlon.  It  was  partly  to  (five  the  white  Repub- 
licans efficient  allies,  and  partly  to  furnish  the  blacks  with  the  means 
of  self  defense,  that  the  Amendment  was  adopte<l.  Of  its  necessity 
<}eneral  Grant  said  in  his  memoirs:  "I  do  not  believe  that  the 
majority  of  the  Northern  people,  at  the  time,  were  in  favor  of  negro 
suffrage.  They  sup])osed  that  it  would  naturally  follow  the  fi*e«»dom 
of  the  negro,  but  that  there  would  be  a  time  of  probation,  in  which 
the  ex-slaves  could  prepare  themselves  for  the  privileges  of  citissen- 
ship,  before  the  full  right  would  be  conferred;  but  Mr.  Johnson,  after 
a  complete  revolution  of  sentiment,  seemed  to  regard  the  South  not 
only  as  an  oppressed  people  but  as  the  people  best  entitled  to  consid- 
eration of  any  of  our  citizens.  This  was  more  than  the  )ieopl(>  who 
had  secured  to  us  the  perpetuation  of  the  Union  were  prepared  for, 
and  they  became  more  radical  in  their  views.  The  Southerners  had 
the  most  power  in  the  executive  brunch,  Mr.  Johnson  having  gone  to 
their  side,  and  with  a  compact  South,  and  such  sympathy  and  support 
as  they  could  get  from  the  North,  they  felt  that  they  would  be  able  to 
control  the  nation  at  once,  and  already  many  of  them  acted  as  if  they 
thought  they  were  entitled  to  do  so. 

"Thus  Mr.  Johnson,  fighting  Congress  on  the  one  hand,  and 
receiving  the  support  of  the  South  on  the  other,  drove  Congress, 
which  was  overwhelmingly  Republican,  to  the  passing  of  first  one 
measure  and  then  another,  to  restrict  his  power.  There  being  a  solid 
South  on  one  side,  that  was  in  accord  with  the  political  party  in  the 
North  which  had  sympathized  with  the  Rebellion,  it  finally,  in  the 
judgment  of  Congress  and  of  the  majority  of  the  Legislatures  of  the 
states,  became  necessary  to  enfranchise  the  negro  in  all  his  ignor- 
ance. In  this  work  I  shall  not  discuss  the  question  of  how  far  the 
policy  of  Congress  in  this  particular  proved  a  wise  one.  It  became  an 
absolute  necessity,  however,  because  of  the  foolhardiness  of  the  Pres- 
idi^nt,  and  the  blindness  of  the  Southern  people  to  their  own  interest. 
As  to  myself,  while  ptrongly  favoring  the  course  that  would  be  the 
least  humiliating  to  the  people  who  had  been  in  rebellion,  I  had  grad- 
ually worked  up  to  the  point  where,  with  the  majority  of  the  people, 
I  favored  immediate  enfranchisement." 


mm. 


"st. 


:,S  :v 


.V^fe'i^' 


.gii.itiK'i 


cated  report  >» 
i  Repiiblicantt. 
orted  to.  In 
Ht,  it  wad  said 

within  a  few 
(  white  Repub- 
irith  the  nieantt 
If  its  necoBsitv 
lieve  that  the 
favor  of  negro 
iw  the  fre<»doin 
ition,  in  which 
•ges  of  citizen- 
Johnson,  after 

the  South  not 
itled  to  consid- 
he  people  who 
s  prepared  for, 
jutherners  had 
having  gone  to 
hy  and  support 
ould  be  able  to 
acted  as  if  they 

one  hand,  and 
Irove  Congress, 
ng  of  first  one 
re  being  a  solid 
[•al  party  in  the 
t  finally,  in  the 
islatures  of  the 
n  all  his  ignor- 
of  how  far  the 
f.  It  became  an 
less  of  the  Pres- 
;ir  own  interest, 
it  would  be  the 
lion,  1  had  grad- 
-y  of  the  people. 


-      .  ■   -   -  ■  .V  XVII.    .     -*  .-r.--  '    _ 

THE  FOURTH  REPUBLICAN  CONVENTION. 

The  Party  at  Sea  With  Regard  to  a  Candidate— A  Oradual  Turning 
Toward  Grant— His  Discretion  During  Johnsons  Career— Meet- 
ing of  the  Chicago  Convention— Delegates  From  the  Soldiers' 
and  Sailors'  Convention— A  Ringing,  Patriotic  and  National 
Platform  Adopted— Oeneral  Logan's  Hrief  and  Appropriate  Pre 
sentation  of  Grant's  Name— The  General  I'nanimously  Nomin- 
ated—Six Ballots  for  Vice-President— Speaker  Colfax  Finally 
Wins— A  Michigan  Incident  in  Connection  With  the  Contest- 
Brief  and  Timely  Jitters  of  Acceptance— Grant's  Deference  to 
the  Popular  Wishes. 

The  campaign  of  1868  was  ai)proached  under  peculiar  condi- 
tions. Although  the  Republican  party  had  been  solidified,  rather 
than  divided,  by  its  contest  with  President  Johnson,  it  was  a  gortd 
deal  at  sea  with  reference  to  a  candidate.  Some  of  its  old  idols  had 
been  shattered.  Seward,  who,  in  1860,  was  the  most  popular  man 
in  the  party,  had  impaired  confidence  in  his  judgment  by  his  course 
during  the  first  part  of  the  Lincoln  Administration,  and  had  made 
nnal  wreck  of  his  political  fortunes  by  attaching  himself  so  closely 
to  President  Johnson's  abortive  schemes.  Chase,  although  Chief 
Justice  of  the  Supreme  Court,  still  had  political  ambitions,  but  he 
was  already  showing  signs  of  restiveness  in  his  Republicanism. 
William  M.  Evarts,  who  was  more  lawyer  than  politiclai.,  but  wjio 
had  sometimes  been  talked  of  as  a  possible  candidate,  had  gone,  along 
with  Weed  and  Raymond  into  the  Arm-in-arm  Movement.  The 
influence  of  that  section  of  the  party  in  New  York  which  was  of  W' hig 
origin,  and  which  was  once  all  powerful,  had  ceased  to  be  a  factor 
of  any  consequence  at  all  in  Republican  politics.      The  political  firm 


222 


HISTORY  OF  THK  KEPl'BLICAN  PAKTY 


i  !  I 


of  Seward,  Weed  and  Ra.vniond,  suctesBorB  to  the  old  firm  of  S«?ward. 
Weed  and  (Greeley,  was  bankrupt. 

The  eyes  of  the  iieople  naturally  turned  to  Orant.  The  Oeneral, 
dnrinj?  the  war,  had  attended  to  hiti  flKhtinj?  and  had  taken  no  part  in 
politlcB,  either  by  act  or  speech.  Before  the  war  he  had  not  takeii 
any  interest  in  politics,  and  did  not  always  take  the  trouble  to  vote. 
When  he  did  vote  it  was  the  Democratic  ticket  that  he  took  to  the 
polls.  Leading  Democrats  at  one  time  canvassed  the  plan  of  making 
him  the  Democratic  candidate  for  President  in  18(58,  but  the  Repub 
licans  did  not  finally  give  them  a  chance. 

Probably  no  man  in  the  country,  except  the  President,  had  been 
as  closely  watched  as  Grant.      He  had  been  placed  in  a  very  deli- 
rate  position.      As  the  head  of  the  Army  it  was  his  duty  to  cooi)er- 
ate  in  carrying  out  any  plan  for  the  Reconstruction  of  the  South 
that  f  Vmgress  and  the  President  agreed  upon.    But  they  agreed  upon 
nothing.    The  fact  that,  in  his  position  between  the  two,   he  gave 
serious  offense  to  neither,  furnished  evidence  of  rare  discretion.    Th.' 
President  had  used  various  devices  to  chain  (Jrant  to  his  chariot 
wheels  alongside  of  Seward,  but  without  success.      In  1865,  when 
the  General  was  about  to  start  on  a  tour  of  inspection  through  the 
South,  the  President  asked  him  "to  learn  as  far  as  possible,  during 
his  tour,  the  feelings  and  intentions  of  the  citizens  of  the  Southern 
States,  toward  the  National  Government."     He  replied  in  a  report  in 
which  he  expressed  the  belief  that  "the  mass  of  thinking  men  of  the 
South  accept  the  present  situation  of  affairs  in  good  faith,  but  four 
years  of  war  have  left  the  people  possibly  in  a  condition  not  ready  to 
yield  that  obedience  to  civil  authority  which  the  American  people 
have  been  in  the  habit  of  yielding,  thus  rendering  the  small  garrisons 
throughout  those  states  necessary,  until  such  time  as  labor  returns 
to  its  proper  channels,  and  civil  authority  is  fully  established."    The 
friends  of  the  Administration  professed  to  find  in  this,  aud  a  few 
hopeful  expressions,  a  justification  of  tlie  President's  Reconstruction 
plan.    They  used  it  to  show  that  Grant  was  a  supporter  of  that 
plan,  a  statement  which  was  very  far  from  the  truth.       He  was 
simply  seeking  light,  and  closer  inquiry  did  not  confirm  his  first 
mildly  favorable  impressions.      The  enactment  into  law  of  the  Con- 
gressional Reconstruction  plan  made  his  duty  clear,  and  he  heartily 
co-operated   in  carrying  out   that  law.      He  was  obliged,   through 
official  (ourtesy,  to  accompany  Johnson  on  his  Western  tour,  and  he 
bore  himself  with  a  prudence  and  discretion  that  were  in  marked 


■t 


%  . 


THK  FOIKTH  UKIM^HMCAN  CONVKXTION. 


2'*.'{ 


rm  of  H«?WHr«l, 

The  (JenernI, 
ken  n(>  purt  in 
had  not  taken 
rouble  to  vote, 
he  took  to  the 
)lan  of  making; 
)ut  the  Repub- 

dent,  had  been 

in  a  very  deli- 

Inty  to  co-oi)er- 

of  the  Boutli 

e.v  agreed  upon 

two,   he   gave 

isrretion.    Tin* 

to  hig  chariot 

In  1865,  when 

on  through  the 

M)88ible,  during 

>f  the  Southern 

>d  in  a  report  in 

dng  men  of  tlie 

faith,  but  four 

on  not  ready  to 

lueriean  people 

sraaU  garrisons 

8  labor  returns 

ablished."    The 

this,  aud  a  few 

Reconstrnetion 

pporter  of  that 

'uth.  .    He  was 

onflrm  his  first 

law  of  the  Con- 

and  he  heartily 

bliged,   through 

Tn  tour,  and  he 

vere  in  marked 


contrast  to  the  antics  of  his  official  and  military  superior.  He  pro- 
tested against  the  suspension  of  Ktanton,  accepted  charge  of  the  War 
Department  with  reluctance,  and  reliiiojuished  it  as  soon  as  the  Sen- 
ate annulled  the  suspension.  He  had  been  in  contact  with  Johnson's 
administration  for  three  years,  without  lieing  contaminated.  He  had 
shown  himself  as  prudent  in  counsel,  as  he  was  brave  and  capable 
in  war,  and,  long  before  the  Republican  National  Convention  usscm 
bled,  public  opinion  had  fixed  upon  him  as  the  sure  nominee  for  Pres- 
ident. 

That  f'onvenficm  met  in  Chicago  May  20,  \SHH,  and  was  thor- 
oughly representative  of  the  best  and  ables.  element  of  the  jjurty. 
The  Michigan  delegation  was  as  follows:  At  L<irge — Wm.  A.  Howard, 
Hampton  Rich,  Marsh  (biddings,  Randolph  Strickland.  Uy  districts — 
(1)  R.  R.  Beecher,  Henry  Waldron;  (2)  William  B.  Williams,  E.  .J. 
Bonine;  (3)  S.  M.  Cutcheon,  J.  W.  Longyear;  (4)  Morgan  Bates,  (leorge 
(f.  Briggs;  (5)  S.  IX  Bingham,  John  Divine;  ((>)  John  H.  Richardson, 
Joseph  W.  Edwards.  Carl  Schurss  was  temporary  chairman  and 
made  a  rattling  speech  on  the  duty  of  the  party  in  the  existing  emer- 
gency. He  was  peculiarly  fitted  for  this,  for  the  reason  that  he  had 
been  sent  by  the  President  to  investigate  the  condition  of  the  South. 
His  report  was  so  unsatisfactory  to  the  Administration  that  an 
effort  was  nvade  to  suppress  it.  This  was  prevented  by  the  Senate, 
which  made  good  use  of  it  in  formulating  a  plan  of  reconstruction. 
The  permanent  chairman  was  General  Joseph  R.  Hawley,  of  Connec- 
ticut, who  made  a  short  and  incisive  address. 

An  interesting  feature  of  the  early  proceedings  was  the  admis- 
sion to  the  platform  of  a  delegation  from  a  large  Soldiers'  and 
Sailors'  Convention,  who  presented  a  resolution  adopted  by  that  con- 
vention: "That  we,  the  soldiers  and  sailors,  steadfast  now  as  ever  to 
the  Union  and  the  flag,  fully  recognize  the  claims  of  General  Ul.\  sses 
S.  Grant  to  the  confidence  of  the  American  people,  and  believing  that 
the  victories  won  under  his  guidance  in  war  will  be  illustrated  by 
him  in  peace,  by  such  measures  as  will  secure  the  fruits  of  our 
exertions  and  restore  the  Union  upon  the  loyal  basis,  we  declare  it 
as  our  deliberate  conviction  that  he  is  the  choice  of  the  soldiers  and 
sailors  of  the  I'nion  for  the  office  of  President  of  the  United  States 
of  America."  The  communication  was  received  with  the  warmest 
interest  and  three  cheers  were  given  for  the  soldiers  and  sailors.  A 
series  of  resolutions  adopted  by  the  I'nion  Leagne  of  America,  favor- 


mm 


. 


1<> 
■A 


4i»ii 


m 


224 


HIHTOKY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY . 


ing  Qruiit  for  PreBidrnt,  were  alBO  received  and  ordered  printed  hh 
part  of  the  pnM-eediiigB  of  the  Convention. 

On  the  second  da.v  the  eoniniittei*  on  resolutionH  re]M>rted  a  phil- 
forni  which,  after  Hligiit  amendment,  wa«i  adopted  aH  fotlowH: 

The  National  Republican  part.v  of  tlie  United  KtateH  aHHenibled 
in  Nati<inal  Convention  in  the  City  of  Chicago  on  the  20th  day  of  May, 
18G8,  malte  the  following  declaration  of  principles : 

I.  We  congratulate  the  country  on  the  nsHured  Buccess  of  the 
ReconBtrnction  policy  of  Congress  as  evinced  by  the  adoption  in  the 
majority  of  the  states  lately  in  rebellion,  of  constitutions  securing 
equal  rights  to  all,  and  it  Ib  the  duty  of  the  government  to  sustain 
these  institutions  and  to  prevent  the  people  of  Bucb  states  from  being 
remitted  to  a  condition  of  anarchy. 

II.  The  guarantee  by  Congress  of  eijual  suffrage  to  all  men  at 
the  Houth  was  demanded  by  considerations  of  public  safety,  of  grat- 
itude and  of  justice,  and  must  be  maintained,  while  the  question  of 
Huflfrage  in  all  the  loyal  states  proi»erly  belongs  to  the  i>eople  of  those 
states. 

III.  We  denounce  all  forms  of  repudiation  as  a  national  crime, 
and  the  national  honor  denuuids  the  payment  of  the  public  indebted- 
ness, in  the  utmost  good  faith,  to  all  creditors  at  home  and  abroad, 
not  only  according  to  the  letter  but  in  the  spirit  in  which  it  waa  con- 
tracted. 

IV.  It  is  due  to  the  labor  of  the  nation  that  taxation  should  be 
equaliz(>d  and  reduced  as  rapidly  as  the  national  faith  will  permit. 

V.  The  national  debt,  contracted  as  it  has  been  for  the  preserva- 
ti<in  of  the  I^nion  for  all  time  to  come,  should  be  extended  over  a  fair 
period  for  redemption,  and  it  is  the  duty  of  Congress  to  reduce  the 
rate  of  intei  /st  thereon,  whenever  it  can  reasonably  be  done. 

VI.  The  best  policy  to  diminish  our  burden  of  debt  is  to  so 
imj)rove  our  credit,  that  capitalists  will  loan  us  money  at  lower  rates 
of  interest  than  we  now  pay,  and  must  continue  to  pay,  so  long  as 
repudiation,  partial  or  total,  open  or  covert,  is  threatened  or  sus- 
pected. 

VII.  The  Government  of  the  United  Rtates  should  be  ndminis- 
tered  with  the  strictest  economy,  and  the  corruptions  which  have 
been  so  shamefully  nursed  and  fostered  by  Andrew  Johnson  call 
loudly  for  radical  reform. 

VIII.  We  profoundly  deplore  the  untimely  and  tragic  death  of 
Abraham  Lincoln,  and  regret  the  accession  to  the  Presidency  of 
Andrew  Johnson,  who  has  acted  treacherously  to  the  people  who 
elected  him  and  the  cause  he  was  pledged  to  support;  who  has 
usurped  high  legislative  and  judicial  functions;  who  has  refused  to 
execute  the  laws;  who  has  used  his  high  office  to  induce  other  officers 
to  ignore  and  violate  the  laws;  who  has  employed  his  executive 
powers  to  render  insecure  the  proTwrty,  peace,  liberty  and  life  of  the 
citizen;  who  has  abused  the  pardoning  power;  who  has  denounced 


■iic,;^!:^! 


1 


'^. 


THE  ForUTII  HKIMUMCAN  CONVKXTIOX. 


•2-2') 


ered  printed  um 

M»IM)rt«"d  u  plat- 
oIIowh: 

UiU'H  HHHeiiiblcd 
!()th  day  of  Muv, 

BtlCCCgB   of   tlU' 

adoption  in  the 
iitions  securing 
nient  to  snatain 
ates  from  bein^ 

(e  to  all  men  at 
safety,  of  grat- 
the  question  of 

?  I>eople  of  tliose 

national  cnnie, 
publie  indebted- 
ime  and  abroad, 
/liich  it  was  eon- 

xation  should  be 
th  will  permit, 
for  the  preserva- 
L'nded  over  a  fair 
'SB  to  reduce  the 
be  done. 

of  debt  is  to  so 
py  at  lower  rates 
)  pay,  so  long  as 
reatened  or  sus- 

onld  be  adminis- 
ions  which  hav(> 
f>w  Johnson  call 

1  tragic  death  of 
e  Presidency  of 
the  people  who 
[>port ;  who  has 
o  has  refused  to 
lice  other  officers 
red  his  executive 
■y  and  life  of  the 
a  has  denounced 


the  National  liegislature  an  iinconHtitutifUial;  who  liaH  pci-HiHientl.v 
and  corruptly  rei^iHted,  l>y  ev«'ry  uieaHure  in  IiIh  power,  evjM-y  pro|KM' 
attempt  at  the  re(<»nHtriicti(m  of  the  stateH  lately  in  rebellion;  wln» 
has  perverted  the  public  patronage  into  an  engine  of  wh(^leHale  cor- 
rupti«>n,  and  who  lias  justly  been  impeached  for  high  crimes  and  mis- 
d(>meanors,  and  proiM'rly  pronounced  guilty  thereof  \  y  the  vote  of 
thirtytive  senators. 

IX.  The  do<-trine  of  tireat  Itritain  and  other  Kuropean  powers 
that  because  a  man  is  once  a  subject  he  is  always  so,  must  b^  resisted 
at  every  hazard  by  the  I'nited  States  as  a  relli-  of  feudal  times,  not 
authori/.ed  by  the  law  of  nations  and  at  war  with  our  national  honor 
and  independenc«'.  Xaturalized  citizens  are  entitled  to  be  protected 
in  all  their  rights  to  citizenship  as  though  they  were  native  born,  and 
no  citizen  of  the  rnit«Hl  States,  native  or  otherwise,  must  be  liable 
to  arrest  and  imprisonment  by  any  foreign  power  for  acts  done  or 
words  spoken  in  this  country;  and  if  arrested  and  imprisoned  it  is 
the  duty  of  the  government  to  interfere  in  his  behalf. 

X.  Of  all  who  were  faithful  in  the  trials  of  the  late  wair,  tln'rc 
were  none  entitled  to  more  especial  honor  than  the  brave  soldiers  a»nd 
seamen,  who  endured  the  hardships  of  campaign  and  cruise  and 
iaiperilled  their  lives  in  the  servi<'e  of  the  country;  the  btninties  and 
pensions  provided  by  law  for  these  bra^e  defenders  of  the  Nation  are 
obligations  never  to  be  forgotten;  the  widows  and  orphans  of  the 
gallant  dead  ari'  the  wards  of  the  people,  a  sacred  legacy  beipieathed 
to  the  Nation's  protective  care. 

XI.  Foreign  emigration,  whi<-li  in  the  past  has  added  so  much 
to  the  wealth,  development  and  resources  and  increase  of  power  to 
this  Nation — tin  asylum  of  the  oppressed  of  all  nations — should  be 
fostered  and  encouraged  by  a  liberal  and  just  policy. 

XII.  This  convention  declares  itself  in  sympathy  with  all  the 
o]>pressed  people  who  are  struggling  for  their  rights. 

Some  members  of  the  convention  had  lM»en  so  impatient  to  nom- 
inate (irant  for  President  that  two  of  them,  had  made  motions  to  that 
effect  before  the  order  of  business  was  reported  or  a  jiernmnent 
organization  was  effected,  and  another  had  done  the  same  thing,  while 
the  convention  was  awaiting  the  report  of  the  <*ommittee  on  creden- 
tials. The  time  had  now  come  when  this  eager  desire  could  be  car- 
ried out  and  General  John  A.  Logan  had  been  chosen  to  place  the 
name  of  Grant  before  the  convention. 

'ihe  selection  of  General  Logan  for  this  service  was  a  very  appro- 
priate one.  Before  the  war  he  represented  the  darkest  district  in 
Egypt,  as  Southern  Illinois  was  called.  His  district  was  populated 
mostly  by  emigrants  from  the  slave  states,  and  its  people  were  about 
as  strong  for  Secession  and  slavery  as  their  neighbors  across  the 


; 


|(j|BBRr't^''^war^w^^T3S!?CTrw?TraBwnTTT^^ 


!!■ 


HISTOUY  OF  TIIK  KKITHI.K'AN  VARTY. 

Ohio  and  MiMHiijulppi  Kiv« mh  in  Keutinky  und  AikHiiMUB.  He  wu«j  a 
DoHjflaH  IN'iiMMiHt.  v«'t  the  DiHtrict  lined  to  Heiid  him  to  ("oiiKresB  by 
l(MMM>  or  ll,()tM»  niHJorit.v.  After  the  war  broke  out,  when  he  went 
home  to  raise  u  reKiment  for  the  Inion  Army  \\\»  <  onstltnentu  resented 
the  aet.  Tliey  would  luive  preferred  a  regiment  for  the  Confederate 
8ervi<e.  His  ehxiuenre  and  persuasive  powers  carried  the  day  and 
he  got  his  regiment.  After  "the  Hla«'k  EagU«  of  Illinois"  returned 
from  the  Army  his  District  sent  him  back  to  Washington  as  a  Repub- 
lican, by  about  the  same  n>ajority  tliat  it  had  given  him  before  as  a 

Democrat.    It  is  told  of 
him  that  when  he  was 
home  on   leave  of  ab- 
sence, during  the  war, 
und  was  making  a  cam- 
paign speech,  one  ot  his 
h  e  a  r  e  r  s  interrupted 
him  with  renmrks  that 
had  a  flavor  of  Copper- 
headism,  and   were  iu- 
iMilting  to  the  speaker 
himself.     Logan  seized 
the    water     pitcher, 
jumped  down  from  the 
)>latform,  chased  the  in- 
truder out  of  the  hall, 
then  returned  and   re- 
sumed his  speech  amid 
great  applause.    Egypt 
u[»preeiated  that    kind 
of  argument. 
Logan's    first    battle 


JOHN  A.  LOGAN. 


with  his  regiment  brought  a  recommendation  from  Grant  that  he  be 
made  a  Rrigadier  General,  and  he  returned  home  a  Major  General. 
He  was  now  in  position  to  return  (3 rant's  favor  by  nominating  him 
for  I'resident.  Re<ognizing  the  impatience  of  the  (.'onvention  to 
come  to  a  vote,  he  restrained  the  natural  desire  which  induces  many 
to  n:ake  a  display  of  oratory  on  such  occasions,  and  confined  his 
speech  to  a  single  sentence.  Reing  informed  by  the  Chair  that 
nominations  were  in  order  he  said:  "Then,  sir,  in  the  name  of  the 
loyal  citizens,  soldiers  and  sailors,  of   this  great    Republic  of    the 


MRI 


f. 


TiiK  Fonrrii  hkitiilkan  convkntion.       227 


i.  lie  wuM  a 
}  ('oiiKi'eBB  by 
when  he  went 
lentu  resented 
e  Confederate 
il  the  da.v  and 
lois"  returned 
»n  HH  a  Uepiib- 
\i\  before  a8  u 
t.    It  18  told  of 

when  he  was 

leave  of  ab- 
irinjx  the  war, 
making  a  chui- 
'ech,  one  of  hln 
•  H  Interrupted 
I  renmrkH  that 
vor  of  Copper- 

and  were  iu- 
o  the  speaker 

Loftan  seiised 
iter  pitcher, 
tlown  from  the 
,  chased  the  in- 
ut  of  the  hall, 
urned  and  re- 
is  speech  amid 
iplause.  Egypt 
ted  that  kind 
lent. 

's  first  battle 
rant  that  he  be 
Major  General, 
tominating  him 

(convention  to 
!)  induces  many 
id  confined  his 
the  Chair  that 
he  name  of  the 
Republic  of    the 


rnitv'd  StaJcH  of  .\nierica;  in  the  name  of  loyiilty.of  liberty,  of  human- 
ity, of  justice;  in  the  name  of  the  National  I'nion  Republican  party,  I 
nominate,  u.'  candidate  for  the  Chief  Majjisfniry  of  this  Nation, 
riysses  H.  Jlrant."  If  he  had  talked  half  an  ln»ur  he  could  n<>t  have 
aroused  more  enthusiasni  than  he  did  by  iIiIh  ninnle  senten«e.  .\t 
the  mention  of  (Srant's  name,  there  was  prolonged  applause,  and  a 
great  waving  of  handkerchiefs,  and  then  the  mass  of  people,  delegates 
and  spectators,  rose  and  gave  three  rous'ng  rhecrH  for  llu*  nominee, 
while  the  band  struck  up  "Uuil  to  the  Chief." 

The  r»)ll  of  states  and 
territories     was     theji 
called   and   the   Chair- 
nmn  announced:    "(len- 
tlemen  of  the  <'onven- 
t  i  o  n,    y  o  u    have    six 
h  u  n  d  r  e  d    and     fifty 
v(»te8;  you   Imve  given 
six     h  u  n  d  r  e  d    and 
fifty     votes    for     Clys 
Hes     K.     (Irant.       NMne 
rousing      cheers       fol- 
lowed    the    announce- 
ment, the  band  played 
"The     Hattle     Cry     of 
F  reed  o  m,"  and    the 
whole    (Convention 
joined    in    the    rhorus. 
Enthusiasm    was    still 
further    aroused    by  a 
song    written    for    the 
ot-casion  by  George   V. 

Root,  entitled  "We'll  Fight  it  Out  Here  on  the  Old  Union  Line, 
and  sung  by  Chaplain  Lozier,  Chaplain  McCabe  and  Major  H.  O. 

Lombard. 

The  contest  for  the  nomination  for  Vice-rresident  was  very 
spirited.  The  nominating  speeches  were  numerous,  most  of  them 
brief,  and  generally  of  a  very  high  order.  Virginia  nominated 
Henry  Wilson,  of  Massachusetts,  and  his  home  State  and  South 
Carolina  seconded  the  nomination.  Indiana  nominated  Schuyler 
Colfax,  and  New    Jersey  and  Michigan    seconded  the    nomination. 


BENJAMIN  F.   WADE. 


Mm 


'2'2H  INHTOUY  <»K  TlIK  KKIM  HLHAN  I'AItTY. 

Tli«'  Mlcliinan  (IcIcKiition  had  Imm'Ii  iiiHtnirl«Ml  foi-  Tolfax.  Ohio 
iioiiiiiiat«Ml  H«'iijaiiiiii  F.  \Va«h'  ami  wan  miip|m»iM«'(1  by  .Minmrni-I  ami 
NoHli  Carolina.  N<'W  Vorl<  noiiiinatiMl  Kx  novi'inor  U«'II»mm»  K. 
F«'iitoi).  and  l.i>uiHiana  Hiip|»<»il«'d  tlu'  iHMiiiiiatidii.  K»'iitu<k.v  iuuiumI 
.laiiM'H  H\H'vi\;  Mai-.vland  noiiiiiiatt'd  .lohii  A.  .1.  Cn'Hwell,  but  Mr. 
Ch'mwoII.  who  wan  u  di'li-galc.  imnirdiati'ly  withilrow  hln  iiaiiu'  in  a 
HiiriinK  bimmm  h  favoring  "Ki<>"><»"«  "'<^  '*'•'  ^Vad^^  of  Ohio."  I'onn 
H.vlvania  nominated  Kx-Oov»M-nor  A.  (S.  i'atlin,  Iowa  namt'd  Jann'H 
Harlan,  Maino  pi«'H«'n1t'd  llannil»al  Hamlin,  and  Kannan  Knbmlttt'd 
K  r.  PonHMoy.  Tin*  followInK  tabli'  mIiowh  tht'  couiho  of  tlu'  bal 
lotinif: 

l8t.     2d.     :M.     4th.     nth.  «th. 

n«-njamin  F.  Wade,  of  Ohio 14»     170     17«     204     10«      4J 

.-((•huvler  Colfax,  of  Indiana ^MM     140     1«4     l««     224     522 

K.ubVn  K.  Fenton,  of  New  York i:t2     140     IHO     144     i:»7       75 

•lann'H  HiMfd.  of  Kentuiky 22     

.1.  A.  J.  Creswell,  of  Maryland 14     

A.  U.  Cnrtin,  of  Pennsylvania 52      45      40     

James  Harlan,  of  Iowa 10     

William  I).  Kelley,  of  IVnnHylvania. .       0     

Hannibal  Hamlin,  of  Maine «0      -W      25      25       10     ... 

Henry  Wilson,  of  MasHachuuettH....    110     li:»     101       S7      01       11 

(Joverm»r  Curtin  hud  InnilHlied  the  Pennnylvania  delegation  with 
a  patriotic  letter,  ttHthorizinj!;  them  to  withdraw  his  name,  whenever, 
in  their  jndKment,  suth  action  would  "promote  unity  and  harmon.^ 
in  the  Republican  party,  and  its  ultimate  triumph,  which  is  ho  eHgeu 
tial  to  the  perpetuity  of  the  (Jovernment,  and  the  prosperity  and 
happineBB  of  the  Ameri«nu  people."      It  will  be  noticed  that  Wade 
Htarted  in  the  lead,  and  maintained  that  jioBitlon  through  four  ballotH. 
His  nomination  was  expected  and  probably  would  have  been  brought 
about,  had  it  not    been  for  the  chronic   habit  of   Ohio  delegates  to 
break  away  from  their  own  candidates  at  a  <'rltical  time,  a  habit  of. 
whi<h  Senator  Hherman,  and  half  a  dozen  others,  have  had  reason 
to  (omplain.       Four  of    the  Ohio    delegation    broke  from  Wade  to 
Colfax  on  the  second  ballot,  and  the  number  increased  to  six  on  the 
fourth  ballot.       Colfax's  nomination,  however,  was  entirely  satis 
factory  to  the  <ountry.      He  was  one  of  the  most  popular  Republi- 
cans and  one  of  the  best  parliamentarians  of  the  time. 

There  was  an  incident  connected  with  the  Michigan  delegati  »u 
at  this  Convention  which  has  nevtjr  before  been  in  print.      The  Ren- 


v. 

rolfax.  Ohio 
V  .MiHHoiiri  and 
lor  Ui'IiImmi  K. 
cntiicky  naiiiiMl 
Hwell,    hut    Mr. 

liJH  iiaiiu*  ill  a 
Oliio."       I'onii 

iiaiiH'd  .laiiu'H 
iiHaM  Hiihiiiitti'd 
I'Mi'  (»f  tht*  bul- 


4tii. 

Tith. 

ntii. 

LM)4 

m\ 

42 

1N(( 

224 

r>22 

144 

l.»7 

75 

S7 


II 


del('};ation  with 
imiiie,  wht'uever, 
ty  and  harinun.^ 
hii'h  Ih  ho  eHseu 

pi'()Hperit,v  and 
Heed  that  Wade 
HKh  four  ballotH. 
ve  been  brought 
hit)  deieKates  to 

time,  a  habit  of. 
tiave  had  reason 
i»  from  Wade  to 
led  to  six  on  the 
B  entirely  satis 
[)0]iular  Republi- 

lii);an  delegation 
jrlnt.      The  Sen 


TIIK  Fonrni  HKIM  llMrAX  roWKNTMJN. 


221) 


atorial  intliiniie  from  >\iiHhinKlon  wan  ver.v  HtroM);ly  in  favor  of 
Itenjainin  F.  NNiide  for  Virel'reHidcnl.  H«'iiHr«»r  < 'handler,  of  Mifhi- 
^an,  WUM  eHperially  altat-hed  lo  Mr.  Wade.  Thev  had  be«'n  coniradeH 
in  the  Heiiate  when  the  HepubliranM  were  in  a  hopelesH  niinorilv 
there.  In  view  of  the  asManlt  made  upon  Hiimner  and  of  the  lhr<>ats 
and  bluHter  of  Honthern  HeiiatorH  after  that  time,  tli<>.v  had  been 
parties,  with  Senator  <'ameron,  to  a  written  conipaft,  to  resiHt  force 
with  force,  in  rase  of  any  assault  upon  theniHelves,  or  upon  anv  of 
their  fellow  senators  in  their  prest'uce,  and  had  practiced  with  the 
revolver  until  they  were  aeeounte«l  anions  the  l)est  shots  in  Wash- 
in^tton.  They  had  sto(ul  together  in  favor  of  Lincoln  and  (Irant, 
and  of  all  eiiicient  wh:-  nien:'<ures,  and  after  that  against  the  aggres- 
sl<»no  of  IM'er.iiei'  .Nthnson.  In  his  earnest  desire  for  Mr.  Wade's 
Mon»*;iMt|f>u  Air  ■. '>«:(dler  wrote  to  the  manager  of  the  !>etroit  I'ost. 
'.*'  whft-ti  le  ^i:X',  c'mIi  the  largest  stockholder,  and  which  was  devoted 
t  >  f;;*  inifrc'i'js,  asking  that  it  <'ome  out  in  support  <»f  Mr.  Wade. 
Til'  vi»pr,'.<^er  uplied  tha.  Michigan  had  already  instructed  its  dele- 
'.'(»  ion  to  n«i»port  CoMax,  »;nd  it  would  not  be  well  for  the  pajM'r,  nor 
Vieil  f,)>-  iui".  <  hamlhr.  f  >  ;it>  fniwU'V  h»  the  expressed  wish  of  the 
I«' P'.''.!ie«',is  fT  ii;r  t.ak,  Mv.  i'*!  .'idler,  who  often  led,  but  n<>ver 
Htvf»iifp  "d  *o  drivt,  t'jK  Ec;pulW/;-.u«»  of  Michigan,  saw  the  force  of 
it)l«,  ami  ;,;  »de  ;u>  fu.'tner  \'.o,tm  ,ti  x\yf  direction. 

Of  <r»U  'Iran  'k  U-V^'c  ;)♦.  nccf pt'i  ue  was  characteristic.  It  eon- 
t'??ne'l  nw.y  2il  wojtj*,  and  (>,»ii'ii<  '  *'rf  introductory  acknowledg 
ine.its,  wu/j  i.f.  iVv'lowH: 

t  '  '"'I  emiurho  tb<.>  n  Koiutio  is.  If  »'le<  .ed  to  the  office  of  President 
of  fhv  Uai^vd  Htfites  'i  iv  il  be  mv  emi.'i'.vor  to  administer  all  the  law.s 
in  fr,my)  fmih.  witii  ('conom.^  i.nni  %>ih  the  view  of  giving  peace,  quiet 
un<t  proic  '.<»  everywhoJO. 

"In  tiinea  'iVf-  fhe  jiresen*  i'  is  iuipossible,  or  at  least  eminently 
improper,  to  !n>  i'ovn  a  )'''.-\  to  be  adhered  to,  right  or  wrong, 
thronnh  an  Atlminis'.rjtioii  of  four  years.  New  political  issues,  not 
t'.>,.*e6.ei'ik,  vt"  constaV/'  .  ii-ising;  the  views  of  the  public  on  old  ones 
iwe  constrtjttly  changiBjj;,  and  a  purely  Administrative  officer  should 
^^^/'':l■)^  hv  left  '"ee  to  execute  the  will  of  the  iieople.      I  always  have 

. ri'HtKitrd  tiia:  will  and  always  shall. 

"<        ">Vi;ce  and  universal  prosperity,  its  sequence,  with  economy  of 
Administration,  will  lighten  the  burden  of  taxation,  while  it  con 
stantly  reduces  the  National  debt.     Let  us  have  peace.''         > 


I|tu..jiajug8re?ti.^i^a^^.u-A..j..  ' 


>m 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REIMHLK'AX  PARTY. 


i 


'i 


Tlie  deference  here  shown  to  the  will  of  the  people,  and  the  dis 
claimer  of  any  inflexible  plan  of  meeting  the  exigencies  of  the  time, 
were  in  striking  and  pleasing  contrast  to  the  self-assertion  and  obsti 
nacy  which  had  characterized  the  occupant  of  the  White  House  for 
the  previous  three  years. 

Mr.  Colfax's  letter  of  acceptance,  addressed  to  General  Hawley, 
opened  with  this  graceful  expression  of  thanks:  "The  platform 
adopted  by  the  patriotic  Convention  over  which  you  presided,  and 
the  resolutions  which  so  happily  supplement  it,  so  entirely  agree 
with  my  views  as  to  a  just  National  policy,  that  my  thanks  are  due 
to  the  delegates,  as  much  for  this  clear  and  auspicious  declaration 
of  principles;  as  for  the  nomination  with  which  I  have  been  honored, 
and  which  I  gratefully  a(!cept."  Mr.  (^olfax  followed  with  a  brief 
reference  to  the  issues  of  the  day,  and  to  what  the  Republican  party 
had  already  accomplished. 

The  harmonious  character  of  the  Convention,  the  hearty  accept- 
ance of  the  platform  by  the  candidates,  and  the  popularity  of  the 
candidates  themselves,  most  favorably  affected  the  party,  and  it 
entered  upon  the  campaign  with  confidence  and  zeal. 


''Ks; 


le,  and  the  dis 
es  of  the  time, 
ption  and  obsti- 
hite  House  for 

eneral  Hawley, 
"The  platform 
1  presided,  and 
entirely  agree 
thanks  are  due 
ous  declaration 
e  been  honored, 
ed  with  a  brief 
epublican  party 

e  hearty  accept- 
>pularity  of  the 
}  party,  and  it 


% 


ii 


;.;--Vi■i^;v■...f■;.■■vA;. .y,,,,-;:/        XVIII.'  .•'  -     . 

THE  GRANT  AND  COLFAX  CAMPAIGN. 

The  Democratic  Tammany  Hall  Convention-"Your  Candidate  1 
Cannot  Be"— The  Nomination  of  Seymour  and  Blair— A  Very 
(^ritical  and  Fault-Finding  Platform-Blair's  Pi-evious  Record- 
\  Weak  I>oint  in  the  Ticket-The  Southern  Fire-Eaters  Too  Out- 
spoken-An  Active  and  Bitter  Contest-A  Flood  of  Campaign 
Poetry-Grant's  Speeches— Seymour's  Electioneering  Tour— A 
Great  Triumph  for  the  Republicans— A  Large  Majority  of  the 
Popular  Vote,  the  Vote  in  the  Electoral  College  and  in  Congress. 

The  Democrats,  in  1868,  were  more  at  sea  and  at  sea  much 
longer,  than  the  Republicans.  Their  course  as  a  party  during  the 
war  had  thoroughly  discredited  them.  Their  war-is-a-fa.Iure  cam- 
T.aign  in  1864  had  ended  in  complete  discomfiture,  and  their 
investment  in  Andrew  Johnson  had  not  netted  any  dividends.  They 
were  out  of  principles,  and  their  stock  of  available  candidates  had 
run  low.    They  were  in  as  great  need  of  rehabilitation  as  the  South 

nrofi 

The  National  Convention  met  in  Tammany  Hall,  New  York,  July 
4  and  remained  in  session  eleven  days.  The  framing  of  a  platform 
was  no  easy  matter.  All  the  material  in  the  old  platform  was 
rotten  or  worm-eaten,  and  it  was  necessary  to  cut  fresh  material  and 
build  anew.  The  declarations  of  the  Convention,  as  finally  adopted, 
contained  an  enumeration  of  wrongs,  and  of  outrages  upon  Liberty, 
and  of  violations  of  the  Constitution,  and  of  abuses  in  taxation,  and 
of  usurpations  of  power,  that  might  fairly  have  made  Vallandigham 
and  men  of  his  class  weep.  They  did  not  know  before  that  they  had 
been  so  cruelly  abused.  As  the  first  pronouncement  of  the  modern 
Democracy,  the  declaration  is  worth  giving  in  full.    Here  it  is: 

The  Democratic  party,  in  National  (Convention  assembled,  repos- 
ing its  trust  in  the  intelligence,  patriotism,  and  discriminating  justice 
of  the  people,  standing  upon  the  (Constitution  as  the  foundation  and 


amm 


.iLiji4iJBIliilflWjM'JHIll.!li 


'W^^ 


HISTORY  OF  THK  REinRLinAN  PARTY. 

limitatitin  of  the  powers  of  the  Government,  and  the  j>narantee  of 
the  liberties  of  the  citizen,  and  recognizing  the  questions  of  Slavery 
and  Secession  as  having  been  settled  for  all  time  to  come  by  the  war  ; 
or  the  voluntary  action  of  the  Southern  States  in  Constitutional  Con-  : 
ventions  assembled,  and  never  to  be  renewed  or  reagitated,  do,  with 
the  return  of  peace,  demand : 

1.  Immediate  restoration  of  all  the  states  to  their  rights  in  th»! 
Union,  under  the  Constitution,  and  of  Civil  Government  to  the  Amer- 
ican people. 

2.  Amnesty  for  all  past  political  offences,  and  the  regulation  of 
the  elective  franchise  in  the  states  by  their  citizens. 

3.  Payment  of  the  public  debt  of  the  United  States  as  rapidly  as 
practicable;  all  moneys  drawn  from  the  people  by  taxation,  except 
so  much  as  is  requisite  for  the  necessities  of  the  (iovernment,  econom 
ically  administered,  being  honestly  applied  to  such  payment,  and 
where  the  obligations  of  the  Government  do  not  exi)re88ly  state  upon 
their  face,  or  the  Law  under  which  they  were  issued  does  not  jirovid'- 
that  they  shall  be  paid  in  coin,  they  ought,  in  right  and  in  justice, 
to  be  paid  in  the  lawful  money  of  the  United  States. 

4.  Equal  taxation  of  every  species  of  projierty  according  to  its 
real  value,  including  Government  bonds  and  other  public  securities. 

5.  One  currency  for  the  Government  and  the  people,  the  laborer 
and  the  office-holder,  the  pensioner  and  the  soldier,  the  producer  and 
the  bondholder. 

6.  Economy  in  the  Administration  of  the  (Jovernment;  the 
reduction  of  thfe  standing  Army  and  Navy;  the  abolition  of  the  Preert- 
man's  Bureau,  and  all  political  instrumentalities  designed  to  secure 
negro  supremacy:  simplification  of  the  system,  and  discontinuance 
of  inquisitorial  nivtdes  of  assessing  and  collecting  internal  revenue, 
so  that  the  burden  of  taxation  may  be  equalized  and  lessened;  the 
(redit  of  the  Government  and  the  currency  made  good;  the  repeal  of 
all  enactments  for  enrolling  the  State  Militia  into  National  forces  in 
time  of  peace;  and  a  tariff  for  revenue  upon  foreign  imports,  and 
such  equal  taxation  under  the  Internal  Revenue  Laws  as  will  afford 
incidental  protection  to  domestic  manufacturers,  and  as  will,  without 
impairing  the  revenue,  impose  the  least  burden  upon  and  best  pro- 
mote and  encourJage  the  great  industrial  interests  of  the  country. 

7.  Reform  of  abuses  in  the  Administration,  the  expulsion  of 
corrupt  men  from  office,  the  abrogation  of  useless  offices,  the  restora- 
tion of  rightful  authority  to,  and  the  independence  of,  the  Executive 
and  Judicial  Departments  of  the  Government,  the  subordination  of 
the  military  to  the  civil  power,  to  the  end  that  the  usurpations  of 
(.^ongress  and  despotism  of  the  sword  may  cease. 

8.  Equal  rights  and  protection,  for  naturalized  and  native-born 
citizens,  at  home  and  abroad;  the  assertion  of  American  nationality 
which  shall  command  the  respect  of  foreign  powers  and  furnish  an 
example  and  encouragement  to  people  struggling  for  National  integ- 
litv,  Constitutional  liberty,  and  individual  rights,  and  the  mainte- 


'W 


THE  GRANT  AND  COLFAX  CAMPAirrN. 


233 


Kiiarantee  ot 
\n»  of  Slavery 
lie  by  the  war 
Jitntional  Con- 
jated,  do,  willi 

rights  ill  the 
to  the  /liner- 
regulation  (»f 

as  rapidly  as 
xation,  except 
nient,  econoiii 
payment,  and 
sly  state  npon 
CH  not  provid';" 
ind  in  justice. 

'cording  to  its 

)lic  securities. 

le,  the  laborer 

producer  and 

vernment;  the 
a  of  the  Preed- 
?ned  to  secure 
discontinuance 
ernal  revenue, 
I  lessened;  the 
;  the  repeal  of 
ional  forces  in 
I  imports,  and 

as  will  afford 
s  will,  without 

and  best  pro- 
he  country. 
?  expulsion  of 
?s,  the  restora- 

the  Executive' 
bordination  of 
usurpations  of 

nd  native-born 
■an  nationality 
ind  furnish  an 
National  integ- 
id  the  mainte- 


nance of  the  rights  of  naturalised  citizens  against  the  absolute  doc- 
trine of  immutable  allegiance,  and  the  claims  of  foreign  powers  to 
punish  them  for  alleged  crime  c(niimitted  beyond  their  jurisdiction. 

In  demanding  these  measures  and  reforms,  we  arraign  the  Rad- 
ical party  for  its  disregard  of  right  and  the  unparalleled  oppression 
and  tyranny  which  have  marked  its  career.  After  the  most  solemn 
and  unanimous  pledge  of  both  Houses  of  Congress  to  prosecute  the 
war  exclusively  for  the  maintenance  of  the  (Jovernment  and  the  pres- 
ervation of  the  I'Uion  under  the  Constitution,  it  has  repeatedly  vio- 
lated that  most  sacred  pledge,  under  which  alone  was  rallied  that 
noble  Volunteer  Army  which  carried  our  flag  to  victory.  Instead  of 
restoring  the  I'nion,  it  has,  so  far  as  is  in  its  power,  dissolved  it,  and 
subjected  ten  states,  in  time  of  profound  peace,  to  military  despotism 
and  negro  supremacy.  It  has  uuUifled  there  the  right  of  trial  by 
jury;  it  has  abolished  the  habeas  corpus,  that  most  sacred  writ  of 
liberty;  it  has  overthrown  the  freedom  of  speech  and  the  press;  it 
has  substituted  arbitrary  seizures  and  arrests,  and  military  trials 
and  secret  star-chamber  inquisitions  for  the  Constitutional  tribunals; 
it  has  disregarded,  in  time  of  peace,  the  right  of  the  people  to  be  free 
from  searches  and  seizures;  it  has  entered  the  post  and  telegraph 
offices,  and  even  the  privat*'  rooms  of  individuals,  and  seized  their 
private  papers  and  letters  without  any  specitii*  charge  or  n<>Hce  of 
affidavit,  as  required  by  the  organic  law;  it  has  converted  the  Amer- 
can  Capitol  into  a  bastile;  it  has  established  a  system  of  spies  and 
official  espionage,  to  which  no  Constitutional  Monarchy  of  Europe 
would  now  dare  to  resort;  it  has  abolished  the  right  of  appeal  on 
important  Constitutional  questions  to  the  Wupreme  Judicial  tribunal, 
and  threatens  to  control  or  destroy  its  original  jurisdiction,  which  is 
irrevocably  vested  by  the  Constitution,  while  the  learned  ('liief 
Justice  has  been  subjected  to  the  most  atrocious  calumnies,  merely 
because  he  would  not  prostitute  his  high  office  to  the  support  of  the 
false  and  partisan  charges  preferred  against  the  President.  Its 
corruption  and  extravagance  have  exceeded  anything  known  in 
history,  and,  by  its  frauds  and  monopolies  it  has  nearly  doubled  the 
burden  of  the  debt  created  by  the  war.  It  has  stripped  the  Presi- 
dent of  his  (Constitutional  power  of  appointment,  even  of  his  own 
Cabinet.  Tender  its  repeated  assaults  the  pillars  of  the  Government 
are  rocking  on  their  base,  and  should  it  succeed  in  November  next 
and  inaugurate  its  President,  we  will  meet  as  a  subjected  and  con- 
quered people,  amid  the  ruins  of  liberty  and  the  scattered  fragments 
of  the  Constitution. 

And  we  do  declare  and  resolve,  that  ever  since  the  people  of  the 
United  States  threw  off  subjection  to  the  British  crown,  the  privi- 
lege and  trust  of  suffrage  have  belonged  to  the  several  states,  and 
have  been  granted,  regulated  and  controlled  exclusively  by  the  politi- 
cal power  of  each  State  resi)ectively,  and  that  any  attempt  by 
Congress,  on  any  pretext  whatever,  to  deprive  any  State  of  this  right, 
or  interfere  with  its  exercise,  is  a    flagrant    usurpation  of    power. 


3*',- 


234 


HISTORY  OF  THE  RErUBLlCAN  PARTY. 


which  (-an  find  no  warrant  in  the  Constitution,  and,  if  sanctioned  by 
the  people,  will  subvert  our  form  of  (lovernment,  and  can  only  end  in 
a  single,  centralized  and  consolidated  Government,  in  which  the  sep- 
arate existence  of  the  states  will  be  entirely  absorbed,  and  an  unqual- 
ified despotism  be  established  in  place  of  a  Federal  Union  of  coequal 

And  that  we  regard  the  Construction  Acts  (so-called)  of  Con- 
gress, as  such,  as  usdrpations  and  unconstitutional,  revolutionary 
and  void.  That  our  soldiers  and  sailors,  who  carried  the  flag  of  our 
country  to  victory  against  a  most  gallant  and  determined  foe,  must 
ever  be  gratefully  remembered,  and  all  the  guarantees  given  in  their 
favor  must  be  faithfully  carried  into  execution. 

That  the  public  lands  should  be  distributed  as  widely  as  possi- 
ble among  the  people,  and  should  be  disposed  of  either  under  tin- 
pre-emption  of  homestead  lands,  or  sold  in  reasonable  quantities,  and 
to  none  but  actual  occupants,  at  the  minimum  price  established  by 
the  Government.  When  grants  of  the  public  lands  may  be  allowed, 
necessary  for  the  encouragement  of  imp(»rtant  public  improvements, 
the  i)roceeds  of  the  sale  of  such  lands,  and  not  the  lands  themselves, 
should  be  so  applied. 

That  the  President  of  the  United  States,  Andrew  Johnson,  in 
exercising  the  power  of  his  high  office  in  resisting  the  aggressions  of 
Congress  upon  the  Constitutional  rights  of  the  states  and  the  people, 
is  entitled  to  the  gratitude  of  the  whole  American  jieople,  and  in 
behalf  of  the  Democratic  party  we  tender  him  our  thanks  for  bis 
patriotic  efforts  in  that  regard. 

Upon  this  platform  the  Democratic  party  appeal  to  every 
patriot,  including  all  the  conservative  element  and  all  who  desire  to 
support  the  Constitution  and  restore  the  Union,  forgetting  all  past 
differences  of  opinion,  to  unite  with  us  in  the  present  great  struggle 
for  the  liberties  of  the  ])eople;  and  that  to  ail  such,  to  whatever 
party  they  may  have  heretofore  belonged,  we  extend  the  right  hand 
of  fellowship,  and  hail  all  such  co-operating  with  us  as  friends  and 
brethren. 

RESOLVED,  That  this  Convention  sympathize  cordially  with 
the  workingme^i  of  the  United  States  in  their  efforts  to  protect  the 
rights  and  interest^  of  the  laboring  classes  of  the  country. 

RESOLVED,    That  the  thanks  of  the  Convention  are  tendered 
to  i^hief  Justice  Salmon  P.  Chase  for  the  justice,  dignity  and  impar 
tiality  with  which  he  presided  over  the  Court  of  Impeachment  on  tht' 
trial  of  President  Andrew  Johnson. 

When  the  Convention  reached  the  order  of  nomination  for  Presi- 
dent everything  was  involved  in  doubt.  The  nomination  of  George 
H.  Pendleton  would  have  been  the  natural  outcom^i,  inasmuch  as  the 
most  important  planks  of  the  platform  were  framed  to  meet  his 
views.      But  the  New  York  and  same  other  Eastern  Democrats  were 


(«iiM 


't; 


'•':■      t  ''i.i''"  . 


T. 


THE  ORANT  AND  COLFAX  rAMPAION. 


235 


sanctioned  bj' 
can  only  end  in 

which  the  sep- 
and  an  unquul- 
lion  of  co-eqnal 

called)  of  Con- 
revolutionary 

the  tlag  of  our 
lined  foe,  must 

given  in  their, 

(widely  as  postii- 
ther  under  the 
quantities,  and 

eHtablished  by 
nay  be  allowed, 

improvemeuls, 
ndg  theinaelveH, 

ew  JoliUBon,  in 
'  aggregsions  of 
and  the  people, 
}teople,  and  in 
thanks  for  hiri 

)peal  to  every 
1  who  desire  to 
getting  all  past 
t  great  struggle 
?h,  to  whatever 
the  right  hand 
i  as  friends  and 

(  cordially  with 

3  to  protect  the 

untry. 

>n  are  tendered 

nity  and  impar 

lacbment  on  th^ 


lation  for  Presi- 
ation  of  George 
nasmuch  as  the 
ed  to  meet  his 
Democrats  were 


strongly  opposed  to  him,  and  put  Thomas  A.  Hendricks  in  the  field 
to  divide  the  Western  vote.  Up  to  nearly  the  time  of  the  Conven- 
tion President  Johnson  cherished  hopes  that  he  might,  by  receiving 
the  Democratic  nomination,  reap  the  reward  of  his  adoption  of 
Democratic  practices.  His  plan  of  framing  a  new  party,  with  himself 
at  the  head  of  it,  had  long  since  been  abandoned,  and  the  Conven- 
tion had  not  been  long  in  session  before  that  infatuated  individual 
relinquished  the  hallucination  that  he  could  receive  the  Democratic 
nomination.  His  highest  vote  in  the  (Convention  was  sixty-five,  on 
the  first  ballot,  and  it  dwindled  from  that  to  five  on  the  twenty-first. 
The  name  of  Chief  Justice  Salmon  P.  Chase  was  on  the  lips  of 
members  throughout  the  balloting,  and  there  was  hardly  a  tini;e 
when  a  break  to  him  was  not  among  the  possibilities,  even  among  the 
probabilities.  It  was  the  plan  of  some  of  tlie  leaders  to  spring  his 
name,  if  the  opportunity  offered,  but  if  the  opportunity  ever  cam<' 
they  failed  to  take  advantage  of  it.  Mr.  (Miase  only  received  half  u 
vote  on  the  twelfth,  thirteenth,  seventeenth,  eighteenth  and  nine- 
teenth ballots,  and  four  on  the  twenty-first.  Sanford  E.  Church  was 
given  thirty-three  votes  on  the  first  seven  ballots,  and  then  dropped. 
The  only  object  in  presenting  his  name  at  all  was  to  hold  the  votes 
of  New  York  State  in  reserve,  until  it  was  decided  how  best  to  use 
them.  It  was  apparently  for  the  same  reason  that  Asa  Packer,  of 
Pennsylvania,  was  given  twenty-six  votes  on  the  first  fourteen 
ballots.  The  following  table  shows  the  first  ballot,  the  eighth  when 
Pendleton  raached  his  highest,  the  eighteenth  when  Hancock  reached 
his  highest,  and  the  twenty-first  which  was  the  last  before  the  break 
to  Seymour: 

Ist.      8th.      18th.      2l8t. 

George  H.  Pendleton,  of  Ohio 105 

Winfleld  8.  Hancock,  of  New  York 33Vo 


8th. 
1561/. 

28 
75 

28 


18th. 
501/2 

1441/2 
87 
10 


1351/, 

132  " 

5 


ThoB.  A.  Hendricks,  of  Indiana 2V2 

Andrew  Johnson,  of  Tennessee 66 

Sanford  E.  Church,  of  New  York 33        

Asa  Packer,  of  Pennsylvania 26  26,        

Joel  Parker,  of  New  Jersey. 13  7  iiV»     

James  E.  English,  of  Connecticut 16  6        19 

James  B.  Doolittle,  of  Wisconsin 13  12  12  12 

Largest  number  of  voles 317 

Necessary  to  a  choice 212 

Scattered  votes  were  also  cast  on  the  different  ballots  for  the 
following  candidates:      Reverdy    Jv.hnson,    Francis  P.    Blair,  Jr., 


f 

! 


m>''- 


h\ 


m/tltMf::       wutPwnuManemaKnMHwMawupM 


'■yim— — iiiijLw 


l,;''/iyf-'m?'^'-'Z^-' 


<rl«IIL'  ri 


230 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLIfAN  PARTY. 


Tliomnn  Kwinj?,  Jolm  Quimy  Adams,  OeorRe  H.  Mcriellan,  Franklin 
Pierce,  John  T.  Hoffman,  Htephen  .1.  Field  and  Thomas  H.  He.vmour. 
It  appeared  to  the  leaders  that  the  time  had  nearly  come  when 
Chief  JuBti<'e  Chase  might  he  bronght  forward,  and  after  a  short 
( onsnltation,  it  was  decided  that  after  the  next  ballot  the  Conven- 
tion should  adjourn  till  the  next  morning,  and  that  then  the  Chair- 
man of  the  Convention  should  take  the  floor,  and  formally  present 
Mr.  Chase's  name.  But  the  Convention  got  away  from  them.  After 
a  few  states  had  been  called,  votes  began  to  apijear  for  Horatio 

Heymour,  President  of 

the    <'onvention,    who, 

'  at  the  first  juention  of 

his    name    arose,    pro- 
tested and  declined  to 
be  a  candidate.    When 
Ohio  was  reached  the 
delegation       surprised 
the  Convention  by  giv- 
ing its  entire  vote  for 
Horatio  Seymour.   This 
was   another    instance 
of  the  chronic  tendency 
of  Ohio  delegations  to 
break  away  from  can- 
didates from  their  own 
State,  at  just  the  time 
when    success    was 
within   their   reacli. 
The    delegation     were 
feeling    ugly    because 
they    were   obliged   to 
abandon  Pendleton,  and  therefore  would  have  none  of  Chase.   Upon 
their  announcement  of  their  vote  for  Seymour,  that  gentleman  arose 
and  protested;  declared  his  devotion  to  the  party  and  his  willingness 
to  serve  it  in  any  other  way,  and  then,  with  his  hand  thrust,  forward, 
palm  outward,  as  though  to  put  away  the  proffered  honor,  said:  "But 
gentlemen,  your  candidate  1  cannot  be."     Tlie  tide,  however,  had 
turned   that  way,  and    nothing  could  check  it.     State  after  State 
changed  its  vote,  and  when  the  result  was  announced  it  was  unani- 
mous, 317  votes  for  Seymour.    His  reluctance  to  take  the  nomination 
was  doubtless  genuine,  but  he  was  virtually  forced  to  accept  it/ 


HORATIO  BBYMOUR. 


jSglH 


mtmm 


nimmm 


r. 


THE  OKANT  AND  TOLFAX CAMPAIOX. 


237 


Ian,  Franklin 
H.  Ke.vnioui'. 
y  come  when 
after  a  short 
the  Conven- 
en  the  ('hair- 
nali.v  present 
them.    After 
for  Horatio    • 
President  of  ', 
rention,    who, 
st  mention  of  / 
e    arose,    pro- 
id  declined  to 
lidate.    When 
i  reached  the 
n       surprised 
ention  by  giv- 
ntire  vote  for 
k'ynjour.   This 
ther    instance 
ronic  tendency 
delegations  to 
vay  from  can- 
rom  their  own 
just  the  time 
access    was 
I   their   reacli. 
egation     were 
ugly     because 
re    obliged    to 
'  Chase.   Upon 
ntleman  arose 
lis  willingness ' 
hruBt.  forward, 
or,  said:  "But 
however,  had 
te  after  State 
it  was  unani- 
he  nomination 
iccept  it/ 


Francis  P.  Blair,  Jr.,  was  nominated  for  Vice-President  withoiil 
opposition.  Mr.  Blair  was  a  man,  both  of  strong  c(mvictions  and 
equally  strong  prejudli-es.  He  was  one  of  the  first  men  in  Missouri 
to  denounce  slavery  and  advocate  gradual  emancipation.  This 
ground  he  took  on  economic  rather  than  on  moral  grounds.  He 
insisted  that  slavery  was  a  drawback  to  the  develoj)ment  and  pros- 
perity of  the  State,  and  that  it  was  especially  detrimental  to  the 
commercial  and  industrial  interests  of  Ht.  Louin.  He  and  B.  Gratz 
Hrown  were  largely  instrumental  in  organizing  the  Republican  party 
in  that  city.  He  was  elected  to  ('ongress  as  a  Uepublican,  and  as 
late  as  February,  1WJ5,  was  entrusted  by  President  Lincoln  with  an 
important  mission  in  connection  with  peace  overtures.  After  that  he 
first  "Johnponized"  and  then  went  over  to  the  extreme  wing  of  th«> 
Democratic  party.  Before  the  Convention  he  had  written  a  letter  in 
which  he  said:  "There  is  but  one  way  to  restore  the  (Government  and 
the  Constitution,  and  that  is  for  the  President  to  declare  these  Acts 
null  and  void,  rcmipel  the  Army  to  undo  its  usurpations  in  the  South, 
dispossess  the  carpet-hag  State  Governments,  allow  the  white  people 
to  reorganize  their  own  Governments,  and  elect  Senators  and  Repre- 
sentatives." This  made  him  a  very  suitable  candidate  on  a  plat- 
form, containing  this  clause  which  was  proposed  by  Wade  Hampton: 
"That  we  regard  the  Reconstruction  Acts  of  Congress,  as  usurpa- 
tions, unconstitutional,  revolutionary  and  void." 

Robert  Toombs,  in  a  speech  at  Atlanta,  declared  that  "these  so- 
called  Governments  and  Ijegislatures  which  have  been  established  in 
our  midst,  shall  at  once  be  made  to  va<-ate.  The  Convention  at  New 
York  appointed  Frank  P.  Blair  especially  to  oust  them.''  From 
being  trusted  by  Lincoln,  to  being  praised  by  Toombs,  was  certainly 
a  great  descent.  His  own  extreme  utterances  and  the  praise  of  thi' 
Southerners,  it  was  thought,  were  calculated  to  injure  the  ticket. 
After  the  October  elections  the  New  York  World  demanded  that  he 
be  withdrawn,  but  he  concluded  to  "stick"  and  the  canvass  went  on. 
In  the  course  of  the  campaign  Mr.  Blair  brought  ridicule,  as  well  as 
hostility,  to  the  ticket.  When  uTeking  a  speech  at  Allyn  Hall,  Hart- 
ford, Conn.,  he  was  so  much  "under  the  influence"  that  he  found 
difHculty  in  steadying  himself,  and  his  remarks  were  so  rambling 
and  incoherent  as  to  cause  great  chagrin  and  mortification  to  his 
Democratic  hearers,  and  great  glee  to  the  Republican  press. 

The  campaign  was  active  and  bitter.  In  the  East  it  lacked  the 
accessories  of  drilled  marching  (ompanies  and  torch-light  proces 


! 


•  -Sfe 


, 


■MM 


HIHTOKY  OF  THE  REPl'HLK'AN  PARTY. 


Hiong  wliich  had  marked  the  campaiKiis  of  1S<50  and  1864,  but  in  the 
West  these  were  maintained.  In  Detroit  there  was  great  rivalry 
between  the  two  parties  over  this  feature  and  there  were  some  of 
the  largest  processions  ever  seen  in  the  city.  The  expense  was  so 
great,  however,  that  after  the  j-ampaign  was  over,  the  party  commit- 
te<'8  agreed  for  the  future  to  abandon  this  costly  method  of  rousing 
enthusiasm.  This  plan  was  carried  out,  under  the  agreeuM?nt,  until 
it  became  a  matter  of  habit,  and  the  torchlight  procession  has  never 
been  resunied  in  Detroit  as  a  main  feature  of  the  general  campaign. 
The  printed  document,  the  lithograph  and  the  local  meeting  have 
largely  supplanted  the  torch,  the  transparency  and  general  mass 
meeting  in  the  effort  to  reach  and  convince  the  voter. 

One  feature  of  the  canvass  was  the  immense  amount  of  campaign 
poetry  that  was  poured  into  it.  On  the  Democrat  side  this  was  bitter 
in  the  extreme,  and  some  of  it  indecent.  There  was  frequently  used 
one  verse  of  four  lines,  in  praise  of  the  assassination  of  Lincoln, 
which  was  absolutely  hideous  in  its  brutality.  There  was  another, 
not  quite  as  good  as  the  best  and  not  quite  as  bad  as  the  worst, 
which  praised  the  "pure  soul"  of  the  "martyred  and  blest,"  Mrs.  8ur- 
ratt,  and  added  a  ribald  characterization  of  some  of  the  Republican 
leaders. 

The  Republican  campaign  verses  were  on  a  much  higher  plane. 
They  were  always  decent,  and  some  of  them  models  in  verse  and 
song,  John  O.  Whittier's  four  stanzas  on  the  Democratic  platform, 
for  instance.  They  were  generally  in  praise  of  their  own  ticket, 
r,ather  than  in  denunciation  of  their  opponents.  But  here  are  three 
stanzas  addressed  "To  General  F.  V.  lllair,"  which  are  sufficiently 
keen  in  their  personal  thrusts: 

You  have  falsified  your  record 

For  the  fitful  hope  of  place; 
The  Sword  you  drew  in  honor 

Y'ou  have  sheathed  now  in  disgrace; 
The  hand  that  bore  our  standard 

Has  palsied — lost  its  clasp, 
And  takes  the  hand  of  traitors 

In  its  dishonored  grasp. 


THE  (lllANT  AND  COLFAX  CAM  PA  KIN. 


2au 


64,  but  in  tlio  . 
great  rivalry 
were  some  of 
pense  was  so 
party  commit- 
lod  of  rouBiD}{ 
reeuient,  until 
lion  has  never 
>ral  campaign, 
meeting  have 
general  maso 

it  of  campaign 
this  was  bitter 
•equentl.v  used 
on  of  Lincoln. 
>  was  another, 
as  the  worst, 
est,"  Mrs.  8ur- 
lie  Republican 

I  higher  plane. 
J  in  verse  and 
patic  platform, 
'ir  own  ticket, 
here  are  three 
are  sufficiently 


Affiliate  with  traitors, 

>Vho  with  revengeful  breath. 
Are  living  unrepentant 

And  plot  the  Nation's  death. 

You  are  standing,  hand  in  hand,  with  them,  ' 
'  f  ;^  >  You  at  Atlanta  faced; 

'.^    .  And  they  who  stood  beside  you  then 

Feel  by  your  act  disgraced. 
Oh!  m  your  midnight  musings      *;        ;     « 

YoVr  thoughts  must  bitter  be,  ..g    ; ,    , 

To  recollect  that  once  you  marched 

With  Sherman  to  the  sea.  '        ,• 

IJuring  the  campaign  Grant's  reticence  was  commented  on  unfa- 
vorably by  some  of  the  1  Jenunratic  stump  speakers,  who  said  that  he 
could  not  make  u  speech,  and  that  the  ability  to  talk  was  essential 
in  a  nmn  in  that  exalted  imsition.     Before  they  were  tlirough  they 
wished  they  had  not  mentioned  the  subject,  for  Republican  stump 
orators  began  to  quote  some  of  Orant's  terse  utterances  during  the 
war,  as  speeches  that  were  at  least  easily  comprehended.     Grant's 
si>eech  to  General  Buckner  at  Fort  Donelson  was  very  short,  but 
when  he  was  through  talking  Buckner  understood  that  Uncondi- 
tional surrender"  represented  the  only  terms  he  could  obtain.     In 
view  of  the  initials  of  his  name,  "Vnconditionnl  Surrender"  Grant 
was  the  name  sometimes  applied  to  the  General.    "I  propose  to  move 
immediately  upon  your  works,"  was  another  of  Grant's  speeches 
which  the  Rebel  General  Commanding  was  able  to  comprehend.  When 
(Grant's  plan  of  attack  on  Tree's  army  and  approach  to  Richmond  was 
criticised,  and  pressure  was  brought  to  bear  upon  him  to  change  it, 
he  did  not  make  a  long  speech  in  reply,  but  his  remark:  "I  propose  to 
tight  it  out  on  this  line  if  it  takes  all  summer,"  conveyed  a  very  clear 
idea  of  his  purpose.    "Let  us  have  peace"  expressed  a  wish  which  the 
people  understood,  and  in  which  they  heartily  concurred,     it  was 
related  that  after  one  of  the  battles  of  the  Wilderness,  when  the  sol- 
diers had  fought  all  day  with  an  tnemy  that  they  could  not  see,  on 
account  of  the  woods  and  brush.  General  Grant  was  asked  to  step 
backward  and  reorganize,  and  that  he  replied:    "We  have  done  very 
well,  gentlemen.    At  half  past  three  o'clock  in  the  morning  we  move 
forward."    These  and  other  similar  concise  expressionp  of  Grant's 
when  quoted  to  a  mass  meeting  were  always  effective  in  rousing 
enthusiasm.    The  quotation  was  often  followed  by  the  suggestion 


;  I 


I 


■i 


1. 


m 


240 


IMHTOKV  OFTIIK  UKIM  IHJCAX  I'AKTV. 


\^' 


tliat  ill  the  Hood  of  oratoi-v  that  H<»iii(*tiiiioH  hw4>(>|»h  over  a  polifiral 
aHHciiiltlaKc,  tlHM-e  wci'c  people  who  talked  too  iiincli.  If  tlu\v  would 
talk  IcHH  tliev  would  have  a  eliaiue  to  think  more,  a  reftM-eiiee  whicii 
the  aiidieiii-e  would  readily  appl.v  to  Ki-aueiH  I'.  Itlaif'H  lo(|ua<-it.v. 

Tlu'  Ottober  election  went  Uepuhlican,  hut  li,v  niajoritieH  ho  huuiII 
UK  to  leave  the  Democrats  Home  chanee.  Tlu'  elonent  Htate  waH  Indi- 
ana, whicli  pive  Conrad  Haker  !)<»!  luajority  over  ThonuiH  A.  lien- 
drickH,  a  V(>r.v  meaner  tip;ure  eompared  with  Morton'H  HtMNM)  at  the 
election  held  during  tlie  I'reHidential  canvuHH  four  .vearn  earlier. 

In  tlu*  hope  of  reverHinjj  thiH  reHult  in  wune  of  theHe  HtuteM,  (lov- 
ernor  Seymour  nutde  au  eiectioneerini;  tour  throu^h  them.  Hin 
Htron^  perMonalit.v  and  hiH  |>erHuaHive  eUuiuence  mi)(lit  have  had  the 
dcHired  elTect,  but  here  a  new  element  entered  in.  HuHineHH  men  were 
arouMed  at  the  threat  of  partial  repudiation  propoHed  in  the  I'endle- 
t<m  plankH  in  the  platform,  and  the  t1nan<-ial  diHturbance  it  would 
create.  An  upriHin^  follow(>d,  Himilar  in  character,  though  not  ho 
wide  in  extent  an  that  which  marked  tlie  revolt  a}<;ainHt  the  1(>  to  1 
hereny  in  lh!M».  So  in  the  end  it  wan  IV'udleton'n  tinancial  planks, 
rather  than  lilair'n  Copper headinm  that  turned  the  Hcale. 

The  reHult  was  a  triumph  for  the  HejuiblicanH  Huch  an  the  mont 
Hanguine  men  in  the  party  would  not  luiv(>  dared  to  predi<-t  nix  weekH 
t'arlier.  (Irant  carried  2t!  ntates,  with  214  electoral  voten.  Seymoui' 
had  80  electoral  votes,  of  whicli  about  half  were  from  his  own  State 
and  the  rest  were  from  New  Jersey  (which  usually  follows  the  lead 
of  New  York),  Delaware,  Maryland,  Kentucky,  (leorgia,  LouiHiana 
and  Oregon.  It  was  afterwards  proven  that  the  result  in  Louisiana 
was  obtained  by  frauds  of  the  most  sweeping  character.  The  popular 
vote  was:  '•        v,:_^  '  ^■r:p^^::z.:-^.^:j:^-: '';-i^^        ■ 

Grant  and  Colfax :{,0ir),071 

Seymour  and  Hlair 2,700,613 

During  this  period  ('ongress  was  divided  iiolitically  as  follows- 

Forty  first  Congress.  , 

Senate — Republicans,  01 ;  Democrats,  11. 
House — Republicans,  170;  Democrats,  73. 

Forty-second  Congress. 
Senate — Republicans,  57;  Democrats,  17. 
House — Republicans.  130;  Democrats,  104. 

One  of  the  interesting  features  of  this  campaign  in  Michigan 
was  a  series  of  county  mass  meetings  in  the  southern  part  of  the 


It: 


#■ 


THE  (HtANT  AND  COLFAX  TAMPA  KJX. 


241 


vcr  a  iiolitical 

If  tln'.v  would 

<*f«'i*<'iir<'  wlilcli 

o(|iia(-it,v. 

oriticH  MO  Hinall 

Htat«'  waH  liuli- 

loiiiaM  A.  II<>ii- 

H  :tO,(>0()  at  tii«> 

VH  carlii'i*. 

H«'  HtatcM,  (}ov- 

;;h    tliciii.     HIh 

It  have  liad  the 

tiiU'HH  men  were 

I  in  the  Pendh* 

bance  it  would 

thonifli  not  ho 

inHt  the  Ifi  to  1 

Inanciitl  jdanks, 

•aile. 

ii«-h  as  the  nioBt 
edit't  six  weeks 
voteH.  Hevnioui" 
in  hiH  own  Htate 
followH  the  lead 
Di'^iii,  Louitiiana 
ult  in  Louisiana 
er.    The  impular 


State,  addreHHed  by  Senator  < 'handler,  Henry  I*.  Italdwin,  candidale 
for  (hivernor.  and  otherH.  The  State  waH  thoron^hly  arouMed,  and 
the  vote  wtiH  much  larger  than  any  caMt  previouH  lo  that  time.  43raut 
had  li:S,22n  and  S4>ynionr  S2,.'Ut4;  majority  for  (irant,  :\(),mn.  There 
were  alMo  L'02  voteH  caHt  for  David  DariH,  on  a  Workin^man'M  nomina- 
tion, whicli  cut  no  ftf^ure  duriuK  the  campaign,  and  which  had  elec- 
toral ticketH  in  only  a  few  of  the  Htaten.  The  I'reHidential  Klectorw 
were:  At  Lar^e — CharleH  M.  ('  oHwell,  .lohn  Hurt.  Uy  DiHtrictB — 
(])  \Villiam  Doeltz;  (2)  CharleH  W.  i'lisbee;  Ci)  Charles  T.  (lorham; 
(4)  Bynm  M.  Cutcheon;  (")|  (Jilen  Hubbard;  Hi)  Michael  C.  T.  IMesHner. 
The  vote  for  (Jovernor  wan:  Henry  I*.  Italdwin,  of  Detroit, 
l2S,0ril;  John  Moore,  of  Satrinaw,  1J7.1.MH);  Haldwin'8  majority,  :t(),7(»l. 
The  Con^reHHJonal  dele>j;ati<»n  waH  R<'iMibIi<-an  and  conniHted  of  Per- 
nniidu  C.  Iteaman,  Austin  HIair,  Oniiir  I).  Con)?t*r,  ThonuiH  W.  Perry, 
NN'illiam  1j.  Stoughton  and  Uandolph  Strickland. 


. .  8,015,071 
.  .   2,700,613 

■allv  as  follows' 


f<:n  in  Michigan 
lern  part  of  the 


,1  }.'  . 


'iiMMiiMi 


^:'j*:,,;a^Si- 


^-^^^fWrfi'llTiiiv 


uitHtttm 


>. 


V 


'■  -  .?■■',,.     xi\. 

rUKHlDKXT  (JKANT'S  FIUHT  TKUM. 

I'ariiKnipliH  fi-oiii  tlii'  I'n'Midcnt'H  Inaugural  Mi-HHa^*' — A  rabiiu't 
that  Hid  Nol  liOii^  il<»ld  ToKctiifi' — AttciuptH  to  Solvv  the  Uccoii- 
Htriictioii  I'l'obU'ni — Ht'ttliuj;  Old  W('(»ri'»  with  (Ireat  liHtaiu — 
FiiiaiK-ial  Ihhuch  ('ouio  to  the  Front— How  to  DiHcliar^c  thi>  lMil> 
Ik*  <)bli){atioiiH  and  U«'t  Hacl<  to  H|M«cie  I'a.vnientH — Tln'  Act  to 
Wtnoi^then  the  Tahlic  < 'ledit— Thr  K«'fundinj,'  Art— The  ("oin- 
a>f('  Act  DtMnom'tizinjj;  Hilvcr — The  Sjilarv  (lral> — Tlie  Treaty  of 
WaMhington — The  I'ropoHed  Han  Domingo  I'lircluiHe  Defeated. 

J'reHident  (iraut's  inau){in-al  nieHHa^t'  was  brief  and  character- 
JHtic.  It  waH  addreHHed  to  tlie  citi/.enM  of  the  I'nited  WtateH  and  the 
first  three  sectionH  w«'re  as  follows : 

"Your  8UtrraK<'K  havinj?  elected  nie  to  tlie  olllce  of  President  of  the 
Tnited  States,  I  have,  in  conformity  to  the  ronstitution  of  our  coun- 
tr\,  taken  the  oath  of  ofllce  prescribed  therein.  I  have  taken  this 
oath  without  mental  reservation,  and  with  the  determination  to  do,  to 
the  best  of  my  ability,  all  that  it  requires  of  uie.  The  responsibilities 
of  the  position  1  feel,  but  accept  them  witluuit  fear.  The  office  has 
come  to  me  unsought;  I  commence;  its  duties  untrammeled,  I  bring  to 
it  a  conscious  desire  and  determination  to  fill  it  to  the  best  of  my 
ability,  to  the  satisfaction  of  the  people. 

"On  all  leading  questions  agitating  the  public  mind  I  will  always 
express  my  views  to  Congress,  and  urge  them  according  to  my  judg- 
ment; and,  when  I  think  it  advisable,  will  exercise  the  (vonstltutlonuS 
privilege  of  interposing  a  veto  to  defeat  measures  which  I  oppose, 
Uut  all  laws  will  be  faithfully  exe«*uted,  whether  they  meet  my  ap- 
proval or  not. 

"I  shall,  on  all  subjects,  have  u  policy  to  recommend,  but  none  to 
enforce  against  the  will  of  the  people.  Laws  are  to  govern  all  alike, 
those  opposed,  as  well  as  those  who  favor  them.  I  know  no  method 
to  secure  the  repeal  of  bad  or  obnoxious  laws  so  effective  as  their 
stringent  execution." 


'-^.X^'4*'-\ 


>j^tsmjg^ 


— A  Ciibinrr 
vv  the  K«M"«ni- 
(')it  Itrituiu — 
iiirnc  llu*  IMib-  I 
A—Tho  Act  to 
<t— TIh'  Coin- 
Tin-  Tij'jit.v  of 
Hc  Defeated. 

uud  chanu'ter- 
HtatcH  and  thu 

renident  of  th« 
in  of  our  couu- 
ave  taken  this 
nation  to  do,  to 
reHponsibilities 

The  offlee  huH 
eled,  I  brinj?  to 
the  best  of  my 

d  I  will  always    ' 
ug  to  my  judg- 
('onstitutioDul 
'hich  I  oppose,  ; 
y  meet  my  ap- 

ad,  but  none  to 
nvern  all  alike, 
[low  no  method 
ective  as  their 


1'       SinKNT  (JHANTH  FIKHT  TKUM. 


J4.'l 


The  I'n'MidenlH  ('abiiiel  .mm  llrHl  announced  was  not  considered 
fortunate  in  IIh  sehction.    It  was  as  follows: 

Kecre^<u-y  of  Htate — Kllhii  It.  WaHlibnrne,  of  lllinuis. 

Keen  lary  of  the  Treasury   -Alexander  T.  Hiewarl.  of  New  York. 

Hecreuiry  of  War — .lohn  .\.  KawlinH.  of  Illinois. 

SfMi'etary  of  the  Navy — Adolph  K.  Horie.  of  Pennsylvania. 

Tostnuister  <ieneral — John  A.  >f.  Creswell,  of  .Maryland. 

Secretary  of  the  Interior— .lacob  D.  <'i>x.  of  Ohi(». 

Attorney  General — K.  KocUwell  Hoar,  of  .MaHsaclniHetts. 

The  Cabinet  did  not  long  hold  t(»getlii'i'.  Mi-.  Washburne  was 
confirmed  March  fi  and  resigned  March  H\,  to  take  the  position  of 
Afinister  to  Fnince,  in  accordance,  it  was  undei-Htood,  with  a  previ<turt 
understanding.  Me  was  succeeded  by  lianiilton  Fish,  of  New  York, 
an  ap|)ointnient  which  created  surprise  at  th"  time,  but  wlii«-h  proved 
to  be  a  most  excellent  one.  .Mr.  Ktewart  was  found  t(»  be  ineligible 
under  an  act  passed  September  2,  17S!>,  which  provided  that  the  Secre- 
tary of  )li«'  Treasury  should  not  be  "directly,  or  indirectly,  c(Uicerned 
or  interested  in  carrying  on  the  business  of  trade  or  comnu»rce,  or  be 
owner,  in  whole  or  in  part,  of  any  sea  vessel  or  purchase,  by  himself 
uv  aiother  in  trust  for  him,  any  public  lauds  or  other  public  property, 
or  be  cfuuerned  in  th(>  |>ur<-hase  or  disposal  of  any  publi<-  s«>curitieH 
of  any  State  or  of  the  Cnited  States,  <>r  take  or  ajiply  to  his  own  use 
any  emolument  or  gain  f<u-  negotiating  or  transacting  any  business  in 
the  said  Department,  other  than  what  shall  be  allowed  by  law." 

This  a«'t  is  so  swee|>ing  in  its  exclusion  of  business  nu'U  as  io 
nmke  it  a  nuitter  of  surju-ise  that  the  (lovernmeut  has  been  able  to 
secure  nniny  capable  nu-n  for  that  important  po^"■'^ion.  The 
President  was  anxious  to  have  Mr.  Stewart  in  the  Cabinet  and 
Mr.  Stewart  was  anxious  to  be  there.  It  was  proposed,  at  one  tinu-. 
that  he  should  assign  all  his  business  interests  to  his  partner,  .ludgt' 
Hilton,  but  this  was  regairded  as  a  mere  evasion  of  the  law,  as  he 
would  still  have  an  indirect  interest  in  them.  Then  it  was  sought  to 
renu)ve  his  disabilities  by  a  sjiecial  Act  of  Congress,  but  that  body 
would  not  establish  the  precedent  of  breaking  down  a  law  that  had 
been  in  force  for  eighty  years,  in  order  to  meet  the  exigencies  of  a 
particular  ease,  and  Mr.  Stewart  was  reluctantly  dropped.  The  Pres- 
ident then  turned  to  Captain  E.  B.  Ward,  of  Detroit,  but  he  was  found 
also  to  be  ineligible,  and  George  S.  Boutwell,  of  Massachusetts,  was 
appointed. 

John  A.  Rawliys,  Secretary  of  ^Yar,  gave  way,  after  a  few 
months,  to  ^YiIliam  W.  Belknap,  of  Iowa.    But  Borie  was  a  puzzler 


■  KiX,'. 


!..,.<,.  .  ■.  i:s^-,^    -.»i; 


^ 


ft* 


mm 


^m 


■:"%■ 


244 


HISTORY  OF  TUE  REPUBLK^AN  PARTY. 


.V 


m 


to  the  people,  hr  he  was  almost  unknown  in  publir  affairs.  The  West- 
ern Associated  Press,  in  transmitting  the  Cabinet  list,  got  a  "v"  in 
his  name  instead  of  an  "r.''  An  editor  of  one  of  the  Detroit  dailies, 
was  writing  biographies  of  the  members  of  the  Cabinet,  and  when 
he  came  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  he  commenced:      "The  Hon. 

Adolph  E.  Bovie,  Secretary  of  the  Nuvy,  is — is — well,  who  in is 

Bovie,  anyway?"  Mr.  Borie  was  succeeded,  June  25,  1869,  by  Gecge 
M.  Robeson,  of  New  Jersey. 

Orant's  Administration  was  confronted  with  three  grave 
problems,  all  inherited  from  the  war.  These  were  an  amicable 
adjustment  of  the  relations  between  the  whites  and  the  blacks  in  the 
South,  a  pruuiem  that  is  even  yet  not  entirely  solved;  the  settlement 
of  our  old  scores  with  Great  Britain,  and  the  financial  problem. 

The  latter  subject  was  the  one  first  taken  in  hand  by  Congress, 
and  the  question  was  how  to  get  back  to  a  sound  sjwcie  basis,  after 
doing  business  for  sixteen  yeai's  with  paper  that  was  more  or  less 
depreciated.  It  became  evident  early  in  the  war,  that  the  Govern- 
ment could  not  command  the  gold  necessary  for  payment  of  the  vast 
expenses  incurred  in  that  struggle.  We  were  not  only  exi>ending 
immense  sums  for  war  material  and  supplies  at  home,  but  we  were 
importing  much  more  than  we  were  exporting,  and  the  balances  due 
abroad  had  to  be  paid  in  gold  or  in  gold  bonds.  As  the  war  proceeded 
the  disparity  between  the  exports  and  imports  increased,  for  cotton 
shipments  were  almost  entirely  cut  off,  and  our  surplus  of  breadstuffs 
and  provisions  was  less  than  in  former  years,  on  account  of  the  large 
consumption  by  the  Armj-.  Some  form  of  paper  obligation  early 
became  necessary,  and  the  necessity  increased  as  the  war  continued. 

The  first  experiment  with  paper  money  was  the  issue  of  |50,000,- 
000  in  non-interest  bearing  Treasury  notes.  They  were  payable  on 
denmnd,  were  a^  good  a?  gold  then,  and  continued  it  par  during  the 
entire  jieriod  of  gold  fluctttations.  But  they  vere  a  new  thing, 
people  were  rot  accsutomed  to  Nsues  of  Government  paper,  and  were 
suspicious  v,f  them,  and  even  thai  amount,  siTiall  as  it  was  in  vopx- 
parison  with  the  paper  issues  subsequently  issued,  could  not  be 
floated.  In  this  same  period  it  was  diilicult  for  the  Government  to 
borrow  money  on  bonds,  for  its  credit  had  b(>en  greatly  impaired  by 
the  events  of  Buchanan's  Administration.  When  the  Secretary  of 
the  Treasurv  secured  the  first  loan  made  during  the  war,  the  Tendon 
Times  said  he  had  "coerced  150,000,000  from  the  New  York  banks, 
but  h?  would  not  fare  so  well  on  the  liondon  Exchange,"  and  for  a 


.%•:■ 


jy..y  ■  ii.  ■J.Hli— MUf^f^rth 


'Y. 


11-8. 


It,  got  a  "v" 


The  VVest- 
in 

Detroit  dailit^s, 
inet,  and  when 
i:      "The  Hon. 

who  in is 

1869,  by  Geo'-go 

throe  grave 
an  amicable 
le  blacks  in  the 
;  the  settlement 
problem, 
id  by  Congress, 
pcie  basis,  after 
Eis  more  or  less 
hat  the  Oovern- 
lent  of  the  vas^ 
only  exi)ending 
le,  but  we  were 
he  balances  due 
le  war  proceeded 
>ased,  for  cotton 
us  of  breadstuffs 
mnt  of  the  large 
obligation  early 
»  war  continued, 
issue  of  150,000,- 
were  payable  on 
t  par  during  the 
•e  a  new  thiug, 
paper,  and  were 
I  it  was  in  coinx- 
i,  could  not  be 
J  Government  to 
itly  impaired  by 
the  Secretary  of 
war,  the  Tendon 
ew  York  banks, 
mge,"  and  for  a 


M^ 


PRESIDENT  GRANT'S  FIRST  TERM. 


245 


timje  Confederate  bonds  sold  better  in  Europe  than  United  States 
G-overnment  obligations.  Borrowing  on  Government  gold-bearing 
bonds  afterwards  became  easier,  both  in  this  country  and  in  Europe, 
but  the  need  of  currencj'  for  use  in  business  transactions,  became 
more  and  more  pressing.  =S  I/:^  i 

Out  of  this  need  came  the  creation  of  the  greenback,  and,  later 
on,  the  National  Bank  Law.  The  Legal  Tender  Bill,  which  estab- 
lished the  greenback,  was  introduced  by  E.  G.  S]iau]ding,  of  the 
Buffalo,  N.  Y.,  District  in  Conp  ss,  December  30,  1861,  and  was 
reported  from  the  Ways  and  Means  Committee,  January  22,  1862.  It 
was  urged  mainly  as  a  matter  of  temporary  necessity,  and  not  as  a 
judicious  permanent  system.  In  fact  the  expectation  was  held  out 
;•  that  the  greenbacks  would  be  permanently  retired  almost  as  soon  as 
the  war  ended.  The  bill  was  explained  and  ably  supported  by  Mr. 
Spaulding,  and  other  members  of  the  Ways  and  Means  Committee, 
but  was  opposed  on  the  ground  of  expediency  or  constitutionality, 
or  both,  by  a  few  Republicans,  and  by  nearly  all  the  Democrats. 
Among  the  latter  Clement  L.  Vallandigham  and  George  H.  Pendle- 
ton took  the  lead. 

In  view  of  Mr.  Pendleton'n.  declaration  in  1868,  in  favor  of  paying 
the  Government  bondc.  in  greenbacks,  his  attitude  toward  them  In 
1862  is  interesting.  lu  the  course  of  his  remarks  he  said:  "The 
feature  of  the  bill  that  first  strikes  every  thinking  man,  even  in  these 
days  of  novelties,  is  the  proposition  that  these  notes  shall  be  made  a 
legal  tender  in  discharge  of  all  pecuniary  obligations,  as  well  those 
which  have  accrued  in  virtue  of  contracts  already  made,  as  those 
which  shall  hereafter  be  made.  Do  gentlemen  appreciate  the  full 
import  and  meaning  of  that  clause?  Do  they  realize  the  full  extent 
to  which  it  will  carry  them?  Every  contract  for  the  payment  of 
gold  and  silver  coin,  every  promissory  note,  every  bill  of  exchange, 
every  lease  reserving  rent,  every  loan  of  money  reserving  interest, 
every  bond  issued  by  this  Government,  is  a  contrm-t  to  which  the  faith 
of  the  obligor  is  pledged,  that  the  amount  whether  rent,  interest  or 
principal  shall  be  paid  in  the  gold  and  silver  coin  of  the  country." 

Among  the  Republicans  opposing  this  bill  were  Justin  S.  Morrill, 
Roscoe  and  Frederick  A.  Conkling,  and  Owen  Lovejoy.  But  it  was 
vigorously  pushed,  and  passed  February  6,  by  93  yeas,  of  whom  3 
were  Democrats,  to  59  nays,  of  whom  29  were  Democrats,  17  Repub- 
licans and  13  Unionists.  In  the  Senate  the  principal  contest  was 
over  the  legal  tender  clause,  but  a  motion  to  striki'  that  out  was  lost 


I  i 

V 


4 1 


amm 


246 


HISTORY  OF  THE  RB]PUBLIOAN  PARTY. 


bv  l<  yeas,  of  whom  9  were  Republicans  and  S  Democrats,  to  22  nays, 
of  whom  18  were  Republicans  and  4  Democrats.  Senators  Colla- 
mer,  Cowan  and  Fessenden  spoke  against  the  legal  tender  clause, 
and  Senators  Zachariah  Chandler,  Sherman,  Sumner,  ^Vade  and 
Wilson  were  among  the  Republicans  who  defended  it.  The  bill 
passed  the  Senate  by  a  vote  of  .'{0  to  7,  and  was  signed  by  the  I'resi- 
dent,  February  2r.,  1862.  This  Bill  authorized  tlie  issue  of  |150,t)00, 
000  in  legal  tenders,  of  which  $50,000,000  was  to  be  in  lieu  of  the 
demand  notes  authorized  in  1861.  Two  subsequent  issues  of 
11150,000,000  each  were  authorized,  but  only  $384,000,000  in  all  were 
issued. 

The  greenbacks  were  a  God-send  to  the  soldiers  in  the  field,  som*' 
of  whom  had  not  been  paid  for  three  or  four  months;  and  by  furnish 
ing  a  medium  of  exchange,  in  abundant  (juantity,  they  stimulated 
business  in  every  direction.  Still  the  measure  was  one  of  inflation, 
and  they  could  not  be  kept  at  par  with  gold.  During  the  darkest 
days  of  the  war,  in  1864,  gold  was  at  280,  as  compared  with  the  legal 
tenders.  At  the  time  Grant  was  inaugurated  the  process  of  contrac- 
tion, and  the  increase  of  our  exports  had  brought  it  down  to  143. 
The  problem  before  Congress,  and  the  President,  was  to  bring  the 
greenbacks  up  to  par  with  gold,  without  violent  shock  or  derange- 
uwut  to  business. 

The  President  had  said,  in  his  inaugural  message:  "A  great 
debt  has  been  contracted  in  securing  to  us  and  our  posterity  the 
Cnion.  The  payment  of  this,  princ-ipal  and  interest,  as  well  as  the 
return  to  a  specie  basis,  as  soon  as  it  can  be  accomplished  without 
material  detriment  to  the  debtor  class  or  to  the  country  at  large, 
must  be  provided  for.  To  protect  the  National  honor  every  dollar 
of  Government  indebtedness  should  be  paid  ir  gold,  unless  otherwise 
expressly  stipulated  in  th.e  contract.  Let  i*.  be  understood  that  no 
repudiator  of  one  farthing  of  our  public  debt  will  be  trusted  in 
public  place,  rnd  it  will  go  far  towards  strengthening  a  credit  whicli 
ought  to  be  the  best  in  the  world,  and  will  ultimately  enable  us  to 
replace  the  debt  with  bonds  bearing  less  interest  than  we  now  pay." 

In  view  of  the  uneasiness  caused  by  the  discussions  of  this 
subject  in  the  last  campaign,  and  esjiecially  of  the  exprewsions  in  the 
Democratic  platform.  Congress  did  not  wait  -o  elaborate  a  system,  but 
at  once  announced  the  principle  by  which  it  would  be  guided.  This 
was  done  in  a  brief  "Act  to  Strengthen  the  Public  <Vedit,"  which 
speedily  passed  both  Houses,  the  final  vote  in  the  Senate  being  .31  ut 


■■  ■  t'^ 


,iilllllill!Wl 


'Y. 


PREWDENT  GRANT'S  FIRST  TERM. 


247 


ntH,  to  22  na.vs, 
"Senators  Colla- 

tcnder  clause, 
cr,   Wade   and 

t.  The  bill 
d  by  the  TreHi- 
11  e  of  |;i50,(mo. 

in  lieu  of  the 
iient     issues   of 

000  in  all  were 

1  the  field,  8oni<' 
and  by  furnish 
they  stimulated 
one  of  inflation, 
ing  the  darkesi 
d  with  the  legal 
)ce8S  of  eontrac- 
it  down  to  143. 
as  to  bring  the 
'ook  or  derange- 


age: 


'A  great 


iir  posterity  the 
\,  as  well  as  the 
iplished  without 
nuntry  at  large, 
nor  every  dollar 
unless  otherwise 
lerstood  that  no 
11  be  trusted  in 
g  a  credit  which 
ely  enable  us  to 
in  we  now  pay." 
Missions  of  this 
cprefeisions  in  the 
ate  a  system,  but 
»e  guided.  This 
c  Credit,"  which 
»nate  being  .11  lo 


24,  and  in  the  House  117  to  50.  It  was  signed  by  the  President, 
March  18,  18(59,  and  was  the  first  bill  signed  by  him.  It  was  as 
follows:  "In  order  to  remove  any  doubl  as  to  the  purpose  of  the 
(rovernment  to  discharge  all  just  obligations  to  the  public  creditors, 
and  to  settle  conflicting  questions  and  interpretations  of  the  laws  by 
whi<-h  such  obligations  have  been  contracted,  it  is  hereby  provided 
and  declared  that  the  faith  of  the  I'nited  States  is  solemnly  pledged 
lo  the  payment  in  coin,  or  its  equivalent,  of  all  the  obligations  of  the 
I'nited  States  not  bearing  interest,  known  as  United  States  notes,  and 
of  all  the  interest-bearing  obligations  of  the  United  States  except  in 
cases  where  the  law  authorizing  the  issue  of  any  such  obligation  had 
expressly  provided  that  the  sp.me  may  be  paid  in  lawful  money,  or 
other  currency  than  gold  and  silver.  Rut  none  of  said  interest-bear- 
ing obligations,  not  already  due,  shall  be  redeemed  or  paid  before 
maturity,  unless  at  such  time  United  States  notes  shall  be  convertible 
into  coin  at  the  option  of  the  holder,  or  unlt^ss  at  such  time  I^  ited 
States  bonds,  bearing  a  lower  rate  of  interest  than  the  bonds  to  be 
redeemed,  can  be  sold  at  par  in  coin.  And  the  United  states  also 
solemnly  pledges  its  faith  to  make  provision,  at  the  earliest  practica- 
ble period,  for  the  redentjition  of  the  United  StJderi  notes  in  coin." 
<%:']  That  was  all  of  importance  that  was  done  at  the  first  session  of 
the  Forty-first  Congress,  but  at  the  second  session  of  that  Congress 
an  Act  was  passed  materially  reducing  the  internal  revenue  taxes, 
thus  diminishing  the  direct  burdens  of  taxation  upon  the  people. 
Still  further  reductions  were  made  in  both  these  elapses  of  taxes  by 
Ihe  Forty -second  Congress.  Tariff  rates  were  also  reduced  on  a 
large  number  of  articles.  Rut  the  most  important  financial  Act  of 
the  session  was  the  Refunding  Act.  On  March  31,  18fi5,  the  total 
debt  of  the  United  States  was  f2,846,000,fl00,  of  which  12,381,000,000 
bore  interest,  |830,000,000  of  it  at  seven  and  three-tenths  per  cent., 
|il,282,0(10,()()0  at  6  per  cent,  and  |269,000,000  at  5  per  cent.  The 
annual  interest  charge  was  |151,000,000.  The  Refunding  Act  of  this 
Congress  contemplated  a  large  reduction  in  the  rate  of  interest. 
Omitting  details,  the  main  jiurpose  of  the  Act  is  expressed  in  the 
following  sentences:  "The  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  is  authorized 
to  issue  f 200.000,000  coupon  or  registered  bonds,  redeemable  in  coin 
at  its  current  value  at  the  pleasure  of  the  Government,  after  ten 
years  from  the  date  oi  issue;  interest  five  per  cent.,  payable  semi- 
annually in  coin:  als»*  in  like  nmnner  and  on  like  terms  |300,000,000 
at  4'/2  per  cent.,  luumng  Jifteeu  years;  also  11,000,000,000  at  4  per 


••-"      iiiiiiiimifaBHiii  ^- 


248 


HISTORY  OP  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 


cent.,  rnnning  30  years,  all  these  bonds  being  exenii)t  fi-om  taxation 
by  any  autliority.  The  Secretary  may  dispose  of  these  bonds  at  nor 
less  than  their  par  value  for  coin,  and  apply  the  proceeds  to  the 
redemption  of  the  outstanding  flve-twenties  at  par,  or  exchange  par 
for  par,  but  the  bonds  hereby  issued  shall  be  used  for  no  other 
purpose.''  As  the  flve-twenties  were  already  redeemable  at  the 
option  of  the  Government,  this  gave  a  sure  method  of  reducing  inter- 
est, as  fast  as  the  bonds  could  be  sold. 

But  the  Monetary  Act  of  the  Forty-second  Congress  which  has 
since  created  the  most  stir  in  the  country,  was  the  revising  and  co:i- 
Holidating  all  the  Coinage  Laws  of  the  country.    It  is  variously  called 
the  ('oinage  Act,  the  Demonetizing  Act  and  ''the  Crime  of  1873."     It  ] 
was  approved    February   12,    1873,  and    consisted  of    sixty-seven 
sections,    going    into    the    wh«)le    detail     of    the    purch;ir,;'    and 
deposit    of    bullion    and    the    minting    of    all    Government    coins. 
But    the    sting   of    it    was    contained    in    four    sections,    of    which 
ihe     most     important     was     Section     15,     which     provided     that 
the   silver   coins   of  the   Ignited   States   should   be   a   tr*  de   dollar 
of  420  grains,  a  half  dollar  or  fifty -cent  piece,  a  quarter  dollar,  or 
twenty-flve-cent  jiece,  and  a  dime.      These  coins  were  made  a  legal  ■ 
tender,  at  their  nominal  value,  for  any  amount  not  exc't?eding  five  ,^ 
dollars  in  any  one  payment.      Section    17   provided  that    no   coins  . 
other  than  those  Sjiecifled  should  be  issued  from  the  mint.      Section  . 
20  provid«'d  that  any  owner  of  gold  might  deposit  the  same  at  any 
mint  to  be  fornunl  into  coin  or  bars,  and  Section  21  allowed  owners  of 
silver  bullion  to  deposit  it  at  any  mint  to  be  formed  into  bars  or  trad.:  ' 
dollars,  but  not  into  any  other  coin. 

It  has  been  claimed  since  that  the  omission  of  the  standard  silver 
dollar  from  the  coins  authorized  was  done  surreptitiously  ii!  com- 
mittee, and  that  very  few  members  of  the  House  knew  of  it. 
Probably  many  were  ignorant  of  the  full  scope  of  the  measure.  But 
the  fat't  that  the  Act  uiscontinued  the  coinage  of  the  stanuard  silver  . 
dollar  was  discussed  and  defended  in  the  House  as  ihe  reported,: 
debates  show.  At  that  time  sih-er  was  at  a  premium  as  compate<1 
with  gold,  there  was  no  demand*  for  its  coinage,  and  that  which  hat} 
been  coined  was  rapidly  disappearing.  It  was  only  when  the  product 
of  silver  incre»Hed  e"  '"apidly  as  to  put  it  at  a  discount  compared  with 
gold,  and  after  its  demonetization  in  some  European  countries  had 
added  to  its  deprei-iation.  that  the  clamor  for  Its  recolnage  and  fn*<' 
coinage  commenced.      I'nder  tlu-  operation  of  the  Bland  and  Sliernuui 


PRESIDENT  (IRANT'S  FIRST  TERM. 


249 


oin  taxation 
bonds  at  nor 
ceeds  to  the 
xchange  par 
for  no  other 
lable  at  the 
ducing  inter- 
IB  which  haR 
ing  and  coii- 
iously  called 
of  1873."     It 
sixty-seven 
irch;ir:;'     and 
inient    coins. 
iS,    of    which 
ovided     that 
tr  de  dollar 
er  dollar,  or 
made  a  legal 
xceeding  Ave 
mt    no    coins 
int.      Section 
same  at  any 
k'ed  owners  of 
bars  or  trad. 

andard  silver 
>U8ly  ii»  eoni- 

knew  of  it. 
lensiire.  But 
unuard  silver 
ihe    reported 

as  <'onipnrei1 
lat  which  ha*' 
n  the  pr'wluct 
ompared  with 
i-oiintries  had 
nage  and  fu««' 
and  Sherman 


Acts  the  (rovernment  has  coined,  on  its  own  account,  five  times  us 
many  of  the  "dollars  of  our  fathers"  as  the  people  are  willing  to 
handle,  though  they  have  furnished  a  basis  for  circulation  in  the  form 
of  silver  certificates.  The  free  coinage  on  individual  account  has 
never,  at  any  period,  been  restored  since  the  Act  of  1873.  The  trade 
dollar,  whose  continued  coinage  was  authorized  by  the  Act,  was 
coined  originally  with  a  view  to  the  convenience  of  trade  with  Mexico 
ana  the  South  American  countries.  Hut  it  was  never  popular,  and 
soon  drop|)ed  out  of  use  by  its  own  weight.  Its  coinage  ceased  in 
l«7fi. 

There  was  but  little  legislation  in  reference  to  the  situation  In 
the  South  during  this  Administration,  though  one  stringent  Act  to 
punish  frauds  in  elections,  aimed  particularly  at  that  section,  was 
adopted.  The  main  efforts  of  the  Administratiim  were  devoted  to 
bringing  order  and  obedience  to  law,  under  existing  statutes,  to  that 
turbulent  and  riotous  section,  but  without  great  suci-ess,  ns  will 
appear  later  in  this  record. 

The  Act  which  created  the  most  stir  at  the  time  was  the  "back 
pay"  or  "salary  grab"  Act.  This  was  passed  near  the  close  of  the 
second  session  of  the  Forty-second  ('<mgress.  It  in<-reased  the  pay  of 
Senators  and  Representatives  from  |6,U()4)  to  I|7,5(I0  a  year,  and  that 
of  the  officers  and  clerks  of  both  Houses  by  nearly  a  corresponding 
per  centage.  The  offensive  feature  of  the  Act  was  that  it  was  made 
retroactive,  dating  the  pay  ba«'k  to  the  beginning  of  the  Forty-second 
Congress.  There  was  a  great  public  clamor  against  it.  Some  of 
the  members  who  had  voted  against  the  bill  refused  to  take  the  back 
pay,  and  after  public  opinion  began  to  assert  itself  other  members 
turned  their  share  of  the  plunder  bat-k  into  the  treasury.  Rut  it 
cost  many  of  the  members  the  seats  to  whi<'h  they  aspired  in  the  next 
Congress,  and  had  considerable  effect  on  the  general  results  in  1874. 

In  addition  to  the  Acts  of  special  importance,  already  mentioned, 
(^ongress,  during  PreBident  Grant's  first  term,  passed  the  following 
measures  of  general  interest:  Striking  out  the  word  "white"  in  nil 
!nw8  relating  to  the  District  of  Columbia,  and  from  all  ordinances  of 
th.»  City  of  Washington,  thus  giving  the  blacks  complete  civil  rights; 
.providing  for  an  additional  Juirtii-e  of  the  8uj»veme  Court,  and  reor- 
ganizing the  Judicial  sjtstem;  giving  married  women  in  the  District 
of  Columbia  absolute  control  over  their  own  property;  putting  into 
legal  enactment  the  principle  of  the  Fifteenth  Am(>ndment  to  the 
Constitution;  establishing  a  De]>artHient  of  .TnstiiiH';  punishing  frauds 


il 


■3: 


>  "-i 


-^. -wgraian  as&iiiasaaiSifeit^i^irgVtf^^t;^^^  'twfeii^aiam.-  tiif'tf '^'?fiMa>atiW<r^t'i^ 


f 

■  ■  ■    1 


250 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REI»T;BLirAN  PARTY 


III  eleV'tionH,  and  extending  the  Naturaliziition  Laws  to  personB  of 
African  nativit.v  or  de^oent;  penHioning  all  survivors  of  the  War  of 
1812;  providinjj  lor  T'nited  Ktatos  Supervisors  of  Election  in  town^ 
of  2(MKH)  or  more  inhabitants,  at  elections  where  Members  of  Congress 
are  to  be  chosen;  eniorcing  the  various  clauses  of  the  Fourteenth 
Amendment;  providing  homesteads  for  soldiers  and  sailors;  making 
appropriation  for  the  Centennial  Exhibition  in  I'hiladelphia;  carry- 
ing into  effect  the  provisions  of  the  Treaty  of  Washington,  and 
promoting  the  growth  of  timber  on  the  Western  prairies. 

One  of  the  triumphs  of  (irant's  first  term,  was  the  happy  settle- 
nvent  of  our  numerous  difficulties  with  <lreat  Britain,  some  of  whi<'h 
had  been  of  long  standing.  The  sentiment  of  the  English  middle 
classes  was,  on  the  whole,  friendly  to  the  United  States  during  our 
contest  with  the  Houth,  but  the  aristocracy  and  ruling  classes  were 
strongly  against  us.  The  Oovernment  was  very  hasty  in  recognizing 
the  belligerency  of  the  Confederacy.  It  subsequently  went  as  near 
to  the  line  of  what  International  Law  allows,  in  showing  its  sympathy 
with  the  Kouth,  as  it  dared,  and  in  the  case  of  the  Alabama  over- 
stepped that  line.  Under  the  Johnson  Administration  overtures 
were  twice  made  to  the  British  Foreign  Seci-etary  for  a  friendly  arbi- 
tration of  the  Alabama  claims,  but  they  were  refused  with  scant 
courtesy.  A  third  attempt  resulted  In  the  Clarendon-Johnson  treaty. 
;  which  was  so  far  from  meeting  our  demands,  that  the  Senate  rejected 
It  with  very  little  delay.  In  his  second  annual  message  to  Congress 
in  December,  1870,  President  Orant  referred  to  the  unwillingness  of 
Her  Majesty's  Government  to  acknowledge  that  it  had  done  us  any 
wrong,  asserted  that  our  firm  and  unalterable  convictions  were  exact- 
ly the  reverse,  and  asked  Congress  to  "authorize  the  appointment  of  a 
commission  to  take  proof  of  the  amounts  and  ownership  of  these 
several  claims,  on  notice  to  the  representative  of  Her  Majesty  at 
Washington,  and  that  authority  be  given  for  the  settlement  of  these 
claims  by  the  T'nited  States,  so  that  the  Government  shall  have  the 
ownership  of  the  private  claims,  as  w^U  as  the  responsible  control 
of  nil  the  demands  against  Great  Britain." 

This  suggestion  of  making  It  entirely  a  (iovernment  matter,  came 
at  a  time  when  the  European  skies  were  threatening,  and  a  storm 
<enter  was  actually  ;'»cated  in  the  territory  occupied  by  the  French 
and  Prussian  armies.  In  view  of  the  possibilities  of  trouble  with 
Its  Continental  neighbors,  Her  Majesty's  Government  was  ready  to 
have  a  settlement  with  the  people  on  this  side  the  water.    The  Treaty 


PRESIDENT  ORANT'S  FIRST  TERM. 


251 


to  persoDH  of 
of  the  War  of 
ution  in  towns 
rs  of  CongresH 
le  Fourteenth 
ailors;  making; 
delphia;  carr>- 
fishingtoD,  and 

B  happy  HettU'- 

Home  of  which 

i^nglish  middle 

tc8  dnring  our 

g  classes  were 

'  in  recognizing 

went  as  near 

ig  its  s.viupath.v 

Alabaniti  over- 

ition  overtures 

a  friendly  arbi- 

sed  with  scant 

Johnson  treaty. 

Senate  rejected 

ige  to  Congress 

tnwillingness  of 

ad  done  us  any 

ions  were  exact- 

ppointnient  of  a 

ership  of  these 

Her  Majesty  at 

lenient  of  these 

sliall  have  the 

tonsible  control 

nt  matter,  came 
ig,  and  a  storm 
I  by  the  Fren(rh 
of  trouble  with 
It  was  ready  to 
ter.    Th(»  Treaty 


of  Washington  was  the  result.  It  covered  the  Alabama  claims  which 
were  to  be  settled  by  arbitration  at  (leneva,  Hwitzerland;  the  claims 
for  compensation  for  fishing  ])rivilegeH,  which  were  to  be  settled  by  a 
commission  at  Halifax,  Nova  Kcotia;  the  question  of  the  use,  by  Amer- 
ican vessels  of  the  St.  Lawrence  River  and  canals;  and  the  claims 
of  Amerii-an  citizens  for  damages  sustained  between  IHtJl  and  18fi.^, 
other  than  the  Alabama  claims.  The  tJeneva  arbitrators  awarded 
^I15,50(»,()00  for  the  claims  which  came  before  them.  This  was  after- 
wards shown  to  be  exi-essive,  but  this  was  j)artially  evened  up  at  a 
later  jieriod  by  the  Halifax  award  of  about  f5,()0(),000  against  th»» 
United  States,  which  was  also  excessive.  Rut  the  treaty  led  to  some 
conclusion  on  all  disputed  points,  and  did  more  to  establish  arbitra- 
tion as  a  method  of  settling  international  difficulties  than  any  event 
that  had  before  occurred. 

With  the  San  Domingo  treaty  the  President  was  less  fortunate. 
He  was  very  desirous  of  annexing  this  territory  to  the  Fnited  States, 
deeming  it  especially  important  that  we  )<hould  have  a  safe  port  in 
the  West  Indies,  in  case  of  war  with  any  foreign  naval  jmwer,  a  con- 
sideration that  was  better  api»reciated  when  the  Sijanish-Americain 
War  broke  out.  in  1898  than  it  was  by  the  men  of  1870.  A  treaty 
of  annexation  was  framed,  but  it  was  defeated  in  the  Senate  by  a  tie 
vote.  The  President  renewed  the  subject  in  his  second  annual 
message,  and  asked  that  '"by  joint  resolution  of  the  two  Houses  of 
Congress,  the  Executive  be  authorized  to  appoint  a  commission  to 
negotiate  a  treaty  with  the  authorities  of  Han  Domingo  for  the  acjpii- 
sition  of  that  island,  and  that  an  appropriation  be  made  to  defray  the 
expenses  of  such  i'ommission."  Congi-ess  fell  short  of  that,  but  a 
commission  consisting  of  Renjamin  F.  Wade,  of  Ohio;  Andrew  D. 
White,  of  New  York,  and  Samuel  G.  Howe,  of  Massachusetts,  was 
appointed  to  make  inquiries  into  the  political  condition  of  the  island, 
and  its  agricultural  and  commercial  value.  They  reported  in  favor 
of  the  President's  policy,  but  that  was  the  end  of  it.  Grant  was,  for 
once,  beaten,  and  he  knew  it.  i^  5 

It  was  when  this  treaty  was  before  the  Senate  fhut  ^Tr.  Susnner 
made  a  speech  severely  criticising  the  treaty,  and  ahiising  the  Presi- 
dent and  the  agents  concerned  in  making  it.  When  the  Senate 
<'ommittee8  were  next  nmde  up,  INIr.  Sumner  was  dropped  from  the 
Chairmanship  of  the  Foreign  Relations  Committee  and  Senator  Cam- 
eron was  substituted.  He  charged  this  to  the  influence  of  Grant, 
but  there  is  nothing  to  show  that  the  President  had  anything  to  do 


\m 


:1 


TTfff' 


imi 


252 


HIBTOEY  OF  TRE  RErnU.K'AN  PAllTY. 


with  it.  In  fnrt  a  nrnnber  of  radictil  Senators  said  at  the  time  that 
he  did  not.  Tlie  Senate  electB  its  own  connuitteeH,  and  Senator 
Kdnuinds  declared  that  in  Mr.  Sumner's  case  it  was  merely  a  question 
"whether  the  Senate  of  the  United  States  and  tlie  Republican  party 
are  quite  ready  to  sacrifice  their  sense  of  duty  to  the  whims  of  one 
single  man,  whether  he  conies  from  New  KuKland,  or  from  Illinois, 
or  from  anywhere  else." 

Of  Mr.  Sumner's  removal  Ex-Secretary  Houtwell  }',".v.  -'ae  follow- 
injj  account  in  a  reminiscent  article  in  McClure's  Magazine  for  Febru- 
ary. lf)(M>-  "Mr.  Sumner's  removal  was  due  to  the  fact  that  a  tim<» 
came  when  he  did  not  recognize  the  President,  and  when  he  declined 
to  have  any  intercourse  with  the  Secretary  of  State  outside  of  official 
business.  Such  a  condition  of  affairs  Is  always  a  hindrance  in  the 
way  of  good  government,  and  it  umy  be<-ome  an  obstacle  to  success, 
(lood  government  can  be  secured  only  through  conferences  with  those 
who  are  responsible,  by  conciliation,  and  not  infre<niently  by  con- 
cessions to  those  who  are  of  adverse  opinions.  The  time  <'an»e  when 
such  a  condition  was  no  longer  i>ossible  between  Mr.  Sumner  and  the 
Secretary  of  State.  The  President  and  his  Cabinet  were  in  accord 
in  regard  to  the  controversy  with  (Jreat  Britain  as  to  the  .Vlabama 
claims.  Mr.  Sumner  advocated  a  more  exacting  policy.  Mr.  Motley 
appeared  to  be  following  Mr.  Sumner's  lead,  and  the  opposition  to 
Mr.  Sumner  extended  to  Mr.  Motley.     .  \>'hen  we  consider  the 

natures  and  the  training  of  the  two  men,  it  is  not  easy  to  imagine 
agreeable  co-operation  in  public  alTairs  by  Mr.  Sumner  and  General 
Orant.  Mr.  Sumner  never  believed  in  (Jeneral  (irant's  fitness  for 
the  office  of  President,  and  General  Grant  did  not  ret'ognize  in  Mr. 
Sumner  a  wise  and  safe  leader  in  the  business  of  Government.  Gen- 
eral Grant's  notion  of  Mr.  Sumner,  on  one  side  of  his  character,  may 
be  inferred  from  his  answer  when,  being  asked  if  he  had  heard  Mr. 
Sumner  converse,  he  said:    'No,  but  I  have  heard  him  lecture.'  " 


i  ' 


U. 


;t',',.T^V 


iie  time  that 
ind  Wfnutor 
y  a  quj'stiou 
blican  party 
hiniH  of  oiu* 
I'oin  Illinoia. 

^  "ii»>  foUow- 
u>  for  Ffbrn- 

that  a  tmi<» 
1  he  (leclinert 
ide  of  official 
ranee  in  the 
e  to  BiKrcess. 
>8  with  tho«e 
ntly  by  con- 
e  came  wlien 
nncr  and  th(? 
're  in  accord 
the  Alabama 
Mr.  Motley 
opposition  to 
consider  the 
y  to  inia};ine 

and  General 
's  fitness  for 
)gn\7.e  in  Mr. 
anient.  Oen- 
laracter,  may 
ad  heard  Mr. 
•tare.' " 


XX. 

THE  FIFTH  UEIMHLK'AN  CONVENTION. 

The  Nomination  for  Pn'sident  Determined  Beforehand— A  Lar«e 
Amount  of  HpcechmakinK  of  a  High  Order-President  Grant 
Ununiniously  Kenon.inated-A  Hcene  of  the  Wildest  Knthnsiasm 
— Nnmerous  Candidates  for  Vice-President— Henrv  Wilson 
Receives  the  Nomination  on  the  First  Ballot-The  Work  of 
Newspai)er  Correspondents— A  Long  Platform  Covering  a 
Variety  of  Subjects- Wtronj?  Commendation  of  the  Candidates 
—Modest  Letters  of  Acceptance. 

In  accordance  with  their  practice  of  makinj?  nominations  early 
in  the  season,  the  liepublicans  opened  their  fifth  National  Conven- 
tion in  the  Academy  of  Music  in  Philadelphia,  June  5,  1872,  Morton 
^:  Michael,  of  that  (ity,  being  temporary  Chairman.  As  in  186S 
the  nomination  for  President  was  decided  beforehand,  and  the  Con- 
vention lacked  the  interest  that  centers  about  a  close  contest  for  that 
position.  It  contained  in  its  membership  a  large  number  of  the 
most  prominent  men  in  the  party. 

The  following  was  the  Michigan  delegation:  At  Largt--Eber 
Jl  Ward,  George  Willard,  William  A.  Howard,  Perry  Hannah.  By 
Districts-d)  Newell  Avery,  John  (Jreusel;  (2)  Nathan  N.  Kendall, 
Rice  A.  Heal;  (3)  Harvey  Bush,  J.  C.  Fitzgerald;  (4)  George  S.  Clapp, 
James  H.  Stone;  (5)  Benjamin  D.  Pritchard,  H.  A.  Norton;  ((5)  Josiah 
L.  Begole,  Daniel  L.  Crossman;  (7)  Ezra  Hasten,  Benjamin  W.  Huston; 
(8)  Charles  S.  Draper,  James  Birney;  («)  B.  P.  Rogers,  J.  F.  Brown. 

Although  there  was  no  contest  over  the  nomination  for  Presh 
dent  there  was  a  greater  display  of  enthusiasm  than  in  1868,  and 
there  was  a  great  deal  of  speechmaking  and  of  an  unusually  high 
order  In  the  interval  between  the  appointment  of  committees  and 
the  first  report,  rattling  speeches  were  made  by  (ieneral  Logan,  who 
was  then  in  the  United  States  Senate;  (Jerritt  Smith,  of  New  York,one 
of  the  original  Abolitionists;  Senator  Morton,  of  Indiana,  who  was 


i 


•'  '  1 


■i 


wr 


254 


IIIHTUUV  OF  THE  KEPrHLKJAN  I'AKTY. 


(f 


nlwavH  4'l(M|U('iit  and  alwavH  w«'lc<nii«';  (iov»*riHn-  .laiiicH  \j.  Ovr,  (»f 
Hoiitli  (,'ai-oliiia;  (iovcrnoi-  (>^l«'Hh,v,  of  llliiioiH;  William  H.  Hvvy,  of 
ArkaiiHaH;  <'oii)ri'('HHinan  K.  It.  Elliott,  a  colored  delegate  from  Hoatli 
('ni'oliiia,  and  JameM  ii.  Ilun-iH,  a  coloi-cd  dcle^^ate  from  Nortli  Caro- 
lina. After  the  ]h>rnianent  orpmi/ation  the  fdllowin^  uImo 
reHponded  to  eallH  f.a*  remarkM:  (ieneral  (Jeor^e  \V.  <'arter,  who 
eontmanded  a  Southern  bri)<:ade  daring  the  Uebellion;  i'aiil  Htrobaeh, 
a  (German  delegate  from.  Alabama;  Emory  A.  Htorrs,  (m«>  of  the  moBt 
elo(]uent  orators  in  lllinoiH;  Ex-Senator  Henderson,  of  MiHHouri;  "the 

eloquent  colored  Secre- 

t)  i  B  H  i  |)  |)  i,  JanieB  K. 
Lynch."  (lovernor  E.  F. 
XoyoH,  of  Ohio. 

Ah  in  iHiiH  the  Con- 
vention was  in  a  hurry 
to  nominate  Orant, 
and  contrary  to  the 
UHual  cuHtom  nominu- 
tions  were  placed  in  th«» 
order  of  buHincHH  be- 
fore the  report  of  the 
Committee  on.  KeHolu- 
tions.  Shelby  M.  Cnl- 
lom,  of  IllinoiH,  made 
the  brief  nominating 
speech  as  follows:  "On 
behalf  of  the  great  Re- 
publican party  of  Illi- 
nois, and  that  of  the 
heMrx  WILSON.  Cnion,  in  the  name  of 

liberty,  of  loyalty,  of  justiie  and  of  law — in  the  interest  of  economy, 
of  good  government,  of  peace,  and  of  the  equal  rights  of  all — remem- 
bering with  profound  gratitude  his  glorious  achievements  in  the  lield 
and  bis  noble  statesnmnship  as  Chief  Magistrate  of  this  great  Nation 
-I  nominate  as  President  of  the  I'nite^  States,  for  a  second  term, 
Ulysses  S.  Grant." 

The  official  report  of  the  Convention  thus  describes  the  recep- 
tion of  the  nomination:  "A  scene  of  the  wildest  excitement  followed 
this  speech.      The  spacious  Academy  was  crowded  with  thousands 


TflK  FIFTH  KEIMJHLICAN  CONVKNTION. 


266 


L.   Uir,   of 

H.  (hey,  of 

from  Hoiitii 

>r(»rth  ('an»- 

twiii^     uIho 

'urtcr,  who 

1 1  Htrobtu-li, 

of  the  muMt 

sHoui-i;  "the 

ored  Secre- 

f  from  Mis- 

JumcH  H. 

veriior  E.  F. 

hio. 

WH  the  Coil- 
iH  in  a  hiirrv 
ate  (h'aiit, 
ary  to  the 
oiii  iiomina- 
placed  ill  th«' 
l)iiHiiieH8  be- 
eport  of  the 
)  on.  KeHolu- 
elby  M.  Cnl- 
llinois,  made 
noniinatiii}; 
oIIowh:  "On 
the  Kreat  Re- 
)arty  of  Illi- 
that  of  th<« 
the  name  of 
of  eeonoiuy, 
'  all — remem- 
\»  in  the  Held 
Ureat  Nation 
second  teriu, 

es  the  reeep- 
(lent  followed 
th  thouHands 


of  MpeetatofH  in  evei-y  part,  and  on  the  Htage,  in  the  par<pi(>t,  and  in 
tier  upon  tier  of  );;ilierieH,  nrtme  deafening,  prolonged,  tniiniltiiouH 
cheerH,  HwellinK  from  pit  to  dome.  A  perfect  wil<l«'rneHH  of  liatr,, 
capH  and  handkerchiefH  waved  to  and  fro  in  a  KiirKinK  imiKH,  an  thn  *> 
timeH  three  reverberated  fromi  ilie  thoiiHandM  «»f  voi^-en.  The  band 
apjieared  to  catch  the  iMN'vaiiiii);  enthuHiaHin,  and  waved  their  intitrii- 
mentH  aH  (hou)j;li  tliey  liad  been  II;ikh.  Amid  crieH  of  'MuHic!' 
'MuHicI'  they  wtriKk  up  'Hail  to  the  Chief.'  .\h  the  majeHtic  Htrainn 
of  rhiM  nniHic  came  tloatiii^  down  from  the  balcony,  a  life  hIkc  ecpieM- 
trian  portrait  of  (rrant  came  down  »»  if  by  ina^ic,  tilling  the  entire 
Hpace  of  the  back  Hceiie,  and  the  enthiiHiaHUi  knew  no  bonmlH.'' 

(Jeiieral  Stewart  L.  Woodford,  of  N»'W  York,  and  M.  I).  Horuck, 
of  California,  Heconded  the  nomination,  the  roll  waH  called  and 
announcement  made  that  I'lyHHeH  H.  (irant  had  received  the  entire 
vote  of  the  Convention,  7rc'  voteH.  TumultuouH  cheerinj;  again  burst 
from  the  immenHe  audience.  The  band,  at  this  ainutunceinent, 
played  the  air  of  a  "(fiant  Campaign  Himg,"  the  tenor  of  which  was 
sung  by  a  gentleman  standing  among  the  inHtruments,  and  the  chorus 
by  a  large  choir  of  gentlemen.  The  Hrst  verse  and  chorus  were  as 
follows: 

irally  round  our  leaders,  men. 

We're  arming  for  the  tight. 
We'll  raise  our  glorious  standard 

And  battle  for  the  right; 
To  swell  our  gallant  army. 

Come  from  hill  and  plain,  , 

Grant  shall  win  the  victory 

For  President  again. 

Chorus — Let  the  drum  and  bugle  sound. 

We'll  march  to  meet  the  foe; 
Let  our  joyous  shouts  resound 

That  all  the  land  may  know. 
The  sons  of  freedom  in  their  might, 

Have  come  from  hill  and  plain, 
To  make  the  brave  Flysses 

Our  I'resident  again. 

When  this  was  concluded,  a  vry  went  from  the  multitude  "John 
Hrown."  The  band  struck  up  the  familiar,  elet-trifying  strains,  and 
the  whole  concourse  rose  as  one  mass.  From  the  par«piet  to  th«' 
npjier  tier,  the  vast  multitude  stood  up  and  rolled  out  the  old  hymn 
of  freedom.      There  was  scarcely  a  dry  eye  in  the  great  assemblage 


If  ..:, j»i\Yis^ >'■  'ili^si^A^-.,%i'^. 


.i^.i£*i 


2n(( 


IkriTOKV  OF  TUK  HKI'IIIILICAN  I'AUTY. 


■m 


Hiid  Mmm-c  wiih  not  ii  licai-t  that  wait  not  tlii-illcd  with  thi'  Hnhlimity  of 
tli(>  nioniont.  Wlicn  thiit  Mon^  wan  at  hiHt  tluUhcd,  the  cry  rnuw  for 
"Uull.v  Uoiind  the  Fhi^."  and  th<'  air  of  that  liattl<*  Hon^  waM  ^ivcn 
by  the  band,  the  wiiole  audience  Hin^inR  the  word^  witli  tlie  mime 
fervor  with  whicli  tlu'  hymn  had  bi-en  rei  lered.  This  concluded, 
the  bund  mivv  "Yanl<ee  l>4»odle,"  in  the  niidnt  of  luniultuoun  clieerH. 
Henry  VVilMon,  of  MuHHachuHettH,  wati  placed  in  nomination  for 
Vice  fMcHident  by  Morton  M<-Michael,  of  PeiuiHylvanir.  who  WiIh 
HU|>]toi  ,cd  by  Dr.  0<>or);e  II.  LoriuK,  of  MaHHachuH  OHKiiiii  Hay,  of 
New  lianipHhire;  (Jerritt  Hinitli,  of  New  Y<»rlt;  -  l'\  Qi,  rlen,  ol 
flejM'Kia;  (Sovernor  E.  F.  NoyeH,  of  Ohio,  and  (Joverrjir  JSnvoil  (May- 
ton,  of  ArlvJinsaH.  The  name  of  H(  huvler  Colfax  wan  jtrMeuUnl  by 
Uichai-d  W.  Thom)>Mon,  of  Indiai:.;,  and  HU]iported  by  Williaim  A. 
Howard,  of  MichiKan;  James  U.  Lynch,  of  MiMiii«(t,i)>|>i.  and  <V>rtlundt 
Parker,  of  New  JerHey.  Viijjinia,  thi"*);;!!  JameH  H.  Bener,  pre- 
Bent^'d  the  name  of  John  P.  Lewis;  W:;!:fi1(  r  Flannagan,  of  Tezait, 
pn^'civ^ited  the  name  of  Governor  E.  J.  Daviu,  of  the  anme  Btate,  and 
Davi'1  A.  Nunn,  of  TennesBee,  nominated  Hoiusu^  i'llvynard.  At  the 
conduBion  of  the  roll  call,  the  tlrttt  ballot  stood  a:<:  ft'.lowB: 

Whole   number  of  delegates . .  . .  .%•» . .  i  fV'.^^'i .......  752 

Necessary  to  a  choice 377 

Henry  Wilson,  of  MassaohuHetts 364V2 

Schuyler  Colfax,  of  Indiana 321V;. 

Horace  Maynard,  of  Tennessee 2(t 

John  F.  I^wis,  of  Vir}?inia 22 

Edmund  J.  Davis,  of  Texas 16 

Joseph  R.  Hawley,  of  Connecticut 1 

Edward  F.  Noyes,  of  Ohio 1 

Before  the  result  was  announced  twenty  of  the  twenty-two  Vir- 
Rinia  delegates  changed  from  Colfax  to  Wilson.  The  Georgia  dele- 
gation had  voted  sixteen  for  Wilson  and  six  for  Colfax.  The  latter 
now  ehanged  to  Wilson.  Nine  of  the  ten  votes  from  West  Virginia 
did  the  same,  making  Wilson's  vote  300V1>,  a  majority  of  all,  and 
Colfax  3O614.  Others  of  the  scattering  votes  went  to  Wilson  and 
finally  his  nomination  was,  on  motion  of  Henry  S.  Lane,  speaking  in 
behalf  of  the  entire  Indiana  delegation,  made  unanimous. 

Mr.  Colfax  did  not  know,  at  the  time,  exactly  what  it  was  that 
defeated  him.  One  reason  of  his  turning  down  was  that  early  in 
the  year  he  had  written  a  letter,  announcing  that  he  should  not  be  a 
candidate  for  renomination,  but  had  afterwards  changed  his  mind, 


.,;^^ 


rV.  ;v, •,■.•>..  ,:^.V 

flu*  Htiblliiiity  ttt 
h«>  <T,v  cHiiu*  for 

HOIIK   WilM   Kivcii 

with  th(>  HiUiK^ 
TIiIh  coiirliidi'd, 
lultnoiiH  «'he»'rH. 

nomination  for 
mniti.  who  w.jh 

OnKiHit  Uay,  of 

I-'.  Qr,  rU'B,  ot 
I'jr  Powoil  VA&y- 
an  jt.fMeut^Hl  b.v 

b.v  WilliaiM  A. 
1,  and  <'ortlandt 
I  B.  Sener,  pre- 
la^an,  of  Texan, 
Hnuie  Htate,  and 
ynard.      At  th»? 

lows: 

752 

377 

304Vo 

321  Vl> 

2« 

22 

16 

1 

1 

twenty-two  Vir- 
^he  Georgia  dele- 
fax.  The  latter 
m  West  Virginia 
ority  of  all,  and 
It  to  Wilson  and 
[jane,  speaking  in 
mous. 

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vas  that  early  in 
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hanged  his  mind, 


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THE  FIFTH  KEIMBLICAN  ro>r\^ENTION. 


257 


and  re-enter<'d  (lie  field.  This  course  always  operates  uKtiinst  a 
candidate.  In  this  case  it  had  brought  Mr.  Wilson  into  the  Held  and 
he  secured  many  states  that  would  naturally  have  gone  to  Colfaii. 
But  a  more  potent  factor  in  the  defeat  of  the  Vice-President,  was  the 
hostility  of  the  new8j)ai)er  correspondents  in  Washin^ttm.  These 
constitute  a  strong  and  influential  body  when  they  can  be  induced 
to  work  together,  which  is  not  often.  The  leading  papers  of  the 
country  pick  from  their  best  men  for  service  at  the  Capital  and 
except  so  far  as  the  general  polii-y  of  the  pajjer  imposes  limitations, 
leave  the  correspondents  very  much  to  their  own  judgment.  George 
O.  Seilhamer,  Washington  correspondent  of  the  New  York  Herald, 
who  helped  engineer  the  campaign  against  Colfax,  gives  this  story 
of  it  in  a  recent  publication: 

The  selection  of  Judge  Settle,  of  North  Carolina,  for  permanent 
President  was  due  entirely  to  the  hostility  of  the  Washington  corre- 
s])ondents  to  the  renomination  of  Vice  President  (^olfax.  No  public 
man  ever  received  more  favors  from  this  band  of  intelligent  news- 
gatherers  than  Mr.  (\)lfax.  After  his  election  as  Vice  President,  in 
1868,  he  alienated  them  by  a  change  of  manner  that  they  regarded 
as  unpardonable.  They  determined  to  oppose  him  when  he  became 
a  candidate  the"  second  time,  and  his  defeat  was  mainly  due  to  their 
activity  and  r.eal  against  him.  The  crusade  against  him  was  led  by 
J.  B.  McCullach,  then  the  editor  of  the  St.  Louis  Democrat,  but  the 
preliminary  skirmish  for  the  selection  of  Settle  as  Chairman  of  the 
Convention  was  directed  by  G.  O.  Seilhamer,  the  Washington  corre- 
spondent of  the  New  York  Herald,  who  was  aided  by  a  volunteer  staiT 
of  young  journalists,  hotly  opposed  to  Colfax.  The  trend  of  sentiment 
at  the  outset  was  in  favor  of  the  selection  of  Judge  Orr,  of  South 
Carolina,  but  Judge  Settle's  fitness  and  strength  were  depicted  with 
such  confidence  and  earnestncHs  in  the  news  columns  of  the  Herald 
that  the  honor  went  to  North  Carolina,  in  the  belief  that  it  was  in 
response  to  a  popular  movement.  The  episode,  from  first  to  last,  was 
one  of  the  most  curious  in  the  history  of  American  politics,  and  it  was 
the  first  and  last  time  that  a  baud  of  aucgressive  newspaper  men, 
unknown  to  the  general  public,  controlled  the  action  of  a  National 
Convention. 

For  the  Vice  Presidency  there  was  only  one  ballot,  and  Henry 
Wilson  appears  on  the  final  record  as  the  only  candidate  opposed  to 
Mr.  Colfax.  Asa  matter  of  fact,  Virginia  had  cast  its  twenty-two 
votes  for  Governor  Lewis,  Tennessee  its  twenty-four  votes  for  Horace 
Maynard,  and  Texas  its  sixteen  votes  for  Governor  Davis.  Neither 
WMlson  nor  Colfax  had  a  majority.  Before  the  announcement  of  the 
result  the  Chairman  of  the  Virginia  and  Tennessee  delegations  were 
asking  recognition  from  the  Chair.    If  Virginia  was  first  recognized 


■*' 


4 


!W^ 


?j".;i.»iiii""       "?"",i 


nilliritf-lilit'^.'ii 


258 


HISTORY  OF  THE  KEPI  BLK'AN  PARTY. 


Wilson^'s  nomination  was  asHui-ed;  if  the  fourtes.v  Hliould  be  extendtnl 
to  Tennessee  Colfax  would  be  renominated.  The  Chair  was  in  doubt, 
and  Judge  Settle  waited  to  be  prompted  by  the  correspondent  to 
whom  he  was  indebted  for  his  position.  A  page  was  hastily  dis- 
patched to  the  stage  with  the  legend,  "Recognize  Virginia,"  and  then 
came  the  recognition  of  ''Mr.  Popham,  of  Virginia."  The  nomination 
was  made. 

The  platform  was  unanimously  adopted,  just  as  it  came  from  the 
committee,  and  without  discussion.      It  was  as  follows: 

The  Republican  party  of  the  T'nited  States,  assembled  in  National 
Convention  in  the  City  of  Philadelphia  on  the  5tli  and  0th  days  of 
June,  1872,  again  declares  its  faith,  appeals  to  its  history  ami 
announces  its  position  upon  the  questions  before  the  country. 

1.  During  eleven  years  of  supremat-y  it  has  accepted  with  grand 
courage  the  solemn  duties  of  the  times;  it  suppressed  a  gigantic  rebel 
lion,  emancipated  4,(MM>,0()t)  slaves,  decreed  the  equal  citizenship  of  all, 
and  established  universal  suffrage,  exhibiting  unparalleled  magnan- 
imity, criminally  punished  no  man  for  political  offences,  and  warmly 
welcomed  all  who  proved  their  loyalty  by  obeying  the  laws,  and 
dealing  justly  with  their  neighbors.  It  has  steadily  decreased  with 
a  firm  hand  the  resultant  disorders  of  a  great  war,  and  initiated  a 
wise  and  humane  policy  towards  the  Indians;  a  Pacific  railroad  and 
similar  vast  enterprises  have  been  generously  aided  and  successfully 
conducted,  the  public  lands  freely  given  to  actual  settlers,  inunigra- 
tion  protected  and  encouraged,  and  a  full  acknowledgment  of  the 
naturalized  citizens'  rights  secured  from  European  powers;  a  uniform 
National  currency  has  been  provided,  repudiation  frowned  down,  the 
National  credit  sustained  under  most  extraordinary  burdens,  and  new- 
bonds  negotiated  at  lower  rates;  revenues  have  been  carefully  col- 
lected and  honestly  applied.  Despite  annual  reductions  of  the  .ates 
of  taxation,  the  public  debt  has  been  reduced  during  General  Grant's 
Presidency  at  the  rate  of  |100,000,000  a  year,  great  financial  crises 
have  been  avoided  and  peace  and  plenty  prevail  throughout  the  land ; 
menacing  foreign  difficulties  have  been  peacefully  and  honorably 
composed,  and  the  honor  and  power  of  the  Nation  kept  in  high  respect 
throughout  the  world.  This  glorious  record  of  the  past  is  the  party's 
best  pledge  for  the  future.  We  believe  the  people  witl  not  entrust 
the  Government  to  any  party  or  combination  of  men  composed  chiefly 
of  those  wb'j  resisted  every  step  of  their  beneficial  progress. 

2.  Co:nplete  liberty  and  exact  equality  in  the  enjoyment  of  all 
civil,  political  and  public  rights  should  be  established  and  effectually 
maintained  throughout  the  Union,  by  efficient  and  appropriate  State 
and  Federal  legislation.  Neither  the  law  nor  its  administration 
should  admit  of  any  discrimination  in  respect  to  citizens  by  reason  of 
race,  creed,  color  or  previous  condition  of  servitude. 


"•"■liiJllR!!!"*'' 


X\  • 


"■.'.:t- 


Y. 


THE  FIJTH  KEIMBLKAN  rONVEXTION. 


251) 


Id  be  oxteud»nl 
WU8  in  doubt, 
respondent  to 
H8  hastily  dis- 
iuia,"  and  then 
^he  nomination 


came  from  the 


ed  In  National 
Tid  0th  days  of 
tH  history  and 
I'ountry. 

)ted  with  grand 
I  gigantic  rebel 
tizenship  of  all, 
illeled  magnau- 
es,  and  warmly 
the   laws,  and 
decreased  with 
and  initiated  a 
fie  railroad  and 
ind  successfully 
ttlers,  immigra- 
edgment  of   the 
wers ;  a  uniform 
wned  down,  the 
ardens,  and  new 
m  carefully  col- 
ons of  the  .ates 
General  Grant's 
financial  crises 
ighout  the  land ; 
and    honorably 
t  in  high  respect 
ist  is  the  party's 
will  not  entrust 
'omposed  chietiy 
rogress. 

>njoyment  of  all 
1  and  effectual  ly 
jpropriate  State 
administration 
ens  by  reason  of 


n'^': 


.'{.  The  recent  Amendments  to  the  National  ('onstitution  should 
be  cordially  sustained,  because  they  are  right,  not  merely  because 
they  are  law;  and  should  be  carried  out  according  to  the  spirit,  by 
appropriate  legislation,  the  enforcement  of  which  can  be  safely 
entrusted  only  to  the  party  that  secured  these  Amendments. 

4.  The  National  Government  should  seek  to  nmintain  honorable 
peace  with  all  nations,  protecting  its  i-itizens  everywhere  and  symim- 
thizing  with  peoples  everywhere  who  strive  for  greater  liberty. 

5.  Any  system  of  the  civil  service,  under  which  the  subordinate 
]>osition8  of  the  Government  are  considered  rewards  for  mere  party 
zeal,  is  fatally  demoralizing,  and  we  therefore  favor  a  reform  of  the 
system  by  laws  which  shall  abolish  the  evils  of  patronage,  and  make 
honesty,  efflj-iency  and  fidelity  the  essential  qualifications  for  public 
positions,  without  practically  creating  a  life  tenure  of  office. 

6.  We  are  opposed  to  further  grants  of  tlie  public  lands  to  cor- 
porations and  monopolies,  and  demand  that  the  national  domain  be 
set  apart  for  free  homes  for  the  people. 

7.  The  annual  revenue,  after  paying  the  current  debts,  should 
furnish  a  moderate  balance  for  the  reduction  of  the  principal,  and 
the  revenue  except  so  much  as  may  be  derived  from  the  tax  on 
tobacco  and  liouors  should  be  raised  by  duties  upon  importations,  the 
duties  of  which  should  be  so  adjusted  as  to  aid  and  setMire  remuner- 
ative wages  to  labor  and  promote  the  growth,  industries  and  prosj)er- 
ity  of  the  whole  country. 

8.  We  hold  in  undying  honor  the  soldiers  and  sailors  whose 
valor  saved  the  Union;  their  pensions  are  a  sacred  debt  of  the  Nution 
and  the  widows  and  orphans  of  those  who  died  for  their  country  are 
entitled  to  the  care  of  such  additional  legislation  as  will  extend  the 
bounty  of  the  Government  to  all  our  soldiers  and  sailors  who  were 
Iionornbly  discharged  and  who  in  the  line  of  duty  became  disabled, 
without  regard  to  length  of  service  or  the  cause  of  such  discharge. 

!).  The  doctrine  of  Great  Britain  and  other  European  powers 
concerning  allegiance,  "on<'e  a  subject  always  a  subject,"  having  at 
last,  through  the  efforts  of  the  Republican  party,  been  abandoned, 
and  the  American  idea  of  the  individual's  right  to  transfer  allegiance 
having  been  accepted  by  European  nations,  it  is  the  duty  of  our  gov- 
ernment to  guard  with  jealous  care  the  rights  of  ado|)ted  citizens 
against  the  assumptions  of  unauthorized  claims  by  their  former  gov- 
ernments, and  we  urge  continual  careful  encouragement  and 
protection  of  voluntary  immigration. 

10.  The  franking  privilege  ought  to  be  abolished  and  the  way 
prepared  for  a  speedy  reduction  in  the  rates  of  postage. 

11.  Among  the  questions  which  press  for  attention  is  that 
which  concerns  the  relations  of  capital  and  labor,  and  the  Republican 
party  recognizes  the  duty  of  so  shaping  legislation  as  to  secure  full 
protection  and  the  amplest  freedom  for  capital;  and  for  labor,  the 
creator  of  capital,  the  largest  opportunities  and  a  just  share  of  the 
mutual  profits  of  these  two  great  servants  of  civilization. 


.i***<ft,       'k:;^ 


*         ;t 


2(50 


HISTORY  OF  THE  UElTHLirAN  PAKTV 


12.  We  hold  that  Connrfss  and  the  I'reHideiit  have  onl.v  fulfilled 
an  imperative  duty  in  their  nieaBures  for  the  8ii|»])re88ion  of  violent 
and  treasonable  ori^anizations  in  eertain  lately  febellions  re^ionR, 
and  for  the  protertion  of  the  ballot  box,  and  therefore  they  are  en- 
titled to  the  thanlvH  of  the  Nation. 

t.'{.  We  denounce  the  repudiation  of  the  publie  debt,  in  any  form 
or  diH^uiite,  as  a  National  crime;  we  witnesn  with  pride  the  reduction 
of  the  principal  of  the  debt  and  of  the  rates  of  interest  upon  the 
balance,  and  confidently  expect  that  our  excellent  National  currency 
will  be  perfei'ted  by  a  8])eedy  resum])tion  of  specie  payment. 

14.  The  Republican  party  is  mindful  of  its  obligations  to  th<? 
loyal  women  of  America  for  their  noble  devotion  to  the  <-au8e  of 
freedom;  their  admission  to  the  wider  fields  of  usefulness  is  viewed 
with  satisfaction,  and  the  honest  denmnds  of  any  class  of  citizens  for 
additional  rights  should  be  treated  with  respectful  consideration. 

15.  We  heartily  approve  the  action  of  Congress  in  extending 
amnesty  to  those  lately  in  rebellion,  and  rejoice  in  the  growth  of 
peace  and  fraternal  feeling  throughout  the  land. 

Ifi.  The  Republican  party  propose  to  respect  the  rights  reserved 
by  the  people  to  themselves  as  carefully  as  the  powers  delegated  by 
them  to  the  State  and  to  the  Federal  (Jovernment;  it  disapproves  of 
the  resort  to  unconstitutional  laws  for  the  purpose  of  removing  evils 
by  interfering  with  rights  not  surrendered  by  the  people  to  either 
the  State  or  National  Government. 

17.  It  is  the  duty  of  the  General  Government  to  adopt  such 
measures  as  will  tend  to  encourage  American  commerce  and  ship- 
building. 

18.  We  believe  that  the  modest  patriotism^  the  earnest  purpose, 
the  sound  judgment,  the  practical  wisdom,  the  incorruptible  integrity 
and  the  illustrious  services  of  IMysses  8.  Grant  have  commended  him 
to  the  heart  of  the  American  people,  and  with  him  at  our  head  we 
start  to-day  upon  a  new  march  to  victory. 

19.  Henry  Wilson,  nominated  for  the  Vice-Pres?dency,  known 
to  the  whole  land  from  the  early  days  of  the  jrreat  struggle  for 
liberty  as  an  indefatigable  laborer  in  all  campaigns,  an  incorrupti- 
ble legislator,  and  a  representative  man  of  American  institutions,  is 
worthy  to  associate  with  our  great  leader  and  share  the  honors  which 
we  pledge  our  best  efforts  to  bestow  upon  them. 

The  conditions,  at  the  time,  were  not  such  as  to  call  for  the  emu) 
elation  of  new  principles,  and  the  platform,  though  long,  has  less  of 
originality  alcut  it  than  any  previous  pronouncement  of  the  party. 
With  the  exception  of  our  strained  relations  with  Great  Britain, 
which  had  been  satisfactorily  adjusted,  the  same  problems,  only  half 
settled,  fact»d  the  Administration  as  those  which  required  attention 
when  Grant  was  first  inaugurated.  These,  with  the  ordinary  current 
of  Government  business,  promised  to  furnish  sufticient  occupation  for 


^.V^  -'sS^' 


\^ 


■ :     ,  i'^.  •• ;     ^: 


rii 


v. 

■e  onl.v  fulfllU'd 

ision  of  violent 

llious  re^ionH, 

re  they  are  en- 

bt,  in  any  form 
e  the  r«*du('tion 
erest  u|)on  the 
lional  currency 
yinent. 

iKUtionft  to  the 

o  Ihe  cause  of 

neH8  is  viewed 

B  of  citizens  for 

nnsideration. 

Hs  in  extending 

the  growth  of 

ri|;hts  reserved 

rs  delegated  by 

disapproves  of 

f  removing  evils 

people  to  either 

to  adopt  such 
merce  and  ship- 
earnest  purpose, 
uptible  integrity 
commended  him 
at  our  head  we 

es'dency,  known 
eat  struggle  for 
s,  an  incorrupti- 
D  institutions,  is 
he  honors  which 


-•all  for  the  enun 
long,  has  less  of 
;nt  of  the  party. 
1  Great  Britain, 
)blems,  only  half 
'quired  attention 
ordinary  current 
at  occupation  for 


THE  FIFTH  REIMBUrAN  CONVKXTION. 


201 


one  Congress  at  least.  In  the  absence  of  new  issues  the  Republican 
party  in  this  platform  began  to  "point  with  pride"  to  its  past  achieve- 
ments, the  first  paragraph  giving  a  very  good  resume  of  the  eleven 
years  of  its  suprenuicy. 

(}<'neral  (Jrant's  second  letter  of  ac«'eptance  was  shorter  even 
than  the  first.      Following  are  the  principal  parts  of  It: 

"If  elected  in  November,  and  protected  by  a  kind  Providence  In 
health  and  strength,  to  perform  the  duties  of  the  high  trust  con- 
ferred, I  promise  the  same  zeal  and  devotion  to  the  good  of  the  whole 
]H>ople  for  the  future  of  my  oHiclal  life  as  shown  In  the  past. 

"Past  exjierience  nmy  guide  me  in  avoiding  mistakes  inevitable! 
with  novices  in  all  professions  and  In  all  occupations. 

"When  relieved  from  the  responsibilities  of  my  present  trust 
by  the  election  of  a  successor,  whether  it  be  at  the  end  of  this  term 
or  the  next,  I  hope  to  leave  to  hhu,  as  Executive,  a  country  at  peace 
within  its  own  borders,  at  pea<*e  with  outside  nations,  with  a  credit 
at  home  and  abroad,  and  without  embarrassing  questions  to  threaten 
Its  future  prosperity." 

The  President  also  expressed  a  desire  to  see  a  speedy  healing  of 
all  bitterness  of  feeling  between  sections,  parties,  or  races  of  citizens, 
and  the  time  when  the  title  of  citizen  carries  with  it  all  the  protec- 
tion and  privileges  to  the  humblest  that  it  does  to  the  most  exalted. 

Mr.  Wilson's  letter  of  acceptance  brielly  reviewed  the  past 
achievements  of  the  party,  spoke  of  its  present  attitude  on  a  number 
of  the  questions  of  the  day,  and  closed  with  the  following  personal 
reference:  "Having  accepted  for  thirty-six  years  of  my  life  the  dis- 
tinguishing doctrines  of  the  Republican  party  of  to-day;  having 
during  thirty-six  jears  of  that  period,  for  their  advancement  subor- 
dinated all  other  issues,  acting  in  and  co-operating  with  political 
organizations  with  whose  leading  doctrines  I  sometimes  bad  neither 
sympathy  nor  belief;  having  labored  incessantly  for  many  years  to 
found  and  build  up  the  Republican  party,  and  having,  during  its 
existence,  taken  an  humble  part  in  the  grand  work,  I  gratefully 
accept  the  nomination  thus  tendered,  and  shall  endeavor,  if  it  be 
ratitled  by  the  people,  faithfully  to  perform  the  duties  it  imposes." 


•^■T--";jp>^-"^^''^--"^v^Ar;^v-^r''^ 


'^!^-:-:i^ffiHr^i^-^rw^'yr.''--<^f^x^^^f»<^fP^  .' 


V^vS--^-":^rc^  -.^ 


r:  m 


•Mf 


■■m . 


I'U'rt , 


^ 


XXI. 
THE  LIBERAL  KEPrHLICAN  CAMPAION. 

An  Element  of  Great  Tncei'tainty — The  Liberal  Republican  Conven- 
tion at  iMncinnati — The  Framing  of  a  IMatforni  a  Difflcnlt 
Problem — Attempt  to  Catch  Roth  Democrats  and  Liberal  Repub- 
licanB — Non-Committal  on  the  Tariff  Question — (Ireeley  Nomin- 
ated on  the  Sixth  Rallot — B.  Oratz  Brown  for  Vice-President — 
An  Incongruous  Ticket — The  Nominations  a  Disappointment  to 
the  Democrats,  But  Accepted  by  Them — Consternation  in  Two 
'., ,  Detroit  Newspaper  Offices — A  Campaign  of  Ridicule — Straight 
Democratic  Ticket — Unpre(H»dented  Republican  Triumph. 

In  the  early  part  of  the  year  and  even  after  the  campaign 
opened,  the  strength  of  the  Liberal  Republican  party  was  an  element 
of  great  uncertainty  in  the  canvass.  The  party  taking  this  name 
was  composed  largely  of  two  classes.  The  first,  Republicans  of  con- 
servative tendencies,  who  had  been  gradually  breaking  away  from 
the  party  to  which  they  Imd  formerly  belonged,  because  they  thought 
it  was  going  too  fast  in  its  Reconstruction  and  other  measures  relat- 
ing to  the  South.  This  included  nearly  all  those  who  had  voted  in 
Congress  against  any  of  the  Reconr.truction  Acts,  or  either  of  the 
three  Constitutional  Ani.endments,  together  with  those  in  private 
life  who  agreed  with  them  on  these  measures.  The  second  class 
comprised  a  host  of  disappointed  office-seekers  who  thought  they 
hadn't  "been  treated  right  by  the  party,"  and  those,  who,  in  local 
factional  fights,  had  the  worst  of  it.  This  was  the  personal  griev- 
ance wing  of  the  party,  and  when  it  came  to  the  last  analysis,  it  was 
found  to  contain  an  astonishingly  large  proportion  of  the  prominent 
members.  It  also  included  some  old  Republicans  who  belonged  to 
neither  of  these  classes,  but  whose  convictions  had  gradually  led 
tltem  away  from  the  party  of  their  earlier  choice,  such  as  General 
John  Cochrane,  of  New  York;  John  Hickman,  of  Pennsylvania; 
Judge  R.  P.  Spalding,  of  Ohio;  George  W.  Julian,  of  Indiana,  one  of 
the  old  Anti-Slavery  guard,  and  Free  Soil  candidate  for  Vice-Presi- 


TIIK  LIBERAL  UKPTRLirAN  CAMl»AIflN. 


20.T 


IGN. 

ublicnn  Conven- 
iriii  a  DitTlciilt 
Liberal  Ri'pub- 
-dreeley  Noniiii- 
Vice-President — 
^appointment  to 
rnation  in  Two 
dieule — Straiglit 
Trinmph. 

the  campaign 
was  an  element 
aking  this  namn 
publicans  of  con 
iking  away  from 
use  they  thought 
!•  measures  relat- 
vho  had  voted  in 
or  either  of  the 
those  in  private 
rhe  second  class 
ho  thought  they 
se,  who,  in  local 
e  personal  griev- 
t  analysis,  it  was 
of  the  prominent 
who  belonged  to 
id  gradually  led 
such  as  General 
if  Pennsylvania ; 
f  Indiana,  one  of 
:e  for  Vice-Presi- 


dent in  1852;  "Long  John"  VVentworth  and  l^eonnrd  Hwett,  of  Illi- 
nois, both  admirers  and  friends  of  President  IJncoln.  It  included 
also  men  of  restless  disposition  and  variable  politics  like  Carl  Schur/, 
who  had  mixed  in  the  public  alTairs  of  three  states,  and  had  not  been 
satisfied  with  the  territory  or  polilics  of  either,  and  David  A.  Wells, 
of  Connecticut,  who  never  quite  liked  the  |mrty  he  happen<>d  to  be  in 
at  the  time. 

The  first  and  only  Liberal  I{epubli<'an  National  (^invention  was 
held  at  Cincinnati  May  1,  187'i.  It  found  the  task  of  framing  a  satis 
fa<'tory  i>latform  a  diffli'ult  one,  as  it  desired  to  retain  «'onservative 
Republicans  and  to  draw  Democrats  to  its  ranks.  Ho  far  as  Repub- 
licans were  con<'erned  it  succeeded  fairly  well.  Rut  a  good  part  of 
it  sounded  like  strange  doctrine  to  the  Democrats.  It  contained  one 
very  adroit  piece  of  non-committalism  in  the  tariff  plank,  which 
expressed  no  opinion,  but  relegated  the  whole  question  to  the  people 
in  the  Congressional  districts.     It  was,  in  full,  as  follows: 

i  ■..  We,  the  Liberal  Republicans  of  the  X'nited  Htates,  in  National 
Convention  assembled  at  Cincinnati,  proclaim  the  following  princi 
pies  as  essential  (o  just  government: 

1.  We  recognize  the  equality  of  all  men  before  the  law,  and 
hold  that  it  is  the  duty  of  Government,  in  its  dealings  with  the  people, 
to  mete  out  equal  and  exact  justice  to  all,  of  whatever  nativity,  race, 
color,  or  persuasion,  religious  or  political. 

2.  We  pledge  ourselves  to  maintain  the  Cnion  of  these  States, 
emancipation,  and  enfranchisement,  and  to  oppose  any  reopening 
of  the  questions  settled  by  the  Thirteenth,  Fourteenth  and  Fifteenth 
Amendments  to  the  Constitution. 

3.  We  demand  the  immediate  and  absolute  removal  of  all  disa- 
bilities imposed  on  account  of  the  Rebellion,  which  was  finally 
subdued  seven  years  ago,  believing  that  universal  amnesty  will 
result  in  complete  pacification  in  all  sections  of  the  country. 

4.  Local  self-government,  with  impartial  suffrage,  will  guard 
the  rights  of  all  citizens  more  securely  than  any  centralized  power. 
Ti!«i  public  welfare  requires  the  supremacy  of  the  civil  over  the  mili- 
'.«»y  authority  and  freedom  of  persons  under  the  protection  of  the 
hi.>eas  corpus.  W'e  demand  for  the  individual  the  largest  liberty 
consistent  with  public  order;  for  the  State  self-government,  and  for 
the  Nation  a  return  to  the  methods  of  peace  and  the  Constitutional 
limitations  of  power. 

5.  The  civil  service  of  the  Government  has  become  a  mere 
instrument  of  partisan  tyranny  and  personal  ambition,  and  an  object 
of  selfish  greed.  It  is  a  scandal  and  a  reproach  upon  free  institu- 
tions, and  breeds  a  demoralization  dangerous  to  the  perpetuity  of 
republican  Government.     We  therefore  regard  a  thorough  reform  of 


■':  f.      •;■'• 


■ail. 


m 


'IH^'Si  mil  um'fii  iiiijiiifai] 


-.^..- ,..^,^,^,,^i^^_ , 


/'"V  '■^'.'^■■-  ?*'■ 


ar^'ilfit'ii.rj  . 


;( 

>;■ 

1  • 

Ir 


264 


IIIHTOKY  OFTHK  HKITHLK'AN  I'AKTY. 


tli(>  cirll  8<>i'vir(>  iiH  one  of  the  moint  preHHiitK  iiercMHitieM  of  the  lionr; 
tliat  hoiH'Ht.v,  ctipiicity  and  tldelit.v  conMtitnte  the  onl.v  valid  chiini 
to  public  (Muplo.vnient;  that  the  oftlceH  of  the  Uovernnient  ceuHe  to  be 
a  matter  of  arbitrary  favoritiHui  and  putronaKe,  and  that  public 
station  becttnie  aKain  a  poHt  of  honor.  To  thiti  end  it  is  iniperativelv 
required  that  no  I'renident  hIihII  be  a  candidate  for  re-election. 

(i.  We  demand  a  Hystem  of  Federal  taxation,  which  Hliall  not 
iinneceHsarily  interfere  with  the  induHtrieM  of  the  {H'ople,  and  which 
hIiuII  provide  the  means  ne«'eBHary  to  pay  the  exiMMiseH  of  the  Gov- 
ernment, economi<-ally  adniiniHtered,  the  penHiontt,  the  intercHt  on 
the  public  debt,  and  a  moderate  redu<-tion,  annually,  of  the  principal 
thereof;  and  recoKnixiuK  that  there  are  in  our  midst  honest  but  irre- 
concilable ditferences  of  opinion  with  regard  to  the  resjiective  systems 
of  protection  and  free  trade,  we  remit  the  discussion  of  the  subje<"l 
to  the  people  in  their  Congressional  districts;  and  to  the  decision  of 
the  Congress  thereon,  wholly  free  from  Kxecutive  interference  or 
dictation. 

7.  The  public  credit  must  be  sacredly  maintained,  and  we 
denounce  repudiation  in  every  form  and  guise. 

8.  A  speedy  return  to  specie  payment  is  demanded  alike  by  the 
highest  considerations  of  commercial  morality  and  honest  govern- 
ment. 

9.  We  remember  with  gratitude  tlie  heroism  and  sacrifices  of 
the  soldiers  and  sailors  of  the  Republic,  and  no  act  of  ours  shall  ever 
detract  from  their  justly  earned  fame  for  the  full  reward  of  their 
patriotism. 

10.  We  are  opposed  to  all  further  grants  of  lands  to  railroads 
or  other  corporations.  The  public  domain  should  be  held  sacred  to 
actual  settlers. 

11.  We  hold  that  it  is  the  duty  of  the  Government  in  its  inter- 
course with  foreign  nations  to  cultivate  the  friendships  of  peace,  by 
treating  with  all  on  fair  and  equal  terms,  regarding  it  alike  dishonor- 
able either  to  demand  what  is  not  right  or  to  submit  to  what  is 
wrong. 

12.  For  the  promotion  and  success  of  these  vital  principles  and 
the  support  of  the  candidates  nominated  by  this  Convention,  we  invite 
and  cordially  welertrae  the  co-operation  of  all  patriotic  citizens, 
without  regard  to  previous  political  affiliations. 

Hix  ballots  were  taken  for  the  Presidential  nomination,  with  the 
following  result: 

Ist.    2d.     ad.     4th,  5th.  fith. 
Charles  Francis  Adams,  of  Mass. . ; .  202    24a    264    279    258    324 

Horace  Greeley,  of  New  York 147    245    258    251    309    332 

Lyman  Trumbull,  of  Illinois 110    148    15«    141      81       19 

B.  Gratz  Brown,  of  Missouri 95        2        2        2        2       .. 

David  DaviSj  of  Illinois 921/1.75      41      51      30        0 

Andrew  G.  Curtin,  of  PennsyU'ania.  .62       

Halmon  P.  Chase,  of  Ohio 21/2    1  ..      24      32 


'""  I  ■miiiMirtinipinM 


"V"-i;<^''fr-'iiiar""^v'^-'it 


*  of  the  hour; 
.V  valid  claim 
nt  r(>UH(>  to  be 
il   that   iMihlic 

iinperativcl.v 
ection. 

ich  Hhull  not 

le,  and  which 

'H  of  tli«*  Oov- 

e  intcrt'Ht  on 

the  principal 
nu*»t  but  irrc- 
Hctive  Hytitenitt 
of  the  Hubjoct 
he  decision  of 
iterference  or 

ined,    and    we 

d  alike  hy  the 
loneHt  j?overn- 

d  sacriflceB  of 
)ur8  Hhall  ever 
'ward  of  their 

Is  to  railrondti 
held  sacred  to 

nt  in  its  inter 
;m  of  peace,  by 
alike  dishonor- 
init  to  what  is 

principles  and 
ition,  we  invite 
riotic    citizens, 

ation,  with  the 

4th,  5th.  fith. 

279    258  324 

251     309  332 

141       81  19 

2        2 

51       30  d 

.'.       24      32 


"-)' 


TFIK  LIBERAL  KKIMnLK'AX  TAMI'AHiX. 


205 


('haniteH  of  votes  w(>re  tlien  made  until  the  result  was  annonuceJ 
— Ureeley,  4M2;  Adams,  187.  On  the  Hrst  ballot  for  Vice  I'resijh'nf 
H.  (IratK  lirown,  of  .Missouri,  had  237;  L.vnian  Trumbull,  of  IllinoiH, 
158;  (]eor|;e  W.  .lulian,  of  Indiana,  134VL>;  »<>  others,  UW/^.  On 
the  second  ballot  Trumbull  dropped  out,  and  the  count  shttwed  4:t.~) 
for  Itrown,  175  for  Julian,  and  88  for  all  others.  Itotli  noniinatiotiM 
were  nuide  unanimous. 

The  nomination  of  ()r<>ele,v  was  a  surprise  and  disappointment 
to  the  Democrats  who  were  expected  to  co-oiMTate  in  the  attempt  lo 
elect  the  Liberal  Re- 
publican nominee.  Tf 
(*harles  Francis  Adams 
had  received  the  nomin- 
ation, as  it  was  ex- 
pected would  be  the 
case,  he  would  have 
drawn  fully  as 
many  Republicans  as 
Greeley  could,  and  he 
would  have  been  more 
acceptable  to  the  Demo- 
crats. The  same  mip:ht 
be  said  of  Senator 
Trumbull,  of  Illinois,  or 
David  DaviR;  of  the 
same  State,  but  the 
first  instinct  of  the 
Democrats  was  to  re- 
volt against  Greeley. 
In  the  first  place  he  was 
one    of    the    strongest  chari.es  prancis  adams. 

and  ablest  Protectionists  in  the  country.  He  was  a  natural  statisti- 
cian, had  an  accurate  memory  for  tigures,  knew  where  to  find  them 
and  how  to  use  them.  He  was  keen  in  argument  and  of  great  indus- 
try. It  was  not  long  after  he  started  the  Tribune  before  he  had 
established  for  it  such  a  rei)Utation  for  accuracy  of  statement  that, 
however  much  his  opponents  might  attempt  to  refute  his  arguments, 
they  rarely  questioned  the  correctness  of  his  figures.  During  the 
V\ay  campaign  he  kept  the  tariff  constantly  before  his  readers,  and 
for  many  years  afterwards  he  kept  hammering  away  at  the  same 


---jj;,- 


■-L«4iw'-ata^ti'iii''jj«7«ii'""':WiI'' ' 


tfta^a«fe.-v:;r 


im 


HISTORY  OF  TIIK  IlKIMHIJCAN  I'AKTY. 


1', 


Miibjcrt.  lie  (lid  iiiKi-c  tliiin  niiyonc  «>Ih(',  cxrcpt  ('lay  liiiiiM'If.  to  iiial«> 
the  Aiiicrlcan  doctrine  of  I'i'otcctioii  tlic  cHtabliHlicd  policy  of  the 
W'liiK  pui'ty  ill  itH  Inter  yeai'N,  and  he  did  more  than  any  other  Min^^le 
individual  to  make  the  Hame  doctrine  a  part  of  the  Hepiiblican  p<dicy 
in  ilM  earlier  yearH.  It.  Oralx  Hrown,  on  the  other  hand,  wuh  a 
larilT-for-revenue-only  man,  and  the  platform.  waM  non-committal.  On 
tliiH  fiuhject  it  waH  a  reKnlar  Dolly  Varden  <-ombinatlon.  It  pre- 
Hented  the  Hpecfach>  of  a  Htrim^  protective  laritT  man  for  Preitldent. 
a    revenue  tarilT    nuin  for    Vice-l'reHident,  on  a  Htraddle    platform, 

aHkiuK  a    Htronj;    Free 
I  :  „  Trade    party    for    en- 

dornement  and  voteH. 

There  were  two  other 
thiuKH  that  made 
Oreeley  a  partit'ularly 
unacceptable  man 
for  Northern  Demo- 
1  eratB.      He  wan  one  of 

the  foremoHt  men  in 
the  country  in  aidinft  to 
brin^  about  a  congoli- 
dation  of  the  old  Anti- 
Hlnvery  elements  Into 
the  Kepublican  party, 
and,  whether  ag  Whi^ 
or  Uepublican,  he  had 
alwayH  been  exceeding- 
ly abuHivc  of  the  Derao- 
■^  crats. 

That  wag  the  Greeley 
ag  the  older  men  of 
both  parties  remembered  him.  Hut  there  wag  another  Greeley  of 
more  re«-ent  times,  who  had  worried  President  Lincoln  by  jfivinn 
alternately  imiM^rtinent  advice  and  unjust  criticism;  who  had  made 
mischief  by  his  sui>erserviceable  and  bungling  attempts  at  peace 
negotiations,  in  whi<h  he  did  not  act  in  good  faith  with  either  of  the 
parties  for  whom  he  was  trying  to  act  as  a  go-between;  who  had 
offered  to  go  on  Jeff  Davis'  bond  when  that  traitor  was  under  trial 
for  his  treason;  and  who  had  finally  been  one  of  the  most  constant 
critics  of  the  Republican  Reconstruction  policy.       It  was  the  acts 


HORACE  GREELEY. 


■,-?  ■'•nf;- 


.USO. 


f^2?Z2ii..^r: 


'  r'i<'i'fci  I  »iii-'iifc 


IIIH«>lf,  to  lllllkt' 

polir.v  of   ||ii> 
li.v  otluT  Mingle 
Mihlican  policy 
hund,  wuM  ii 
((iniiiittiil.    On 
tioii.       It   pre 
fop  I'l-HHidcnt, 
<ll<>    pltitf(»rin, 
Htroii)^    Fret' 
party    for    on 
nt  und  votcH.    { 
w«'r«'  two  othei' 
t  h  II  t     niudc 
a  partuMilarly 
(>  p  t  a  b  I  o  man 
»rtluM*n     IhMuo- 
lie  waH  one  of 
cnioHt    nu>n    in 
itr.v  in  aiding;  to 
t»oiit  a  consoli 
itt  the  old  Anti- 
elements    into 
fMibli<an    party, 
tietlier  ug  \Vhi|{ 
iiblican,  he  had 
been  exceeding- 
ive  of  the  Demo- 
wag  the  Greeley 
older    men    of 
ther  Oreeley  of 
icoln  by  ^ivin^ 
who  had  made 
^mpts  at  peacii 
th  either  of  the 
ween;  who  had 
wag  under  trial 
^  mogt  constant 
t  wag  the  acts 


THE  UHERAL  KKIM'MLirAN  TAMPA  HJN. 


HUT 


of  (liiH  later  (ireeley  that  made  liiiii  acceptable  to  many  of  the  lU^uio- 
(tcratH,  and  eHpecial'iy  to  Honthern  hemo«TatH.  The  latter  care<l 
little  for  the  platform.  They  ex|H'<'ted  to  find  in  Oreeley  a  pliable 
hiHt rumen t  for  their  purpogeH. 

Home  of  the  Democratic  pa|M>ri(  denoun<-ed  the  nitminatioii  at 
flrHt  and  adviged  a  gtrai^ht  Democratic  ticket.  Hut  between  May 
1,  when  the  Liberal  Kepublicang  met  at  (Mncinmiti,  and  .lii!,\  i*,  when 
the  Democratg  met  at  Haltimore,  there  wag  plenty  of  time  !o  think  it 
over,  and  in  the  end,  nearly  all  of  them  fell  into  line. 

The  tirgt  Htate  in  which  the  Democratic  <'onvention  ingtructed 
itg  delegateg  to  Haltimore  to  support  the  Cincinnati  platform  and 
candidateg,  wag  one  of  the  old  geceded  gfates.  Tenneggee,  and  the 
next  wag  New  York.  Starting  thus  with  one  of  the  mogt  populous 
Houthern  .Htates,  and  (pilte  the  most  populouH  Northern  Htate,  the 
combination  had  a  leaid  which  was  sure  t(»  briu);  others  to  its  follow- 
ing. Hefore  the  close  of  •Ium>,  ei^^hteen  states  had  ingtructed  for 
Oreeley,  and  when  the  one-day  Convention  met  at  Haltimore,  .July  0, 
it  was  nearly  unanimous  that  way.  When  it  came  to  balloting  for 
President.  Oreeley  had  «H<{  votes,  Jeremiah  H.  Hlack  had  21  vot«'H 
from  Pennsylvania,  James  A.  Hayard  1(»  from  New  Jergey  and  Dela 
ware,  and  William  H.  Oroegbeck  2.  For  Vice-l»regident  H.  (h-at/. 
Hrown  had  713  votes;  John  W.  Htevengon,  of  Kentucky,  <>,  and  IH 
were  blank.  The  Cincinnati  platform  was  endorttt^d,  although  it  left 
a  bad  taste  in  the  mouths  of  many  Democrats  who  had  been  accus- 
tomed to  declarations  that  were  (juite  different  from  these. 

The  nomination  of  Oreeley  created  «'ongternation  in  two  Detniit 
newgpaper  offlces,  and  to  many  otherg  throughout  the  Htate.  The 
Advertiser  and  Tribune  had  decided  leanings  toward  the  Liberal 
Republican  policy,  and  would  undoubtedly  have  supported  either 
Charles  F.  Adams  or  Henator  Trumbull.  But  the  managing  editor 
recognized  at  once  the  weakness  of  Greeley's  nomination,  and  with 
the  remark  that  "there  was  a  most  promising  movement  gone  to 
—  -,"  prepared  an  editorial  deploring  the  nomination.  The  busi- 
ness manager  then  rushed  into  the  composing  room  to  urge  the 
support  of  the  ticket.  A  wrangle  ensued  between  them,  such  as  is 
not  often  witnessed  in  a  news  room  in  these  days  of  well-defined 
authority  in  the  different  departments  of  a  paper.  But  while  the 
argument  was  going  on  the  paper  was  being  made  up  and  it  went  to 
press  with  a  sorrowful  disapproval  of  the  action  taken  at  Cincinnati. 
The  Advertiser  and  Tribune  never  supportetl  Oreeley.  On  the  other 
hand  its  support  of  Grant  was  very  lukewarm  and  perfunctory. 


iS^ 


"nrf^T"^^^ 


•>  ■:,,.'.  -'.iy'-r 


rr^fM<-  ■ 


268 


HISTORY  OP  THE  REPUBLICAN  TARTY 


In  the  Free  PreBS  office  tbe  distress  came  later,  but  was  much 
more  acute.  The  Michigan  Democracy  as  a  whole,  were  very  much 
torn  up  by  the  nomination  of  Oreeley,  but  the  opposition  to  him  was 
overwhelmed  at  the  State  Convention  which  was  held  at  Tensing, 
July  2.  The  test  vote  came  on  the  first  Delegate-at  Large,  William  \.  , 
Moore,  who  favored  the  endorsement  of  (Ireeley,  having  130  votes, 
and  William  W.  Wheaton,  who  was  one  of  the  most  vigorous  oppon- 
ents of  indorsement,  having  52.  The  other  I >elegate8-at-Large  were: 
Edwin  H.  Lothrop,  of  St.  Joseph;  Fidus  Livermore,  of  Jackson,  and 
Jabez  G.  Sutherland,  of  Saginaw.  The  resolutions  endorsed  the 
principles  embodied  in  the  Cincinnati  platform,  and  instructed  th<^ 
delegates  to  vote  as  a  unit.  Mr.  Wheaton  had  been  Chairman  of 
the  State  Central  Committee,  but  that  was  reorganised,  with  Foster 
Pratt  as  Chairman,  and  Don  M.  Dickinson  and  Charles  M.  Garrison 
Members  from  the  First  Congressional  District. 

The  day  after  the  Baltimore  Convention  the  Free  Press  bolted, 
in  an  editorial,  of  which  the  following  is  a  portion:  "The  only  hopo 
we  have  for  the  future  of  the  country  lies  in  Greeley's  defeat,  and  to 
that  end  we  shall,  in  the  true  interests  of  the  country  and  the  Democ- 
racy, labor.  We  repudiate  such  utter  want  of  principle  and  honesty. 
We  urge  upon  every  honest  Democrat  in  the  country  to  do  the  same. 
Be  they  few  or  many  in  each  locality,  they  will,  when  this  crazy 
movement  is  defeated  in  November,  form  the  nucleus  to  which  every- 
thing pretending  to  be  Democratic  must  gravitate;  and  it  will  be 
their  and  our  proud  satisfaction  to  know  that  what  is  saved  of 
1  )emocracy,  and  of  a  (Jovernraent  by  the  people,  instead  of  by  adven- 
turers, will  be  saved  through  our  elTorts." 

This,  to  the  new  Democracy,  was  heresy  of  the  rankest  kind. 
The  Michigan  Demot*racy  and  the  National  Democracy  had  both 
endorsed  the  platform  and  the  candidates,  and  by  all  that  is  sacred 
in  Democratic  traditions  it  was  the  duty  of  the  paper  to  go  with  the 
party.  The  expressions  of  dissatisfaction  were  so  loud,  aad  the  loss 
of  subscribers  so  great,  that  a  change  of  policy  became  imperative. 
The  principal  owners  of  the  paper,  Henry  N.  Walker  and  Freeman 
Norvell,  were  unwilling,  themselves,  to  make  the  change.  They, 
therefore,  sold  their  stock,  and  the  new  owners  hoisted  the  Greeley 
flag.  They  were  a  bit  awkward,  however,  in  adapting  themselves  to 
the  new  condition  of  things,  and  in  an  editorial,  printed  July  21, 
made  this  curious  break:  "No  estimate  of  Mr.  Greeley  would  be 
complete  which  did   not  mention  his    life-long   devotion  to  truth." 


;/*" 


Hit  was  much 
re  very  mucl) 
m  to  him  wnn 
3  at  LanBin^;, 
fe,  William  \. 
ng  130  votes. 
gorouB  oppon- 
it-Large  were: 

Jackson,  and 
endorsed  the 
nstrncted  the 

(-hairman  of 
I,  with  Foster 
s  M.  Garrison 

Press  bolted, 
The  onl.v  hopo 
defeat,  and  to 
nd  the  Democ- 
e  and  honesty. 
)  do  the  same, 
len  this  crazy 
9  which  every- 
md  it  will  be 
it  is  saved  of 
d  of  by  adven- 

rankest  kind, 
acy  had  both 
that  is  sacred 
to  go  with  the 
d,  and  the  loss 
ne  imperative. 

and  Freeman 
lange.  They, 
id  th«'  Greeley 

themselves  to 
inted  July  21, 
«ley  would  be 
tion  to  truth." 


THE  LIBERAL  REPUHLtCAN  CAMPAIGN.  iW) 

This  tribute,  coming  from  a  paper  which  had  been  opposed  to  Mr. 
Greeley  in  almost  everything  he  ever  did  or  said,  was  a  confession 
of  devious  wanderings  on  its  own  part,  for  which  iieople  were  not 
prepared.  But  it  served  to  enliven  the  campaign.  L.  J.  Bates,  of 
the  Detroit  Post,  arrang<'d  a  series  of  (Jreeley's  kind  regards  to  the 
Democracy  of  former  years,  and  added  to  each  one  the  comment  of 
the  iJetroit  paper,  making  a  string  of  pilaris  about  as  follows: 

^'Everyone  who  chooses  to  live  by  pugilism,  or  gambling  or  har- 
lotry, with  nearly  every  keeper  of  a  tippling  house,  is  politically  a 
Democrat."— Horace  Greeley.  .•  i    ^-^  „^* 

"No  estimate  of  Mr.  Greeley  would  be  complete  which  did  not 
mention  his  life-long  devotion  to  truth."-Detroit  Free  Press,  July 
21,  1872. 

"Point  wherever  vou  please  to  an  election  district  which  you 
will  pronounce  morallV  rotten,  given  up  in  great  part  to  debauchery 
and  vice,  whose  voters  subsist  mainly  by  keeping  policy  offices,  gam- 
bling houses,  grog  shops  and  darker  dens  of  infamy  and  that  district 
will  be  found,  at  nearly  or  quite  every  election,  giving  a  majority 
for  that  which  stvles  itself  the  'Democratic'  party."-Horace  Greeley 
"No  estimate  of  Mr.  Greelev  would  be  complete  which  did  not 
mention  his  life-long  devotion  to  truth."— Detroit  Free  Press,  July  21, 
1872 

"Take  all  the  haunts  of  debauchery  in  the  land,  and  you  will  find 
nine-tenths  of  their  master  spirits  active  partisans  of  that  same 
Democracy."— Horace  Greeley.  u-  u  j-^       .. 

"No  estimate  of  Mr.  Greeley  would  be  complete  which  did  not 
mention  his  life-long  devotion  to  truth."— Detroit  Free  Press,  July 
21  1872. 

"The  essential  articles  of  the  Democratic  creed  are  'love  rum  and 
hate  the  niggers.'  The  less  one  learns  and  knows  the  more  certain  he 
is  to  vote  the  whole  ticket  from  A  to  l7.zard."-Horace  «reeley. 

"No  estimate  of  Mr.  Greeley  would  be  complete  which  did  not 
mention  his  life-long  devotion  to  truth."-Detroit  Free  Press,  July 

21, 1872.  .  ,    .. 

"If  there  was  not  a  newspaper  nor  a  common  school  in  t»»^«o""; 
try  the  Democratic  party  would  be  far  stronger  than  it  is.'  —Horace 

^"^^"No  estimate  of  Mr.  Greeley  would  be  complete  which  did  not 
mention  his  Ufe-long  devotion  to  truth."-Detroit  Free  Press,  July 
21, 1872.  .... 

"Not  every  Democrat  is  a  horse  thief,  but  every  horse  thief  is  a 
Democrat."— Horace  Greeley. 

"No  estimate  of  Mr.  Greeley  would  be  complete  which  did  not 
mention  his  life-long  devotion  to  truth."-Detroit  Free  Press,  July 
21, 1872. 


m^gmftfiim* 


IHIIIJIIIIIIT 


ismau 


\ 


270 


HIKTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 


"All  -do  know  that  there  are  several  hundred  thousand  mulattos  ; 
in  this  tountrv;  and  we  presume  no  one  has  any  serious  doubt  that 
the  fathers  of  nine-tenths  of  them  are  white  Democrats."— Horace 
(Jreeley. 

"No  estimate  of  Mr.  Greeley  would  be  <'onij)lete  which  did  aot 
mention  his  life-long  devotion  to  truth."— Detroit  Free  Press,  July 
21,  1872. 

"General  Grant  never  has  been  beaten  and  he  never  will  be."— 
Horace  Greeley. 

"No  estimate  of  Mr.  Greeley  would  be  complete  which  did  not 
mention  his  life-long  devotion  to  truth."— Detroit  Free  Press,  July 
21, 1872. 

This  may  not  appear  very  funny  as  you  read  it,  and  it  did  not  I 
appear  so  to  the  editor  who  wrote  the  comment,  but  when  Zach 
Chandler  took  it  up  and  elaborated  it  for  use  on  the  stump,  it  became 
a  very  taking  feature  of  his  speeches.  In  fact  it  took  so  well  that  it 
went  beyond  the  borders  of  the  State,  and  it  was  not  long  before  the 
voters  in  many  towns  of  the  Northwest  had  heard  Greeley's  estimate 
of  the  Democracy,  and  the  Free  Press  certificate  of  its  truthfulness. 

This  was  only  one  of  the  humors  of  the  campaign.  Nast  fur- 
nished others  in  Harper's  Weekly.  When  the  nominations  were 
made  that  paper  didn't  chance  to  have  in  stock  any  photograph  or 
cut  of  B.  Gratz  Brown.  In  lieu  of  anything  better,  Nast  tacked  to 
the  lower  border  of  Greeley's  old  white  overcoat  a  card  wich  the 
inscription  "Grata  Brown."  It  was  received  so  well  that  he  used  it 
throughout  the  campaign.  Brown  never  appearing  in  any  of  Nast's 
cartoons  as  other  than  the  tail  of  Greeley's  overcoat.  Nast  never  had 
better  material  for  cartoons  of  a  humorous  nature  than  in  the  Greeley 
campaign.  But  the  situation  furnished  material  also  for  pictures 
with  a  serious  purpose.  His  adapted  illustrations  of  "The  Pirates," 
and  "The  Wooden  Horse,"  and  his  pictorial  comment  on  Greeley's 
phrase  "Let  us  cla^p  hands  across  the  bloody  chasm,"  were  very 
effective  as  campaign  arguments. 

A  number  of  Democratic  weeklies  in  Michigan,  and  of  dailies 
in  other  states  held  off  from  the  ticket,  even  after  the  Baltimore  Con- 
vention had  ratified  it,  but  eventually  nearly  all  of  them  accepted 
the  situation.  The  thought  uppermost  in  their  minds  was  "Anything 
to  beat  Grant,"  and,  under  the  circumstances,  this  furnished  the  only 
possible  chance  of  doing  it.  A  few  of  the  Democrats  who  held  out 
against  the  combination  held  a  Convention  at  Louisville,  Kentucky, 
Heptember  3.      It  adopted  a  short  platform,  which  enunciated  a  few 


Wiiipmpi 


mm 


iind  inulattoH 
18  donbt  that 
U8." — Horace 

t'hich  did  dot 
Press,  July 

er  will  be." — 

iiieh  did  not 
Press,  July 


nd  it  did  not  I 

t  when  Zaeh 

mp,  it  becamo 

o  well  that  it 

ng  before  the 

ley's  estimate 

truthfulness. 

:n.    Nast  fur- 

inations  were 

>hotograph  or 

fast  tacked  to 

card  with  the 

hat  he  used  it 

any  of  Nast's 

last  never  had 

in  the  Greeley 

)  for  pictures 

'The  Pirates," 

on  Greeley's 

1,"  were  very 

mcl  of  dailies  , 
taltim'ore  Con- 
hem  accepted 
'as  "Anything 
ished  the  only 
who  held  out 
lie,  Kentucky, 
nciated  a  few 


THE  LIBERAL  REPITBLICAN  OAWPAKJN. 


271 


general  principles,  repudiated  the  ''false  creed  and  false  leadership" 
under  which  it  had  been  betrayed  at  Baltimore,  and  then  put  on  the 
crown  of  martyrdom  with  the  following  declaration:  "The  Demo- 
<'ratic  party  is  held  together  by  the  cohesion  of  time-honored  prin- 
ciples, which  they  will  never  surrender  in  exchange  for  all  the  oflBces 
which  Presidents  can  confer.  The  pangs  of  minorities  are  doubtless 
excruciating;  but  we  welcome  an  eternal  minority,  under  the  banner 
inscribed  with  our  principles,  rather  than  an  almighty  and  ever- 
lasting majority  purchased  by  their  abandonment."  The  Convention 
nominated  Charles  O'Connor,  of  New  York,  fo?*  President,  and  John 
Quincy  Adams,  of  Massachusetts,  for  Vice  President.  Both  declined, 
but  votes  were  cast  for  them  in  several  states. 

There  was  also  a  Labor  Reform  ticket  placed  in  the  field  by  a 
Convention  held  in  Columbus,  Ohio,  February  21  and  22.  consisting 
of  David  Davis,  of  Illinois,  for  President,  and  Joel  Parker,  of  New 
Jersey,  for  Vice-President.  But  the  party  seems  to  have  stopped  short 
at  that,  for  no  votes  were  returned  for  electors  to  lit  this  ticket. 

The  Prohibition  party  also  appeared  this  year  as  a  National 
political  organization.  At  a  Convention  held  in  Columbus,  February 
22,  it  adopted  a  platform  covering  nearly  every  subject  under  the  sun, 
and  nominated  James  Black,  of  Pennsylvania,  for  IM-esident  and  Rev. 
John  Russell,  of  Michigan,  for  Vice  President. 

The  speaking  campaign  o])ened  with  vigor.  The  Republicans 
put  in  the  field  the  best  of  their  campaign  orators  and  Greeley  liiui 
self  stumped  Pennsylvania,  Ohio  and  Indiana,  in  the  hope,  not  only  of 
making  votes  for  himself,  but  of  affecting  the  result  in  the  October 
elections.  Under  the  excitement  of  this  unusual  campaign,  and  the 
stimulus  of  hope,  he  wAs  seen,  in  this  tour,  at  his  best.  His  addresses 
were  earnest,  able  and  logical,  and  he  was  greeted  by  immense 
crowds  wherever  he  went.  These  demonstrations  at  first  gave  the 
RepublicaiiH  much  alarm.,  especially  as  so  nmny  of  their  own  parly 
attended  the  meetings.  The  fall  elections  were  therefore  awaited 
with  much  interest.  North  Carolina  was  the  first  to  vote,  on  the 
first  of  AugUHt,  and  it  went  Republican  by  a  fair  majority,  while 
Maine  and  Vermont  in  September  exceeded  their  usual  Republican 
vote.  This  still  left  the  October  states,  in  which  the  net  result  of 
Mr.  Greeley's  active  canvass  was  still  a  matter  of  speculation. 
Indiana  elected  Thomas  A.  Hendricks,  Governor,  by  a  majority  of 
only  1,148.  Mr.  Hendricks  was  the  ablest  and  most  popular  Demo* 
crat  in  the  State,  and  the  fact  that  his  umjority  was  so  slender,  gave 


I 


I 


i 


■■^S: :-. 


»■«  - 


272 


HIHTORY  OF  THE  REPTTHLICAN  PARTY. 


i 


the  RepiiblicauH  (■(iiiHdeuce  tlmt  the.v  could  carv.v  Indiana  in  Novem- 
ber. Ohio,  with  only  minor  Htate  officers  in  the  field,  gave  abotit 
14,(MM)  Republican  nmjorit.v.  In  Tennsylvania,  General  John  F. 
Hartranft,  Republican  candidate  for  (rovernor,  was  bitterly  opposed 
by  the  Philadelphia  I'ress,  the  best-kupwn  Republican  paper  in  the 
Htate,  and  some  apprehensions  were  felt  on  account  of  this  raid  upon 
him.  But  his  majority  was  over  35,(100,  and  this  gave  assurance  of  a 
much  larger  majority  for  Grant  in  November.  From  this  time  on 
it  was  a  landslide,  and  in  many  of  the  states  the  Republican  major- 
ities were  the  largest  ever  given  to  any  party. 

An  analysis  of  the  vote  shows  that  Greeley  did  not  win  a  great 
many  Republicans,  and  that  he  could  not  hold  the  Democrats.  The 
total  vote  was: 

Grant  and  Wilson  .3,597,070 

Greeley   and   Brown 2,834,079 

OTonnor  and  Adams. 29,489 

Black  and  Russell 5,608 

As  compared  with  18G8  this  shows  a  Republican  gain  of  582,000 
votes,  wliile  the  vote  given  Greeley  by  the  Liberal  Refinblicans  and 
Democrats  combined  was  only  124,400  in  excess  of  that  given  for 
Seymour  by  the  Democrats  alone  four  years  earlier.  As  far  as  pop- 
ular majority  went,  it  was  the  most  sweeping  victory  in  the  history 
of  the  country.  The  largest  Republican  majority  in  any  State  was 
Pennsylvania  with  137,538,  arid  the  following  all  gave  more  than 
50,000:  Massachusetts,  74,212;  Iowa,  60,370;  Michigan,  59,179;  Illi- 
nois, 57,006;  New  York,  5<'i,445.  Greeley  carried  only  the  six  Southern 
states  of  Georgia,  Kentucky,  Maryland,  Missouri,  Tennessee  and 
Texas,  with  66  electoral  votes;  while  Grant  had  286  electoral  votes. 

Greeley  did  not  long  survive.  The  last  days  of  the  canvass  he 
occupied  in  nursing  his  dying  wife.  After  election,  it  is  said,  he 
wrote,  over  his  own  initials,  some  comment  on  the  canvass,  and  left 
it  with  the  acting  editor  of  the  Tribune,  but  it  did  not  appear,  as  the 
editor  did  not  think  it  prudent  to  publish  it.  Worn  out  with  the 
fatigues  of  the  canvass  and  the  sick  room,'  subjected  to  an  unexpected 
and  most  humiliating  defeat,  stricken  with  grief  at  the  loss  of  his 
wife,  and  denied  free  access  to  the  paper  which  he  had  himself 
founded,  Mr.  Greeley  died  on  the  29th  of  November,  a  broken-hearted 
man.  On  account  of  his  death  the  electoral  vote  belonging  to  him 
was  scattered  as  appears  in  the  fallowing  statement: 


li 


■WWP" 


.■^,- 


■'Hft.'.'''M"'  ■■  ■.?■• 


*'" 


Y. 

ana  in  Noveiu-  : 
Id,  gave  about  \, 
leral  John  F. 
itterly  opposed 
n  papt^r  in  tho 
'  tliis  raid  upon 
assurance  of  a 
m  this  time  on 
)ublii-an  major- 

lot  win  a  great 
emoerats.    Thei 

.  3,597,070 

.  2,834,079 

29,489 

5,608 

gain  of  582,000 
tepnblicans  and 

that  given  for 

As  far  as  pop- 
y  in  the  history 

any  State  was 
[ave  more  than 
5an,  59,179;  Illi- 
:he  six  Southern 

Tennessee  and 

electoral  votes. 

the  canvass  he 
1,  it  is  said,  he 
anvass,  and  left 
it  appear,  as  the 
m  out  with  the 

0  an  unexpected 
the  loss  of  his 

he  had  himself 

1  broken-hearted 
elonging  to  him 


THE  LIBERAL  UEITHLU  AN  CAMPAKIN.  273 

Ulysses  S.  (Jrant,  of  Illinois -JJJ 

Thomas  x\.  Hendricks,  of  Indiana *- 

B.  Grata  Brown,  of  Missouri 1^ 

Charles  J.  Jenkins,  of  Georgia * 

David  Davis,  of  Illinois 

The  following  was  the  vote  for  Vice  President,  as  cast  by  the 

electors : 

Henry  Wilson,  of  Massachusetts 286 

B.  Gratz  Brown,  of  Missouri ** 

George  W.  Julian,  of  Indiana ^ 

Alfred  H.  Colquit,  of  Georgia » 

John  M.  Palmer,  of  Illinois ^ 

Thomas  E.  Branilette,  of  Kentucky ^ 

William  8.  Groesbeck,  of  Ohio ■ j 

Willis  B.  Machen,  of  Kentucky J 

Nathaniel  P.  Banks,  of  Massachusetts 1 

During  Grant's  second  term  Congress  was  divided  politically 

as  follows : 

Forty-third  Congress. 

Senate— Republicans,  54;  Democrats,  19. 
House— Republicans,  203;  Democrats,  88. 
Forty-fourth  Congress. 
Senate— Republicans,  46;  Democrats,  29.  ,     .     « 

House— Republicans,  107;  Democrats,  181;  Independents,  3. 

In  Michigan  interest  was  added  to  the  canvass  by  the  fact  that 
the  Democrats  not  only  accepted  an  old  Republican  as  their  candi- 
date for  President,  but  also  took  the  Republican  War  Governor  as 
the  head  of  their  State  ticket.    The  Presidential  vote  was  as  follows: 

Grant  and  Wilsdn ^-S'lSJ 

Greeley  and  Brown Van! 

O'Connor  and  Adams f^] 

Black  and  Russell ^'^^^ 

The  Presidential  electors  were:  At  Large— Eber  B.  Ward. 
William  A.  Howard.  By  Districts  in  their  order— Herman  Kiefer, 
Frederick  Waldorf,  James  0'D«nnell,  Lawson  A.  Duncan,  Alonzo 
Sessions,  Samuel  G.  Ives,  John  L.  Woods,  Charles  L.  Ortman,  John 
F.  Brown. 

The  vote  for  Governor  was: 

John  J.  Bagley,  Republican *oI'S21 

AuHtin  Blair,  Liberal  Republican iioa 

William  M.  Fer>y,  Straight  Democrat AJ^" 

Henry  Fish,  Prohibition l'^'- 


>tm- 


fe 


1^ 


274 


HISTORY  OF  THE  RKI'UHLICAN  PARTY. 


The  total  vote  for  Governor  was  5,201  in  excess  of  that  for  Presi- 
dent, showing  that  many  Democrats  and  some  Republicans  who  were 
so  dissatisfied  with  the  Presidential  nominations  that  they  did  not 
vote  at  all  on  that  office,  did  take  interest  enough  in  the  Btate  ticket 
to  vote  for  that.  The  vote  for  Governor  two  years  earlier  was:  For 
Henry  P.  Baldwin,  Republican,  100,176;  Charles  C.  Comatock,  83,301, 
and  Henry  Fish,  Prohibition,  2,710,  a  total  vote  of  186,277. 

In  1870,  the  Democrats  had,  for  the  first  time  in  eight  years, 
elected  a  member  of  Congress,  Jabez  <i.  Hutherland,  of  Baginaw,  and 
the  Legislature  chosen  at  that  time,  had,  after  an  exciting  contest, 
chosen  Thomas  W.  Ferry  United  Btates  Senator.  The  election  of 
1872  again  gave  Michigan  a  solid  Republican  delegation  in  Congress, 
as  follows:  Josiah  W.  Begole,  Nathan  B.  Bradley,  Julius  G.  Bur- 
rows, Omar  D.  Conger,  Moses  W.  Field,  Wilder  1).  Foster,  Jay  A. 
Hubbell,  Henry  Waldron  and  George  Willard.  Upon  the  death  of 
Mr.  Foster,  in  1873,  William  B.  Williams,  of  Allegan,  was  chosen  to 
fill  the  vacancy. 


N«MM*I 


??-  ■  i  ■  S,'- 


\.S^ 


liti 


that  for  Presi 
?an8  who  were 
;  they  did  not 
le  State  ticket  , 
Her  was:  For 
lUBtock,  83,391, 
,277. 

n  eight  years, 
f  Baginaw,  and 
[citing  contest, ' 
?he  election  of 
an  in  Congress] 
Julius  C.  Bur- 
Foster,  Jay  A. 
>n  the  death  of 
was  chosen  to 


.  p    ^  TWO  YEA R8  OF  DISASTER.     . 

The  Civil  Kights  Question— Reference  to  tlie  San  Domingo  Affair- 
Repeal  of  the  Salary  Grab— Important  Financial  Measures— The 
Senate  Currency  Bill— Passage  of  tlie  Resumption  Act  as  a  Party 
Measure— Supplementary  Civil  Rights  Bill  Passed— Various 
Constitutional  Amendments  Proposed— The  Panic  of  1873  and 
the  Depression  That  Followed— Disastrous  Political  Effects— 
Tlie  Elections  Give  Democrats  a  Large  Majority  in  the  House- 
Changes  in  Many  Northern  States. 

President  Grant's  second  inaugural  address,  March  4,  1873,  laid 
particular  stress  upon  two  topics.      The  first  was  tlie  enlargement  of 
the  civil  rights  of  the  colored  people,  concerning  which  he  said:    "The 
effects  of  the  late  civil  strife  have  been  to  free  the  slave  and  make 
him  a  citizen.      He  is  not  possessed  of  the  civil  rights  which  citizen 
ship  should  carry  with  it.      This  is  wrong  and  should  be  corrected. 
To  this  correction  I  stand  committed,  so  far  as  Executive  influence  can 
prevail.      Social  equality  is  not  a  subject  to  be  legislated  upon,  nor 
shall  I  ask  that  anything  be  done  to  advance  the  social  status  of  the 
colored  man,  except  to  give  him  a  fair  chance  to  develop  what  there 
is  good  in  him.     Give  him  accoss  to  schools,  and  when  he  travels  let 
him  feel  assured  that  his  conduct  will  regulate  the  treatment  and 
fare   he  will    receive."      In   his   message  to  ('ongress  in    1873,  he 
repeated  the  recommendation  in  this  form:    "I  suggest  for  your  con 
sideralion  the  enactment  of  a  law  to  better  secure  the  civil  rights 
which  freedom  should  secure,  but  has  not  effectually  secured,  to  the 
enfranchised  slaves." 

The  second  subject  to  which  he  specially  referred  was  the  San 
Domingo  annexation,  for  which  he  still  possessed  an  earnest  desire. 
Upon  this  he  said:  "In  the  flrst  year  of  the  past  Administration, 
the  proposition  came  up  for  the  admission  of  Santo  Domingo  as  a  Ter- 
ritory of  the  Union.      It  was  not  a  question  of  my  seeking,  but  was 


.-''■'" -":ff^^^'-,^^'7  g'L^I^^^-^i^^y^^'^^f^i^^^  ull?''''  ^;^^^T''y^•^'^^^^•^'^"'^ 


r"#,','  ■'' 


"i_3 ';■-■■ 


27« 


HIHTOUY  OF  THE  HEl'lTIILICAN  I'ARTY 


H  pi'opOHitioii  from  the  peuplc  of  Huntu  DoiiiitiKM,  mid  wliich  I  tmtui-- 
ttiined.  I  believe  now,  as  I  did  then,  that  it  was  for  the  best 
intereMtH  of  thiH  coiiiitr.v,  for  the  fieople  of  Haiito  Doiaingo,  and  for 
all  concerned,  that  the  proposition  should  be  received  favorably.  It 
was,  however,  rejected  constitutionally,  and  therefore  the  subject 
was  never  brought  up  again  by  me.  In  future,  while  I  hold  my  present 
office,  the  subject  of  acquisition  of  territory  must  have  the  support 
of  the  jieople  before  I  will  recommend  any  proposition  looking  to  such 
acquisition.  1  say  here,  however,  that  I  do  not  share  in  the  appre- 
hension held  by  many  as  to  the  danger  of  governments  becoming 
weakened  and  destroyed  by  reason  of  their  extension  of  territory." 
In  his  message  on  I)e<'Mnber  1,  1873,  the  President  transmitted  for 
the  consideration  and  determination  of  Congress  an  application  of 
Santo  DomJngo  to  this  Government,  to  exercise  a  protectorate  over 
that  Republic.  This  was  the  last  of  the  8anto  Domingo  affair^  as 
Congress  took  no  further  action  on  the  subject. 

President  Grant's  second  Cabinet  was  as  follows: 

Secretary  of  State — Hamilton  Fish,  of  New  York. 

Secretary  of  the  Treasury — William  H.  Richardson,  of  Massa- 
chusetts, till  June  4,  1874,  when  he  resigned  to  go  upon  the  Court  of 
Claims,  and  was  succeeded  by  Benjamin  H.  Bristow,  of  Kentucky. 

Secretary  of  War — William  W.  Belknap,  of  Iowa. 

Secretary  of  the  Navy — George  M.  Robeson,  of  New  Jersey. 

Secretary  of  the  Interior — Columbus  Delano,  of  Ohio. 

Postmaster  General — John  A.  J.  Creswell,  of  Maryland,  till  July 
1,  1874,  when  he  resigned,  and  was  succeeded  by  Marshall  Jewell,  of 
Connecticut. 

Attorney  General — George  H.  Williams,  of  Oregon. 

Public  indignation  at  the  Act  increasing  the  salaries  of  the 
members,  offlc^ers  and  clerks  of  the  two  Houses  of  Congresti  had  cut 
so  much  of  a  figure  in  the  Congressional  nominations  of  1872  that  the 
Forty-third  Congress  hastened  to  repeal  it.  It  also  passed,  at  its 
first  session,  a  bill  providing  for  the  distribution  of  moneys  received 
on  the  Alabama  award,  and  one  repealing  moieties,  comniissions  and 
perquisites  to  Custom  House  officers,  the  giving  of  which  had  led  to 
some  abuses.  The  only  Act  of  real  importance  passed  at  this  session 
was  known  to  the  newspapers  and  almanacs  as  the  "Dawes  Com- 
promise Bank  Note  Redemption,  Inflation  and  Redistribution  Bill." 
This  subject  came  before  the  House,  January  2!>,  in  the  form  of  what 
was  known  as  the  House  Currency  Bill  and  before  the  Senate  in  the 


MM 


:vV 


'V.,  .        ':,; 

wliich  I  enter- 
f»>r  the  best 
iiiingo,  and  for 

favorably.  It 
ire  the  Bubject 
lold  my  preHenr 
ve  the  support 

ookiiig  to  such 
•e  iu  the  appre- 
H'litH  becomiii); 
u  of  territory." 
rangiuitted  for 

application  of 
'otectorate  over 
ningo  affair,  as 


dson,  of  Massu- 
>on  the  Court  of 
of  Kentucky. 

few  Jersey. 
Ohio. 

Lryl^nd,  till  July 
rshall  Jewell,  of 

on. 

salaries  of  the 
'ongresD  had  cut 

of  1872  that  the 
lo  passed,  at  its 
moneys  received 
^ominissions  and 
vhich  had  led  to 
!d  at  this  session 
he  "Dawes  Com- 
stribution  Bill." 
he  form  of  what 
he  Senate  in  the 


TWO  YE.\R8  OF  DISASTER. 


277 


form  of  the  Senate  Currency  Hill,  reported  by  the  Senate  Finance 
Committee  early  in  February.  These  bills,  which  all  aimed  to  accom- 
plish the  same  purpose,  an  increase  of  the  currem-y,  were  before  the 
two  Houses  until  June  20  and  passed  through  two  Conference  Com- 
mittees before  an  adjustment  of  diverse  views  was  reached.  As 
finally  passed  and  signed,  June  22,  it  resolved  itself  into  three  prin- 
ciple enactments,  providing:  (1)  That  National  Itanks  should  no  longer 
be  recjuired  to  keep  on  hand  any  amount  of  money  whatever,  by 
reason  of  the' amount  of  their  circuliition,  but  in  lieu  of  that  they 
should  be  required  to  deposit  with  the  Treasurer  of  the  I'nited  States, 
in  lawful  money,  a  sum  equal  to  five  per  cent,  of  their  circulation,  this 
to  be  counted  as  part  of  the  lawful  reserve.  (2)  Authorizing  an 
increase  in  the  amount  of  legal  tender  notes  from  t:{56,()0U,0UU  to 
f382,(H)(»,(IOO.  (H)  Authorizing  the  Controller  of  the  Currency  to  issue 
circulating  notes  to  the  amount  of  f55,()0U,U00,  to  National  Banks,  as 
they  might  be  organized  in  those  States  and  Territories  having  less 
than  their  proportion  of  circulation  under  an  apportionment  made 
on  the  basis  of  population  and  wealth,  as  shown  by  the  returns  of  the 
Census  of  1870.  This  Act  had  some  etrect  in  relieving  a  stringent 
money  market  and  mitigated,  though  it  did  not  entirely  relieve,  the 
long-continued  depressing  effects  of  the  panic  of  iHTA. 

At  the  second  session  of  this  Congress,  January  14,  1875,  tlu.' 
Bill  providing  for  the  resumption  of  specie  payments  on  the  Ist  of 
January,  1879,  became  a  law.  It  provided  for  the  redemption  of 
the  fractional  paper  currency  outstanding,  in  silver  dimes,  quarters 
and  half  dollars  of  standard  value,  and  repealed  the  charge  of  one-fifth 
of  one  per  cent,  for  converting  standard  gold  bullion  into  coin.  But 
its  most  important  provisions  were  in  Section  3,  which  was  in  full  us 
follows:  "Section  5177  of  the  Revised  Statutes  of  the  United  States, 
limiting  the  aggregate  amount  of  circulating  notes  of  National  Bank- 
ing Associations,  is  hereby  repealed;  and  each  existing  Banking  Asso- 
ciation may  increase  its  circulating  notes  in  accordance  with  existing 
law,  without  respect  to  said  aggregate  limit ;  and  new  Banking  Asso- 
ciations may  be  organized  in  aceordance  with  existing  law,  without 
respect  to  said  aggregate  limit;  and  the  provisions  of  law  for  the 
withdrawal  and  redistribution  of  National  Bunk  currency  among  the 
states  and  territories,  are  hereby  repealed.  And  whenever  circu- 
lating notes  shall  be  issued  to  any  Banking  Association  so  increasing 
its  capital  or  circulating  notes,  or  newly  organized  as  aforesaid,  it 
shall  be  the  duty  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  to  redeem  the  legal 


^; 


■•^B;- 


mmmfsWiSimmme^^i^i'^'''^'^^>''<^if^'^smmmmvim 


'^'^-'"j^^JtnW^' 


I" 


if 
I 


! 


278 


HISTORY  OP  THE  REIM'HLirAN  PARTY. 


tendor  ITnift'd  Htatcs  notes  in  exooHg  only  of  three  hundred  niillWuiH 
of  dollars,  to  the  amount  of  eight.v  per  cent,  of  the  sum  of  National 
Bank  notes  so  issued  to  any  such  Banking  Association,  and  to  con- 
tinue such  redemption,  as  such  circulating  notes  are  issued,  until 
there  shall  be  outstanding  the  sum  of  three  hundred  millions  of  dollars 
of  such  legal  tender  United  States  notes  and  no  more.  And  on  and 
after  the  flrst  day  of  January,  1879,  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury 
shall  redeem,  in  coin,  the  United  States  legal  tender  notes  then  out- 
standing, on  their  presentation  at  the  office  of  the  Assistant  Treasurer 
of  the  United  States,  in  the  City  of  New  York,  in  sums  of  not  lesM 
than  ♦60."  For  this  purpose  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  wan 
authorized  to  use  any  surplus  there  might  be  in  the  Treasury  or  to 
sell  bonds  of  any  authorized  issue  at  not  less  than  par  in  coin. 

As  it  Anally  passed  the  Bill  was,  by  a  general  Reixiblican  caucus, 
made  a  party  measure,  and  the  Democrats  generally  voted  against  it. 
The  requirement  that  the  Legal  Tenders  should  be  reduced  to  |30U,- 
0(10,000  was  subsequently  annulled.  Grave  apprehensions  were 
entertained  that  resumption,  when  it  Anally  came  under  this  Act, 
would  be  attended  by  serious  flnancial  disturbances.  But  the  prep- 
arations for  it  were  made  so  gradually,  that  when  the  day  for 
resumption  was  reached  it  did  not  cause  a  ripple  in  the  money  market 
or  on  the  stock  exchange. 

Another  measure  of  importance,  passed  at  this  session,  was  one 
increasing  the  taxes  on  liquors  and  tobacco,  and  the  duties  on  sugars 
and  various  imported  commodities.  This  was  the  Arst  increase  in 
taxes  that  had  been  made  since  the  war. 

The  supplementary  Civil  Rights  Bill  was  before  this  Congress  in 
some  form  during  nearly  the  whole  of  both  sessions.  It  did  not 
Anally  pass  until  nearly  the  close  of  the  second  session,  being  signed 
Marcli  1,  1876,  On  its  Anal  passage  in  the  House  it  had  162  yeas, 
all  Republicans,  and  100  nays,  of  whom  87  were  I)emocr»t«i  and  l>t 
were  Republicans.  It  provided  that  "all  persons  within  the  juris- 
diction of  the  United  States  shall  be  entitled  to  the  full  and  equal 
enjoyment  of  the  accommodations,  advantages,  facilities  and  privi- 
leges of  inns,  public  conveyances  on  land  and  water,  theaters  and 
other  places  of  public  amusement,  subject  only  to  the  conditions  and 
limitations  established  by  law,  and  applicable  to  citizens  of  every 
race  and  color,  regardless  of  any  previous  condition  of  servitude.'* 
It  provided  that  any  person  violating  this  section  should  pay  $600  to 
the  person  aggrieved,  and  be  subject  also  to  a  Ane  of  from  |600  to 


'  SF" 


n 


'Y. 

indrcd  millions 
inn  of  Natlonnl 
nn,  and  to  con- 
•e  iHHHtHl,  until 
llionB  uf  dollaiH 
And  on  and 
•f  the  Treasurv 
notes  then  out- 
Btant  Treasurer 
mm  of  not  lettH 
Treasury  wan 
Treasury  or  to 
ir  in  coin. 
)ublican  caucus, 
kroted  against  it. 
educed  to  «300,- 
ehensions   were 
under  this  Act, 
But  the  prep- 
len  the  day  for 
le  money  marljet 

session,  was  one 
duties  on  sugars 
first  increase  in 

this  Congress  in 
tns.      It  did  not 
on,  being  signed 
it  had  162  yeas, 
emocratM  and  13 
within  the  juris- 
e  full  and  equal 
ilities  and  privi- 
er,  theaters  and 
le  conditions  and 
citizens  of  every 
[)n  of  servitude." 
lould  pay  f500  to 
of  from  1500  to 


TWO  YKARS  OF  DlBAHTEU. 


271) 


tl  (MM),  or  \o  iiupriw.nn.ent  from  thirty  days  to  one  year.       It  alno 
contained  the    followiug    enactment:       "No  .Iti^en     »"7''';'"«  "  ' 
other  qualiti<alionH.  which  are  prescribed  by  law.  nhall  be  disquai- 
fled  for  service  as  grand  or  petit  juror  in  any  mited  Htates  or  Ktate 
rourt  on  accunt  of  ra<e.  iolor  or  previous  condition  of  servitude 
Any  oflber  discriminating  against  any  citizen  in  violation  of  this 
provision  Is  liable  to  a  flne  of  f5,000.      The  Act  also  provides  that 
cases  under  it  shall  be  tried  in  the  Tnited  Htates  (V.urts,  and  that  any 
smh  .'U^e  UMiv  be  apiH^aled  to  the  Hupreme  Court  without  reference 
to  the  annuint  involved.      Heveral  cases  arose  under  the  law  within 
the  next  few  months,  so  that  it  soon  received  .ludicial  interpretation. 
It  remains  on  the  Statute  books  today,  substantially  as  Hrst  enacted. 
This  was  the  last  of  the  A.ts  passed  to  cover  the  new  relations  of  the 
emancipated  negroes  to  the  <ommunity.      it  was  well  that  it  ])assed 
when  it  did,  lor  the  Uepublicans  were  not  again  in  control  of  both 
Houses  of  Congress  till  18H0. 

The  Forty-third  Congress  had  before  it  a  large  number  of  joint 
resolutions  for  Constitutional  Amendments,  though  it  adopted  none. 
In  his  message  of  I)e<ember  3,  the  President  reconmiended  an  Amend 
ment  providing  that  the  Executive  might  veto  part  of  any  measure 
that  came  before  him  witliout  vetoing  the  whole,  and  another  that 
when  Congress  was  convened  in  extra  session,  its  legislation  should 
be  confined  to  such  subjects  as  the  Executive  might  bring  before  it. 
Other  Aiaendments  offered  provided  for  electing  United  Htates  Hena 
tors  by  direct  vote  of  the  people;  for  referring  disputes  with  regard 
to  Presidential  electors,  to  the  Hupreme  Court  for  settlement;  for 
changing  Presidential  election  day  to  the  first  Monday  in  April,  and 
holding  a  second  eIe<!tion  on  the  second  Tuesday  in  October,  In  case 
no  candidate  had  a  majority  in  the  Electoral  College  first  chosen; 
fr»r  electing  the  President  and  Vice-President  by  direct  vote  of  the 
people;  prohibiting  Congress  from  imposing  duties  on  imports,  except 
for  the  purpose  of  paying  the  principal  and  interest  on  the  public 
debt;  and  numerous  others. 

It  was  an  event  outside  of -Congress  that  especially  marked  this 
period  and  that  had  the  most  influence  upon  the  course  of  the  next 
political  campaigns.  This  was  the  panic  of  1 873.  The  fluctuating 
character  of  the  currency  and  the  existence  of  a  premium  on  gold, 
were  a  constant  menace  to  the  business  of  the  country.  That  they 
were  not  the  occasion  of  more  financial  disasters  was  due  partly  to 
skillful  financiering  on  the  part  of  the  (Jovernment,  but  much  more 


■f> 


mm- 


'I 


•I 


2S(> 


HIHTOUY  OF  TIIK  UKIMHI.irAN  I'AUTY 


to  the  cTKjnnoim  prodmtivo  and  nM'«i>frHtlv«»  powi'i-  of  Hit'  coniitry. 
Tho  daiiK*'!'  <<)nii"K  'roiii  tlu*  pri'iiiiiim  on  j^old  wuh  ilhiMtpatt'd  bv  (lio 
event*  of  »la«  k  Friday,  SeptiMnber  1,  !««!».       H.v  nieans  of  Hklllfiil 
arKunientH,  |)eini«tfntl.v  addnnned  to  the  Trewldent,  he  had  been  per 
Huaded  that  a  BHnht  liHe  in  ^old  while  the  eropB  were  niovluK  would 
he  of  beneHt  to  tJie  rountr.v,  and  therefore  orders  were  ^Iven  early  ifl 
Heptembtr  to  wll  only  n»>hl  faffleient  to  buy  bonds  for  the  MiokinK 
fund.       While  this  order  wan  in  forte  Jay  <Jould  and  a  number  of 
other  operators  eonsplred  to  raise  the  prive  of  gold,  which  was  then 
selliuK  at  about  140.      They  coninienHKl  on  HIaek  Friday  by  bidding 
lit  145  and  gradually  raised  bids  to  IBO,  and  then  by  advances  of  one 
|»ep  cent,  at  a  time,  brought  it  up  to  1«0,  when  they  c<unmenced    to 
unload  through  agents  unknown  to  other  operators,  at  the  same  time 
offering  bets  that  it  would  go  to  20<».      It  reached  UVM/m,  when  word 
was  received  that  the  Treasury  Department  had  ordered  the  sale  of 
f4,()0(>,()00  in  order  to  stop  the  rise.      At  the  same  time  it  became 
known  that  Gould  was  selling,  a  panic  followed,  and  gold  dnipped 
more  rapidly  than  It  had  risen,  and  linally  went  as  low  as  130.      The 
conspirators  had  made  fortunes,  but  a  score  of  brokers  who  were  not 
in  the   ring  were  ruined.      The  effects  of   this   move  were  <onflnetl 
mainly  to  the  gold  siwculators  on  the  New  York  Exchange.      They 
did  not  rea<'h,  to  any  serious  extent,  the  business  of  the  country.    The 
incident  did,  however,  impn'ss  upon    i»eople  tlie    fact    that,  under 
certain  condlti<mB,  the  Government  could  exercise  a  strong  Influence 
upon  affairs  at  the   llnancial  center  of   the  country,  and  it  inclined 
Ihem  to  hold  the  Government  and  the  party  in  power,  responsible  for 
everything. 

The  collapse  of  1873  was  undoubtedly  hastened  by  the  contrae 
tlon  of  the  nirrency,  occasioned  by  the  retirement  of  the  greenbacks, 
and  the  refunding  of  the  public  debt.  But  there  were  other  causes 
that  would  have  brought  it  on  very  soon,  even  if  this  contraction  had 
not  been  made.  It  was  a  period  of  wild  speculation,  at  a  time  when, 
in  view  of  the  necessity  of  taking  steps  that  looked  toward  resump- 
tion, it  ought  to  have  been  a  time  of  prudent  and  cautious  investment. 
It  has  been  the  experience  of  this,  and  of  every  other  country,  that  a 
period  of  speculation,  of  buying  beyond  any  possible  needs  of  the 
present  and  of  any  probable  needs  of  the  future,  is  always  followed, 
ultimately,  by  panic  and  business  depression.  The  young  men  of 
the  present  generation  had  an  experience  of  this  in  18!)3,  when  there 
was  no  accusation  of  Government  interference  with  the  finances,  when 


■MM 


■MM 


TWO  YEARH  OF  DIHAHTKH. 


28 1 


Mm*  coiiiitry, 
rat«'<l  b.v  iIh' 

llH    of    Hkillflll 

md  Imh'ii  |t(M- 

loviiiK  Wdiiltl 

[I von  early  ii, 

tlic  HiukinK 

a  iiiiinher  of 

eh  wuM  then 

y  by  bidding 

anceB  of  one 

Mnnienced    to 

he  game  time 

a,  when  word 

'd  the  Hale  of 

lie  it  hecanie 

f{old  di'o|i|M'd 

aH  130.      The 

who  were  not 

were  eontiniMl 

lange.      Th<»y 

country.    The 

:    that,  under 

rong  influenee 

nd  it  inelintHl 

('Sponsible  for 

r  the  contrae 
le  greenbackn, 
'  other  oauHeH 
ntraction  had 
a  time  when, 
ward  reBump- 
18  inveHtment. 
juntry,  that  a 
needs  of  the 
'ays  followed, 
Mung  men  of 
M,  when  there 
knances,  when 


the  currency  was  |M>rfectly  Hound,  and  was  abundant  for  the  needn 
of  all  legitimate  busineHH.  Mat  whatever  the  caiiMe,  the  panic  of 
IN7<'t  was  followed  by  Hve  yearM  of  buMinesH  depreMMion,  with  trade 
dull,  with  factoricH  cloHed,  with  laborers  out  of  employment  and  dis- 
contented. The  f(»llowing  year,  1874,  when  the  ('ongressional 
elections  were  lnOd,  was  one  of  the  gloomiest  of  the  Ave,  and  there 
were  thousands  of  men  who  found  satisfaction  in  voting  against  the 
party  in  |N)wer,  even  though  that  party  was  only  in  the  smallest 
de^r(>e  responsible  for  the  conditions  which  brought  about  the  busi- 
ness disasit  r. 

The  sa'iary  grab,  in  which  IhMiiocrats,  as  well  as  Republicans, 
«rere  inlerested,  ^4 as  also  uiied  against  (he  latter,  and  justly  so, 
because  their  majority  was  so  large  in  both  flouHes,  that  they  could 
very  proiH'rIy  be  held  responsible  for  all  legiHlation.  The  exposures 
of  the  Credit  Mobilier  speculation,  in  which  several  Republi<-an 
.Members  of  ('ongress  were  implicated,  and  for  which  three  of  them 
were  censured,  and  the  exposure  of  the  o]>erationB  of  the  Whisky 
Ring,  which  had  oiierated  in  Kt.  I^uis,  Chicago  and  Milwaukee,  and 
had  defrauded  the  Government  out  of  at  least  two  million  an«l  a 
quarter  of  internal  revenue  taxes,  were  also  used  with  effect  in  the 
campaign.  ■ 

There  were  portents  of  the  coming  Btoruj.  in  the  fall  of  1873, 
when  Ohio  elected  a  Democratic  (lovernor  for  the  first  time  since  the 
Republi*  an  party  was  organiK<>d,  while  several  other  states  gavi; 
greatly  reduced  Republican  majorities.  Kut  the  whirlwind  did  not 
come  till  1874.  When  the  "liOg  Cabin"  campaign  of  184«»  oiM>ned 
Martin  Van  Buren  said  that  it  would  be  "either  a  farce  or  a  tornado.'' 
It  proved  to  be  a  tornado,  and  he  was  swept  away  with  the  rest  of 
the  rubbish.  Ho  in  this  <-a8e,  the  campaign  of  1872  ended  in  a  farce. 
That  of  1874  was  a  tornado.  The  general  eiTect  of  the  gale  oin  be 
seen  at  a  glance.  In  the  Forty-third  Congress  the  Democrats  had 
1!)  Henators  and  88  Members  of  the  House,  while  in  the  Forty-fourth 
they  had  2S»  Senators  and  181  Members  of  the  House.  The  Bepubli 
cans  elected  2t)3  Representatives,  in  1872,  and  only  107  in  1874.  In 
some  of  the  details  the  results  were  astounding.  Thus  Massachu- 
setts, which  gave  over  83,000  Republican  majority  for  Governor  in 
1872,  gave  only  about  7,000  in  1874.  Connecticut  elected  Jewell, 
Republican  Governor  in  1872,  by  about  2,000  majority,  and  lugersoll, 
Democrat,  two  years  later,  by  nearly  7,000.  In  1872  New  York  gave 
Dix,  Republican,  for  Governor,  5.%451  majority,  and  in  1874  it  ^avo 


I 


••A' 


.    ,uiii|iiiij;|i|fpp||p!Wppw[ 


282 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REPrHLICAN  PARTY. 


Tildf'ti,  Democrat,  for  the  same  office,  50,317  majority.  Penngyl- 
vanhi  which  gave  Grant  a  majority  of  137,548,  now  elected  a 
Democratic  Lieutenant-<Jovernor  by  4,67!)  majority.  Ohio,  which 
gave  (Jrant  37,531  majority  iu  1872,  now  elected  a  Democratic  Secre- 
tary of  State  by  17,207,  and  so  it  went  through  nearly  all  the  old 
Republican  States  except  in  the  Northwest  and  part  of  New  England, 
which  the  Republicans  held,  though  by  much  diminished  majorities. 
The  straight  Republicans  had  a  majority  in  the  (Congressional  dele- 
gations of  only  twelve  States:  Florida,  Iowa,  Kansas,  Maine,  Michi- 
gan, Minnesota,  Nebraska,  Nevada,  Rhode  Island,  South  Carolina, 
Vermont  and  Wisconsin.  And  this  was  the  House  that  would 
elect  the  President  in  case  there  was  no  choice  by  the  people  in  1876, 
and  would  help  canvass  the  Electoral  vote  in  any  event. 

In  Michigan  it  came  dangerously  near  to  being  a  landslide,  but 
the  ITpper  Peninsula,  which  was  formerly  strongly  Democratic,  but 
which  was  now  staunchly  Republican,  saved  the  State  to  the  latter 
party.  About  2  a.  m.  the  morning  after  election.  Governor  Bagley, 
who  was  a  candidate  for  re-election,  and  who  had  been  striking  aver- 
ages on  the  returns  received  at  the  office  of  the  Detroit  Post,  shoved 
his  papers  aside,  put  up  his  pencil,  and  remarked:  ''Well,  boys,  I'm 
beaten."  Itut  just  as  he  was  about  to  leave  the  office  returns  from 
two  of  the  Upper  Peninsula  Counties  came  in,  and  encouraged  by 
these,  he  stayed  long  enough  to  figure  out  his  election.  His  plur- 
ality in  1872  was  56,744.  In  1874  it  was  5,969,  the  vote  being  in  full 
as  follows: 

John  J.  Bagley,  Republican 111,519 

Henry  Chamberlain,  Democrat 105,550 

Charles  K.  Cariienter,  Prohibition 3,937 

The  Democrats  also  made  a  raid  on  the  Michigan  Congressional 
delegation,  electing  Alpheus  8.  Williams  over  Moses  W.  Field,  in  the 
Detroit  District;  George  H.  Durand,  of  Flint,  over  Josiah  W.  Begole, 
in  the  Sixth  District,  and  Allen  Potter  over  Julius  C.  Borrows,  in  the 
Kalamazoo  District.  The  Republicans  elected  were:  Nathan  p. 
Bradley,  Omar  D.  Conger,  Jay  A.  Hubbell,  Henry  Waldron,  George 
Willard  and  William  B.  Williams.  The  Republican  majority  in  the 
Legislature  was  so  small  that  a  few  malcontents,  combining  with  the 
Democrats,  were  able  to  defeat  Zachariah  Chandler  for  the  United 
States  Senate,  and  >»lect  Isaac  P.  Christiancy  in  his  place. 

The  upheaval  i>rought  into  Congress  many  new  Democratic 
faces,  some  of  them  destined  to  become  conspicuous  in  the  party. 


•|gt^-'^f*^''-''r*'?^'^"*'r  '^'"^-''  ■ 


mm 


m 


*■ . 


-■■li,.    -vr. 


Y. 

ty.       Pennsyl- 

now'  elected  a 

Ohio,  which 

mocratic  Secre- 

rly  all  the  old 

New  England, 

led  majorities. 

reHsional  dele- 

,  Maine,  Michi- 

louth  Carolina, 

Be  that   would 

people  in  1876t 

lit. 

I  landglide,  but 
)eniocratic,  but 
te  to  the  latter 
avernor  Bagley, 
n  striking  arer- 
jit  Post,  shoved 
'Well,  boys,  I'm 
ce  returns  from 
encouraged  by 
ion.  His  plur- 
ote  being  in  full 

...  111,519 
...  105,550 
. . .       3,937 

n  Congressional 
W.  Field,  in  the 
siah  W.  Begole, 
Burrows,  in  the 
re:  Nathan  It. 
i^aldron,  George 
majority  in  the 
tbining  with  the 
for  the  United 
lace. 

lew   Democratic 
IS  in  the  party. 


TWO  YEARS  OP  DISASTER. 


283 


Prom  Connecticut  appeared  in  the  Senate  Ex-Oovernor  James  E. 
English,  who  was  appointed  to  fill  a  vacancy,  and  William  W.  Eaton, 
who  was  chosen  by  the  newly  elected  Legislature.  Mr.  Raton  was. 
during  the  war,  one  of  the  most  rampant  of  Copperheads.  But  age 
and  Senatorial  responsibilities  sobered  him,  and  in  the  Senate  he  was 
very  conservative  and  independent,  sometimes  on  financial  and  tariff 
measures  even  voting  with  the  Republicans.  Indiana  replaced 
Daniel  D.  Pratt  with  Joseph  E.  McDonald,  who  was  also  much  more 
moderate  now  than  during  the  war,  and  who  disputed  with  Thomas 
A.  Hendricks,  the  Democratic  leadership  of  the  State.  The  most 
conspicuous  of  the  new  comers  was  Allen  G.  Thurman,  of  Ohio,  who, 
a  number  of  times,  appeared  in  conventions  as  a  candidate  for  the 
Presidential  nomination,  and  who  was  nominated  in  1888  for  Vice- 
President.  Other  new  Democratic  Senators,  who  afterwards 
achieved  distinction,  were  William  Pinkney  Whyte,  of  Maryland; 
Prancis  M.  Cockrell,  of  Missouri;  Theodore  F.  Randolph,  of  New 
Jersey;  Francis  Kernan,  of  New  York,  and  William  Wallace,  of 
Pennsylvania. 

In  the  House  the  most  distinguished  members  on  the  Democratic 
side,  a  few  of  whom  had  served  in  the  Forty-third  Congress,  but  most 
of  whom  were' new,  were:  William  H.  Barnum,  of  Connecticut;  Ben- 
jamin H.  Hull  and  Alexander  H.  Stephens,  of  Georgia,  the  latter  of 
whom  had  been  in  Congress  before  the  war,  during  which  he  was 
^'ice-P^esident  of  the  ('Confederacy,  and  whose  appearance  now,  with 
a  solid  Democratic  delegation,  showed  that  the  colored  vote  in  that 
State  was  well  suppressed;  Carter  H.  Harrison,  William  M.  Springer 
and  Adiai  E.  Stevenson,  of  Illinois,  the  latter  Vice-President  during 
Cleveland's  second  term;  Michael  C.  Kerr,  of  Indiana,  who  had  been 
in  Congress  before,  but  who  was  missing  from  the  Forty-third;  J. 
Proctor  Knott  and  Joseph  C.  S.  Blackburn,  of  Kentucky,  the  latter 
one  of  the  most  unreconstructed  rebels  left  in  the  State;  Randall  L. 
Gibson  and  E.  John  Ellis,  of  Louisiana;  Otho  R.  Singleton,  of  Missis- 
sippi; Abram  S.  Hewitt  and  Scott  Tjord,  of  New  York;  Frank  H.  Hurd 
and  Henry  B.  I'ayne,  of  Ohio;- William  Mutchler,  of  Pennsylvania; 
John  H.  Reagan,  of  Texas;  J.  Randolph  Tucker,  of  Virginia,  and 
Charles  J.  Paulkener,  of  West  Virginia.  On  assembling  in  Decem- 
ber, 1875,  the  House  elected  Michael  C  Kerr  S|)eaker  by  173  votes., 
to  106  for  James  G.  Blaine. 

With  an  overwhelming  Democratic  majority  in  the  House,  with 
a  good  working  Republican  majority  in  the  Senate,  and  a  Republican 


"tawaiMBiii 


■rk?-' 


-f-t' 


284 


HISTORY  OP  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 


Presid^iit,  it  was  not  to  be  expected  that  much  legislation  would  be 
accomplished  by  the  Forty-fourth  Congress,  and  especially  legislation 
of  a  political  character.  Far  the  most  important  Act  was  that  regu- 
lating the  count  of  Electoral  votes  for  President  and  Vice-President 
for  the  term  commencing  March  4, 1877,  an  abstract  of  which  appears 
in  the  chapter  of  this  book  relating  to  the  Electoral  Count. 

Two  financial  measures  were  passed  at  the  first  session.  One  was 
a  joint  resolution,  with  these  provisions,  (1)  authorizing  the  Secre- 
tary of  the  Treasury  to  issue  silver  coin  at  any  time  in  the  Treasury, 
to  an  amount  not  exceeding  110,000,000,  in  exchange  for  an  equal 
amount  of  legal  tender  notes,  such  not^s  to  be  kept  as  a  separate 
fund,  only  to  be  reissued  upon  the  retirement  and  destruction  of  a 
like  sum  of  fractional  currency;  (2)  limiting  the  coinage  of  the  trade 
dollar,  and  removing  its  legal  tender  quality;  (3)  logalizing  the  manu- 
facture and  issue  of  silver  coin,  to  an  amount,  including  the  amount 
of  subsidiary  silver  coin  and  fractional  currency  outstanding,  not 
exceeding  at  any  time,  fifty  million  dollars.  Another  financial  Act, 
approved  April  17,  1876,  directs  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  to 
"give  silver  coins  of  the  Uuited  States,  of  ten,  twenty-flve  and  fifty 
cents,  standard  value,  in  redemption  of  an  equal  amount  of  fractional 
currency,  whether  the  same  be  now  in  the  Treasury  awaiting  redemp- 
tion, or  whenever  it  may  be  presented  for  redemption;  and  the  Sec- 
retary may  provide  for  such  redemption  and  issue  by  substitution  at 
the  regular  sub-treasuries  and  public  depositories,  until  the  whole 
amount  of  fractional  currency  outstanding  shall  be  redeemed.  And 
the  fractional  currency  redeemed  under  this  act  shall  be  held  to  be  a 
part  of  the  sinking  fund  provided  for  by  existing  law,  the  interest  to 
be  coieputed  thereon  as  in  the  case  of  bonds  redeemed  under  the  Act 
relating  to  the  sinking  fund." 

Other  Acts  of  general  interest  passed  by  this  Congress  were  those 
reducing  the  rat^s  of  postage  on  newspapers  and  periodicals;  extend- 
ing the  franking  privilege  to  the  Executive  Departments;  providing 
that  with  certain  exceptions  named,  no  person  shall  be  tried  for  an 
offense,  not  capital,  unless  an  indictment  is  framed  or  information' 
instituted  within  three  years  of  the  time  the  offense  is  committed; 
reducing  the  number  of  internal  revenue  districts;  increasing  pensions 
to  soldiers  who  lost  both  an  arm  •'nd  a  leg;  encouraging  and  promot- 
ing telegraphic  connection  between  America  and  Europe,  and 
extending  the  time  for  presenting  Southern  claims. 

Two  Constitutional  Amendments  were  discussed  and  voted  upon. 
The  first,  reported  by  the  House  Committee  on  the  Judiciary,  pro- 


NOW 


Wi?fK",' 


•m 


m:. 


1  1 


tion  would  be 
lly  legislation 
vas  that  regu- 
k^'ice-President 
^hich  appears 
unt. 

lion.  One  was 
ng  the  Becre- 
the  Treasury, 
for  an  equal 
as  a  separate 
Btruetion  of  a 
e  of  the  trade 
ling  the  manu- 
ig  the  amount 
tstanding,  not 
financial  Act, 
B  Treasury  to 
r-flve  and  fifty 
t  of  fractional 
aiting  redemp- 
;  and  the  Sec- 
lubstitution  at 
ntil  the  whole 
leented.  And 
)e  held  to  be  a 
the  interest  to 
under  the  Act 


TWO  YEARS  OF  DISASTER. 


285 


vided  that,  "No  person  who  has  held,  or  may  hereafter  liold,  the 
oiBce  of  President,  shall  ever  again  be  eligible  to  said  office."    A  sub 
stitute  extending  the  term  to  six  years  and  making  the  President 
ineligible  was    voted   down,   yeas  108,    nays  144,  and    the  original 
Amendment  was  then  rejected,  yeas  145,  nays  108,  not  two-thirds  in 

the  affirmative.  ,  ^.  .        ^        u*^ 

The  following  was  reported  by  the  House  Judiciary  Committee 

to  stand  as  Article  XVI:      "No  State  shall  make  any  law  respecting 

an  establishment  of  religion,  or  prohibiting  the  free  exercise  thereof; 

and  no  money  raised  by  taxation  in  any  State  for  the  support  of  pub  he 

schools,  or  derived  from  any  public  fund  therefor,  nor  any  public 

lands  devoted  thereto,  shall  ever  be  under  the  control  of  any  religious 

Hect  or  denomination;  nor  shall  any  mon,-y  so  raised,  or  lands  so 

devoted,  be  divided  between  religious  sects  or  denominations.      This 

Article   shall   not  vest,   enlarge  or   diminish,   '^K^J^f  »;«^^P?\^„V" 

Congress."      This   passed  the   House   by  a  vote  of  180  to  J,  b«t  a 

Senate  substitute  for  it  was  rejected  in  the  latter  body  by  27  y^as  to 

15  nays. 


vat 
i 


■ess  were  those 
dicals;  extend- 
nts;  providing 
)e  tried  for  an 
[>r  information" 
is  committed; 
'asing  pensions 
ig  and  prompt- 
Eiirofie.   and 

nd  voted  npon. 
Judiciary,  pro- 


jii^ 


MM 


)BMBaCTW3Kg?yy?'!WW^ISSgsmajt 


^ 


XXIII. 


THE  SIXfH  REPUBLICAN  CAMPAIGN. 

The  Three  Natural  Republican  lieaders— Blaine's  Popularity  With 
the  Republicans— Democratic  Attacks  Upon  Him— His  Bold 
Defense  in  the  House— Reading  of  the  Mulligan  Letters— His 
Attack  of  Sunstroke— Ingersoll's  Brilliant  Speech  at  the  Cincin- 
nnti  Convention— A  Close  Contest  for  the  Nomination— It  Goes 
to  Rutherford  B.  Ha.ves  on  the  Seventh  Ballot— William  A. 
Wheeler  Nominated  for  Vice-President— A  Long  Platform 
Declaration — New  Departure  for  the  Democrats- Tilden  and 
Hendricks  Nominated— Tilden  Conducts  His  Own  Canvass— A 
Closely  Contested  Campaign— Hayes  Has  One  Majority  on  the 
Electoral  Vote. 

The  Sixth  National  Republican  Convention,  which  met  in  Cin- 
cinnati, June  14,  1876,  had  before  it  for  consideration  three  of  the 
men  who  were  among  the  ablest  in  the  party,  and  who  had  been  in 
the  public  service  almost  from  the  time  of  their  reaching  manhood, 
and  six  others  who  appeared  either  as  favorite  sons,  or  else  who  were 
believed  to  possess  some  special  element  of  strength.  The  three 
natural  leaders  were  James  G.  Blaine,  of  Maine;  Roscoe  Conkling.  of 
New  York,  and  Oliver  P.  Morton,  of  Indiana. 

Blaine  was  the  popular  favorite,  and  his  initial  strength  in  the 
Convention  was  so  great  as  to. tempt  to  a  combination  of  all  the  other 
candidates  against  him.  He  had  been  brought  into  espiecial  promi- 
nence by  debates  on  the  General  Amnesty  Bill  in  the  Porty-fourthi 
Congress,  where  he  had  stood  the  brnqt  of  the  attack  of  half  the  ex- 
Confederates  in  the  House.  He  had  won  admiration  by  the  boldness 
and  vigor  of  his  counter  attacks,  and  especially  by  the  skill  with 
which  he  had  worsted  Congressman  Hill,  of  Georgia,  in  debate.  He 
was  regarded  by  the  Democrats  as  their  strongest  foe,  and  they 
regarded  him  with  a  bitter  hatred.  In  order  to  compass  his  undoing, 
a  few  days  before  the  Cincinnati  Convention  was  to  meet,  they  started 


t 


St 


mmmmm 


•smmmmmmmm 


!y?»?riy.'»»r»->^'"^'-;y;<--<1jg*TVV',!)iA.,,  j^iia 


r 


THE  SIXTH  KEPUBLK^VN  OAMPAKIN. 


287 


jularity  With 
m — HIb  Bold 
liCtters — His 
at  the  Oincin- 
ition — It  Goes 
—William  A. 
ong  Platform 
\ — Tilden  and 
n  CanvaHB — A 
ajority  on  tho 

h  met  in  Oin- 
u  three  of  the 
10  had  been  in 
hing  manhood, 
else  who  were 
i.  The  three 
>e  Conkling,  of 

trength  in  the 
)f  all  the  other 
ispiecial  promi- 
e  Forty-fourlhii 
of  half  the  ex- 
ly  the  boldneBB 
the  skill  with 
a  debate.  He 
foe,  and  they 
SB  his  undoing, 
»t,  they  started 


an  investigation,  whirh,  it  was  hinted,  would  implicate  Mr.  Blaine  in 
a  questionable  transaction  in  railroad. bonds.  The  accusation  was 
at  first  implied,  rather  than  made,  that  he  had  been  bribed  by  a  gift 
of  Fort  Smith  &  Little  Rock  Railroad  bonds  to  use  his  influence, 
when  Speaker  of  the  House,  in  favor  of  that  road.  The  evidence 
relied  upon  against  him  was  contained  in  correspondence  which  had 
fallen  into  the  hands  of  a  man  named  Mulligan,  and  had  become 
known  as  the  ''Mulligan  letters."  Mr.  Blaine  obtained  possession  of 
these  letters.  He  refused  to  show  them  to  the  Investigating  Com- 
mittee, on  the  ground  that  they  had  no  right  to  inquire  in<o  his 
private  corresjiondence.  The  next  morning  he  supported  his  refusal 
1o  produce  the  letters  by  submitting  to  the  investigators  the  written 
opinion  of  Jeremiah  S.  Black,  one  of  the  most  noted  Democratic 
lawyers  in  the  country,  and  Ex-Senator  Matt  H.  (^arpenter,  also  a 
noted  lawyer,  that  the  letters  had  "no  relevancy  whatever  to  the 
matter  under  inquiry,"  and  that  "it  would  be  most  unjust  and  tyran- 
nical, as  well  as  illegal,  to  demand  their  production."  This  put  the 
Judiciary  Committee  in  a  quandary.  The  other  witnesses  were  dis- 
missed and  the  matter  laid  over.  Some  members  of  the  committee 
proposed  bringing  the  matter  before  the  House,  but  that  was 
objected  to,  because  it  would  give  Blaine  too  great  an  opportunity 
to  make  a  public  defense.  As  one  member  put  it,  they  didn't  want 
"to  have  Blaine  cavorting  around  on  the  floor  of  the  House."  A 
majority  of  the  members  of  the  Committee  had  been  in  the  Southern 
Army,  and  a  newspaper  of  the  period  representeti  the  "Confederate 
Brigadiers"  of  the  committee  triving  utterances  to  their  views  of 
Blaine  as  follows -- 

He  is  always  in  the  way — 

Blaine,  of  Maine! 
And  in  session  every  day 

Raises  Cain; 
When  his  prodding  makes  us  roar. 
Then  he  lacerates  the  sore, 
Till  we  holier  more  and  more— 

Blaine,  of  Matne. 

How  he  boxeB.us  around — 

Blaine,  of  Maine! 
Now  and  then  we're  on  the  ground 

Half  insane: 
Frequently  to  grass  we  go;  ' 

This  is  temporary  though,  ] 


m 


■*;i 


„,»«-..>TW»«Kt!/S;Slii«*  '.• 


288 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 


I 


'''  For  we  rally  from  the  blow,  ' 

And  prepare  to  eat  our  crow. 
Hut  he  stands  us  in  a  row 
And  he  smites  us  high  and  low, 
Till  we  shiver  in  our  woe, 
And  he  keeps  us  whirling  so. 
That  we  have  the  vertigo— 
Blaine,  of  Maine. 

The  C^onfederate  brigadiers,  however,  eould  not  keep  Blaine  from 
"eavorting  around,"  for  after  defying  the  committee  he  rose  in  the 
House  to  a  question  of  privilege,  produced  the  letters  and  read  them 
in  full.  A  Washington  correspondent  who  was  in  the  House  at  the 
time  thus  describes  the  sensational  scene  that  accompanied  this  bold 
proceeding: 

"At  times  the  scene  was  Intensely  dramatic,  stirpassing  even  the 
scene  of  the  Amnesty  debate,  the  interest  reaching  its  climax  when 
Blaine,  after  having  denied  the  right  of  the  committee  to  demand 
his  private  correspondence,  ciied  out  that  he  would  take  the  commit- 
tee into  his  confidence  and  would  read  to  forty  millions  of  people 
letters  that  he  would  not  allow  a  committee  to  force  from  him.    'Here 
they  are.'  he  cried,  as  he  drew  a  package  from  his  pocket,  and,  holding 
it  up  above  hjs  head,  he  turned  around  so  as  to  face  everyone  in  the 
hall.     'Here  they  are,'  he  repeated,  'and  I  will  read  them.'     The  hall 
burst  into  a  perfect  roar  of  applause,  not  only  with   clapping  of 
hands,  but  with  cries  of  approbation  from  the  members  of  the  Repub 
lican  side,  as  well  as  from  the  galleries.     The  occupants  of  the  ladies' 
gallery  shook  their  handkerchiefs  and  parasols,  and  joined  in  the 
chteer.     It  was  a  sight  that  never  had  a  parallel  in  a  legislative  body. 
"No  words  can  convey  an  adequate  picture  of  Blaine's  impetuous 
attack  upon  Proctor  Knott.      When   he  came   charging  down   the 
aisle  and  hurled  at  Knott  an  inquiry  whether  he  had  not  received  a 
telegram  from.  Caldwell,  in  Europe,  which  he  had  suppressed,  Knott 
i*ef used  to  reply.     Blaine  pressed  the  question  again  and  again,  till 
Knott,  finally  being  cornered,  and  without  escape,  made  the  very  diS' 
courteous  and  angry  reply:  'I'll  answer  you  when  I  get  rea^y.'    Blaine 
followed  Knott  to  his  seat,  shook  his  finger  in  his  face,  and  charged 
him   directly  with   having  suppressed  a   voluntary  telegram   from 
Caldwell,  in  London,  acquitting  Blaine  pf  any  improper  connection 
with  the  bond  transactions,  and  offering  to  send  an  affidavit  to  that 
eifect  to  the  committee.      Knott's  face  colored  to  a  deep  crimson, 
and  he  sat  in  his  seat  in  utter   helplessness;  but  there  were  forty 


imminrw 


aasa— 


'Y. 


THK  SIXTH  REPrHLirAX  rAMTAKJN. 


28» 


i\-r:''' 


ep  Blaine  from 

he  rose  in  the 

und  read  them 

le  House  at  the 

>anied  this  bold 

assing  even  the 
ts  climax  when 
ttee  to  demand 
ike  the  commit- 
lionB  of  people 
rom  him.  'Here 
et,  and,  holding; 
everyone  in  the 
aem.'  The  hall 
Ith  clapping  of 
p«  of  the  Repub 
its  of  the  ladies' 
d  joined  in  the 
legislative  body, 
line's  impetuous 
ging  down  the 
1  not  received  a 
ppressed,  Knott 
I  and  again,  till 
ide  the  very  dis* 
t  rea^y.'  BlaJnc 
ce,  and  charged 
telegram  from 
oper  connection 
affidavit  to  that 
1  deep  crimson, 
liere  were  forty 


l)emo<Tats  on  their  feet,  crying,  'Mr.  HiH*akerI'  *Mr.  Hpeuker!'  John 
Youn«r  ilrown,  Jones,  of  Kentucky;  Hlackburn,  (llover,  Holnitiii, 
Hunton  and  many  others,  were  very  much  excited,  but  Cox,  who  wuh 
presiding,  rapped  them  down  und  saived  his  party  from  disgracing 
itself.  Jones,  of  Kentucky,  a  hitter  Democrat,  who  has  shown  him- 
self to  be  a  guardian  of  honor,  tinally  obtained  a  hearing,  and 
demanded  that  his  colleague  answer  the  tpiestion.  He  would  not 
consent  to  have  such  a  di8gra<-eful  imputation  rest  upon  his  party. 
Knott  was  thus  driven  to  say  that  he  would  explain  the  suppression 
of  the  telegram  in  a 
speech  which  he  intend 
ed  to  make." 

The  letters  contained 
nothing  to  show  that 
HIaine  was  not  entirely 
innocent  of  any  wrong- 
doing in  the  matter,  and 
were  so  accepted  by  all 
faiir-minded  p  e  r  s  o  n  s, 
but  the  fact  that  the  ac- 
cusation had  been  made 
doubtless  cost  him 
some  votes  in  the  Con- 
vention. He  sutfered 
m  u  c  h  more  in  that 
body,  however,  by  rea- 
son of  prostration  by 
sunstroke  when  on  his 
way  to  church  on  the 
Hunday   preceding   the 

gathering  at  Cincinnati.  roscok  conklinq. 

He  rallied  quickly,  but  apprehensions  with  regard  to  his  health  were 
skillfully  used  to  draw  votes  from  him,  when  it  came  to  balloting. 

Boscoe  Conkling  was,  thrdtighout  his  whole  Congressional 
career,  both  in  House  and  Henate,  recognized  as  one  of  the  ablest 
debaters,  and  one  of  the  most  eloquent  stump  sjieakers  in  the  party. 
But  he  was  arrogant  and  unapproachable,  entirely  lacking  in  the  ele- 
ments of  personal  popularity,  and  there  never  was  a  time  when  he 
could  have  received  the  Presidential  nomination  at  the  hands  of  any 
Convention.      Uis  candidacy  at  this  time  was  not  taken  seriously. 


n?" 


IrS' 
jr4 


■M 


'Jiwiwtaittiii I  111!  II '  ir 


.' ,_-^'  '■■^■-  ;■,-  ,_', 


200 


HIHTORY  OF  THE  REPl'BUrAN  PARTY. 


Ht*  hatf  wn»Bte<l  the  conti.il  of  the  Repiiblirun  oi-Kanixation  In  New 
York  from  Kx-Governor  Fenton  and  his  friends,  had  a  good  hold  on 
most  of  the  delegation  from  that  Ktate,  and  it  was  understood  at  the 
time  that  his  candidacy  was  intended  to  lieep  the  delegation  together 
until  their  votes  could  be  thrown  to  the  best  advantage  for  someone 
else,  but  mainly  to  beat  Blaine. 

Senator  Morton,  of  Indiana,  commenced  his  public  career  in  very 
troublous  limes.  He  was  elected  Lieutenant-Governor  of  his  State 
on  the  ticket  with  Henry  8.  Lane,  and  succeeded  to  the  Governorship 
when  Mr.  Lane  resigned  that  office  to  take  a  seat  in  the  United  States 
Senate.  Mr.  Morton  had  the  most  difficult  task  before  him  of  any  of 
Ihe  War  Governors.  The  Southern  counties  of  the  State  were  honey- 
combed with  Secession  sentiment,  the  treasonable  society,  the 
Knights  of  the  Golden  Circle,  had  headquarters  in  the  Capital  itself, 
and  a  Democratic  Legislature  refused  to  make  appropriations  neces- 
sary to  fit  out  troops  and  carry  on  the  State  Government.  But  Mr. 
Morton  proved  equal  to  the  emergency.  He  went  to  New  York,  and 
on  his  personal  bond,  with  the  backing  of  wealthy  men  in  Indianap- 
olis, borrowed  money  to  meet  the  pressing  necessities  of  the  State. 
He  drove  the  Knights  of  the  <}olden  (^ircle  into  hiding,  and  had  a 
number  of  their  leaders  arrested  and  tried  for  treason.  He  repressed 
disorders  in  the  Southern  counties,  and  in  every  way  showed  rare 
vigor  tuid  administrative  capacity.  He  was  re-elected  Governor  in 
1864,  and  was  afterwards  sent  to  the  Senate,  where  he  took  rank 
among  the  ablest  debaters. 

Of  the  other  candidates  Hartranft  and  Jewell  were  "favorite 
sons"  and  nothing  more,  and  Hayes  belonged  in  the  same  rank, 
although  he  had  some  following  outside  of  Ohio  before  the  Conven- 
tion met,  and  was  regarded  as  a  very  likely  compromise  candidate. 
Bristow  was  a  man  of  moderate  ability,  and  rather  narrow  views, 
who  had  come  into  a  temporary  prominence  through  his  vigorous 
prosecution  of  the  Whisky  Ring.  He  had  a  good  following  in  this 
Convention,  but  within  two  or  three  years  had  nearly  di^opped  out  of 
sight. 

The  Michigan  delegation  to  Cincinnati  was  chosen  at  an  unusu- 
ally interesting  State  Convention,  held  at  Grand  Rapids,  May  10, 
1876,  and  consisted  of  the  following  members:  At  Large — Henry 
P.  Baldwin,  William  A.  Howard,  Delos  L.  Filer  and  Jonathan  J. 
Woodman.  By  IMstricts — (1)  William  G.  Thompson,  Herman  Kiefer; 
(2)  Rice  A.  Real,  Charles  Rynd;  (3)  William  H.  Withington,  Edward 


iMitti 


.,  .■;■■"!;'■ 


Tn 


THE  HIXTH  KKIM'MLK'AN  rAilPAKJN. 


LMU 


Kiition  in  New 
good  hold  on 
erstood  at  tho 
ation  together 
for  someone 

career  in  very 

of  his  State 

(lovernorship 

United  HtateH 

him  of  any  of 

ite  were  honey- , 

e   society,   the 

>  Capital  itself, 

iriations  neces- 

lent.      But  Mr. 

New  York,  and 

i^n  in  Indiauap- 

'8  of  the  State. 

ing,  and  had  a 

He  reprejBsed 

ly  showeu  rare 

ed  Governor  in 

E*  he  took  rank 

were  "favorite 
lie  same  rank. 
>re  the  Conven- 
mise  candidate, 
narrow  views. 
;h  his  vigorous 
illowing  in  this 
di^opped  out  of 

m  at  an  unusn- 
;apids,  May  10, 
I^arge — Henry 
id  Jonathan  J. 
Serman  Kiefer; 
ington,  Edward 


S.  Jjiuey;  (4)  N.  A.  Hamiltim,  (leorge  Hannahs;  (5)  A.  H.  WatHon, 
M  Kenjamin  1>.  Pritchard;  (0)  William  L.  Smith,  William  H.  Oeorge;  |7) 

John  <\  Waterbury,  Samuel  .1.  Tomlinson;  (M)  Theodore  F.  Shepard, 
A.  H.  Hoyt;  (»)  VVilliani  H.  (\  Mitchel,  Edward  lireltung. 

Sentiment  in  the  ('onventi<m  that  j-liose  these  delegates  was 
unquestionably  favorable  to  Blaine,  wlio  had  succeeded  Seward  in 
the  affections  of  Michigan  Kepublicans.  In  the  course  of  previous 
campaigns  he  had  made  a  few  s]>eeches  to  immense  mass  meetings 
in  the  State,  and  his  brilliant  career  in  Congress  had  been  wat<*hed 
with  interest  and  admiration.  There  was  some  talk  in  the  Conven- 
tion of  instructing  the  delegation,  and  this  would  probably  have  been 
done,  had  it  not  been  for  the  interposition  of  William  A.  Howard. 
Mr.  Howard  was  then  as  sound  as  ever  from  the  shoulders  up,  but 
was  very  feeble  in  body,  and  was  badly  crippled.  Tjoud  calls  had 
been  made  upon  him  for  a  speech  early  in  the  proceedings,  to  which 
he  did  not  respond.  He  was  chosen  by  acclamation  a  delegate-at- 
large,  and  was  again  called  for,  when  he  feebly  hobbled  forward  on 
crutches,  was  assisted  to  the  platform,  and  sat  down.  He  commenced 
in  a  low  voice,  but  soon  warmed  with  his  subject,  and  spoke  in  that 
animated  and  earnest  manner  which  had  so  often  carried  audiences 
of  Michigan  Republicans  to  the  highest  pitch  of  enthusiasm.  He 
gave  interesting  reminiscences. of  party  history,  and  in  relation  to  the 
approaching  National  Convention  said: 

"The  campaign  is  peculiar  in  this,  that  sentiment  as  to  candi- 
dates is  not  crystallized.  The  whole  question  is  one  of  settling  indi- 
vidual preferences  and  of  consulting  availability.  The  prominent 
candidates  are  all  representative  Bepublicans  and  all  worthy  of  sup- 
port. But  we  have  not  to  consult  altogether  our  own  preferences. 
The  battle  is  not  to  he  won  in^  Michigan,  but  in  doubtful  states  like 
New  York.  Any  one  of  the  leaders  can  carry  the  banner  triumphant 
throughout  Michigan.  We  want  a  leader  who  will  carry  it  to  victory 
in  weak  places  all  along  the  line,  and  if  we  secure  this  we  shall 
triumph.  As  to  myself,  I  have  no  individual  prefereni'es.  I  am  in 
earnest  for  the  cause,  but  indifferent  as  to  the  man.  I  am  not  a 
Blaine  man,  nor  a  Bristow  man,  nor  a  Morton  man;  I  am  your  man 
and  for  the  triumph  of  the  cause.'^ 

Mr.  Howard,  at  this  point  half  arose,  leaned  forward,  and,  with 
earnest  gesture  and  strong  emphasis  upon  the  closing  words  of  the 
sentence,  brought  the  enthusiasm  of  the  audience  to  a  high  pitch. 
He  then  went  on  to  show  the  grounds  of  encouragement  furnished 


Wh^^-^h 


■'  ar.-.-.  ■  ,'^-  .: 


■^■ 


IMHTORY  OF  THK  UKIM'HLirAN  PARTY. 


IB! 


Ii.v  tlu'  "Coiif»'d«M*at«*  lloiiw"  at  WaMliiiiKton,  n'f»'rn*d  to  itM  fiitilr 
nttarkM  u|i(>u  UciMiblicuiiH,  and  continued: 

"We  want  the  beHt  and  HtronKeHt  man  anion^  the  R4*|Mib1i<'anM. 
In  eonBiiltinK  availability,  we  nniHt  be  Hiire  to  get  pronoune«'d  Repub- 
lleanH.  We  want  no  more  T.vleiH,  no  more  And.v  .folniMonfi.  We  nnint. 
Heleet  from  the  tried  memberH  of  onr  party.  In  thlH  Meleetlon  I  pro- 
p<»He  to  aid,  by  the  UHe  of  my  boHt  jndKnient.  and  I  want  you  to 
inHtrnct  me  junt  an  little  an  yon  dare.  I  don't  want  to  j^o  to  Cincin- 
nati with  my  liandH  tied.  I  want  to  go  tm  free  that  if  I  Hee  a  chance 
to  do  a  good  thing  for  you  anywhere,  I  can  avail  mynelf  of  It." 

The  plea  was  effective  and  no  reHolution  for  InstructionH  wan 
even  introduc(Hl  In  the  <'onvention.  A  canvaMM  of  the  delegateM  after 
adj(>urnment  showed  that  a  majority  of  them  were  at  the  time  for 
nialne,  but  before  the  National  <\inventlon  met,  wlill«>  admiration  for 
Hlaine  did  not  dlmlnlBh,  doubtH  IncreaMed  a»  to  tlu>  ex|HHliency  of 
lii8  nomination  at  that  time.  On  the  different  baUott*  the  vote  of  the 
delegation  waH  u»  rtjlows:  First  and  second,  Itlaine,  S;  Conkllng,  1; 
Hristow,  U;  Hayes,  I.  Third,  Ttlalne, «;  Conkllng,  1(>;  Hayes,  4.  Fourth, 
Hlaine.  0;  Hristow,  11;  Hayes,  5.    Fifth,  sixth  and  seventh,  Hayes,  22. 

Th^*  naming  of  candidates  for  the  Presidential  nomination  was 
rea«-hed  on  the  second  day  of  the  (Mncinnuti  gathering,  the  states 
l»eing  called  in  alphabetical  order.  Stephen  W.  Kellogg,  of  Connecti- 
cut nominated  Marshal  Jewell;  Mr.  Morton's  name  was  presented  by 
Richard  W.  Thompson,  of  Indiana,  who  was  seconded  by  P.  B.  8. 
Pinvhbock,  of  Louisiana.  < General  Stewart  L.  Woodford,  of  New 
YorV,  presented  (^inkling's  name.  General  Harlan,  of  Kentucky, 
nominated  Ilenjamin  F.  Hristow,  who  was  supported  by  Judg(> 
Poland,  of  Vermont,  (leorge  William  Curtis,  of  New  York,  and 
Richard  A.  Dana,  of  Massachusetts.  Robert  (}.  Ingersoll,  of  Illihois, 
nominated  Blaine,  and  was  seconded  by  William  P.  Frye,  of  Maine. 
<jlovernor  Edward  F.  Noyes,  of  Ohio,  nominated  Governor  Hayes, 
and  was  supported  by  Senator  Benjamin  F.  W'ade.  Mr.  Ingersoll's 
speech  nominating  Hlaine  has  passed  into  history  as  the  nuist  noted 
of  Convention  orations  in  this  country.  W-ith  the  omission  of  the 
opening  paragraph,  it  was  as  follows: 

The  Republicans  of  the  United  States  demand  as  their  leader, 
in  the  great  contest  of  1876,  a  man  of  intellect,  of  integrity,  of  known 
and  approved  political  opinions.  They  demand  a  statesman,  they 
demand  a  reformer  after  as  well  as  before  the  election.  They  demand 
a  politician  in  the  highest  and  broadest  and  best  sense  of  that  word. 


eass 


ll.l.ll.l-  IHMIIJII 


l.iC     " 


mmm 


*.M 


f 


TY.  ■ 

vi\  to  itM  futile 

Ih'  R<'|MibliranH. 
)n(iunci>d  Repiib- 
ittonft.  We  iiiiiHt. 
Heleetioii  I  i»ro- 
I  WHllt  .vou  to 
to  Ko  to  Cinrin- 
f  I  Hee  it  cbancv 
If  of  It." 

liiHtniftionB  WUH 

e  dele|{ateH  after 

at  the  time  for 

le  admiration  for 

H*  ex|»edlenp.v  of 

H  tlie  vote  of  the 

e,  H;  Conklinf;,  1; 

la.vefi,  4.  Fourth, 

venth,  Hayes,  22. 

nomination  was 

lerini;,  the  stateH 

lojjK,  of  Conneeti- 

wa»  presented  by 

nded  by  P.  B.  R. 

'oodford,  of  New 

an,  of  Kentueky, 

ported    by    Judtje 

New   York,   and 

person,  of  Illinois, 

*.  Prye,  of  Maine. 

Governor  Hayes, 

(.     Mr.  Inj^ersoll's 

as  the  nM>8t  noted 

s  omission  of  the 


i  as  their  leader, 
itegrlty,  of  known 
I  statesman,  they 
on.  They  demand 
?nse  of  that  word. 


TIIK      IXTII  UKIM'nLH  AN       \J       \HiN, 


j,\r.\ 


They  d(>itiund  a  iin  i  a<#|Uii 
of  the  jM'ople,  witli  iHtl  (»iil 
the  demands  of  the  fiiliir 
roniprehend  the  relation)- 
of  the  earth.    They  deniHii 
and  prerogatives  «if  each 


'«m|  with  iMihlit  jifr«ji'R.  with  the  wanirt 
■  re<|ii  nefMit  the  hour,  but  wllli 
riiey  «)'  ,aiid  a  in.tii  broad  enough  lo 
I  the  <ii  •riiment  to  the  other  natiouM 
I  iiuiii  w  il  versed  In  the  powers,  duties 
fid  I'very  department  of  this  (hivernmeni. 
They  demand  a  man  who  will  saer«>diy  preserve  the  ttnanrial  honor 
of  the  I'nited  Ktates,  one  who  knows  enough  to  know  that  all  the 
financial  theories  of  the  world  eannot  redeem  a  single  dollar;  one 
who  knows  enough  to  know  that  all  the  money  must  be  nuide,  n>it 
by  law,  but  by  lai)or;  one  who  knows  enough  to  know  that  the  |N'ople 
of  the  I'nited  Htates  have  the  industry  to  make  the  money  and  the 
honor  to  pay  It  over  just  as  fast  as  they  nuike  it. 

The  Hepublicans  of  the  rnite«l  Htates  denuind  a  man  who  knows 
that  prosperity  and  resumption,  when  they  come,  must  ronu' 
together.  When  they  come  hand  in  luind  through  the  golden  har\esl 
Helds,  hand  in  hand  by  the  whirling  spindles  and  turning  wheels, 
hand  in  hand  by  the  open  furnace  doors,  hand  in  hand  by  the  tiaiming 
forges,  hand  in  hand  by  chimneys  tilled  by  eager  Are,  rocked  ami 
grasped  by  the  hands  of  the  counth-ss  nous  of  toil.  This  money  has 
got  to  be  dug  out  of  the  earth:  yon  cannot  nuike  it  by  passing  resolu- 
tions at  a  political  meeting. 

The  K(>nubli<-ans  of  the  Tnited  Htates  want  a  man  who  knows 
that  this  Oovernment  should  protect  every  citizen,  at  home  and 
abroad,  who  knows  that  any  (Government  that  will  not  defend  its 
defenders,  and  will  not  protect  its  protectors,  is  a  disgrace  to  the 
map  of  the  world.  They  demand  a  man  who  believes  in  the  eternal 
separation  of  church  and  schools.  They  demand  a  man  whose  polit- 
ical reputation  is  as  sfiotless  as  a  star;  but  they  do  not  demand  that 
their  candidate  shall  have  a  <-ertiflcate  of  character  from  a  (\mfed- 
erate  ('ongress.  The  man  who  has,  in  full  and  rounde<l  measure,  all 
of  these  splendid  quallflratlons  is  the  present  grand  and  gallant 
leader  of  the  Bepubljean  party,  James  (?.  Blaine. 

Our  country  crowned  with  the  vast  and  nmrvelous  achievements 
of  its  first  century,  asks  for  a  nmn  worthy  for  the  past  and  propheth- 
of  her  future;  asks  for  a  man  who  has  the  audacity  of  genius;  asks 
for  a  nmn  who  is  the  grandest  combination  of  heart,  conscience  and 
brain,  beneath  the  flag.  That  man  is  James  <}.  Blaine.  For  the 
Kepublican  host,  led  by  this  intrepid  man,  there  can  be  no  such 
thing  as  defeat.  This  is  a  grand  year,  a  year  filled  with  the  recol- 
lection of  the  Revolution,  filled"  with  proud  and  tender  memories  of 
the  sacred,  filled  with  the  legends  of  liberty;  a  year  in  which  the 
sons  of  freedom  will  drink  from  the  fountains  of  enthusiasm;  a 
year  in  which  the  people  call  for  a  man  who  has  preserved  in  Con- 
gress what  our  soldiers  won  upon  the  field;  a  year  in  which  we  call 
lor  the  man  that  has  torn  from  the  throat  of  treason  the  tongue  of 
slander,  a  man  that  has  snat<'hed  the  mask  of  Democracy  from  the 
hideous. face  of  rebellion;  a  man,  who,  like  an  intellectual  athlete, 


i 


i 


-  T^-i^TKiri  t  /«♦' 


i'~^'^^  :.^',''>'y 


.  ,>'Wg»w»Twr  jfTMjT  ■^.■rt;^^ib.j'yjcwi=a-iyr. ' 


204 


HIHTOKY  OF  TIIK  KKIM^BMCAN  TARTY. 


;«''^.   ..- 


Htood  in  the  urcnii  of  debat(>,  rlmlleiiKiHl  all  conicrM.  imd  whu  up  to  tlit> 
lirciient  inoniciit,  Ih  a  total  Htranxcr  to  defeat. 

Like  an  armed  warrior,  like  a  plumed  knlKlit,  Jame*  ().  Blaine 
nuirehed  down  the  hallH  of  an  Ameriean  ConKreMM,  and  threw  IiIh 
HhininK  lance  full  and  fair,  aKuinftt  the  brazen  forehead  of  every 
defanier  of  this  i-ouutr.v,  and  niallKner  of  itn  honor.  For  the  Kepuli- 
liean  party  to  deHert  that  gallant  man  now  Ih  an  thoutth  an  army 
Mhould  deHert  their  K<'neral  upon  the  field  of  battle.  .Iain  h  (}.  HIaine 
in  now,  and  has  been  for  yearM,  the  hearer  of  the  fiaerefi  xtandard  of 
the  llepnblic.  I  rail  it  naered,  h<>eau8e  no  hnnmn  l>eiii^  can  Htand 
beneath  its  folds  without  becominK  'i"<l  without  remaining  fr(><>. 

GENTLEMEN  OF  THE  <'ONVENTION--In  the  name  of  the 
great  Kepublio,  the  only  Republic  that  ever  exinted  upon  thlR  earth,  lii 
the  name  of  all  her  defender!*  and  of  all  the  Hupport4>rM,  in  the  name  of 
all  her  MoldierH  living,  in  the  name  of  her  HoldierH  that  are  dead  uiKin 
the  field  of  battle,  and  in  the  name  of  those  that  perished  in  the  skele- 
ton clutches  of  famine  at  Andersonville  and  Libby,  Illinois  nominates 
for  the  next  President  of  this  country  that  prince  of  parliamentariaiiM, 
that  leader  of  leaders,  James  O.  Blaine. 

Although  on  the  first  six  ballots  Mr.  Blaine  had  more  votes  than 
the  aggregate  of  any  other  two  candidates,  the  combination  in  the  end 
proved  too  strong  and  on  the  seventh  ballot  Rutherford  B.  Hayes,  of 
Ohio,  was  nominated.      The  record  of  the  ballots  was  as  follows: 


Ist. 

James  G.  Blaine,  of  Maine 2K5 

Beuj.  H.  Bristow,  of  Kentucky. .   11:1 
Roscoe  Conkling,  of  New  York. .     !M) 

John  F.  Hartranft,  of  Penn 58 

61 

11 

124 


Rutherford  B.  Hayes,  of  Ohio. 
Marshall  Jewell,  of  Conne«:ticut . 

Oliver  P.  Morton,  of  Indiana 

E.  B.  Washburne,  of  lllinoifi 

Wm.  A.  Wheeler,  of  New  York . . 


2d. 

21W 

114 

\V.i 

6a 

64 


Ad. 
21W 
121 
00 
68 
67 


4th. 
2»2 
126 

84 
71 

68 


5th. 

286 

114 

82 

69 

104 


6th. 

808 

HI 
81 
50 

113 


7th. 

351 

21 


384 


3 


111 
1 
3 


113 
1 
2 


108 
3 
2 


95 
3 
3 


86 
4 


William  A.  Wheeler  and  Stewart  L.  Woodford,  of  New  York; 
Joseph  R.  Hawley  and  Marshall  Jewell,  of  Connecticut,  and  Frederick 
T.  Frellnghuysen,  of  New  Jersey,  were  mentioned  for  Vice-President, 
but  the  balloting  showed  Mr.  Wheeler  so  far  in  the  lead  that  the 
rest  were  withdrawn,  and  he  was  nominated  by  acclamation.  Mr. 
Wheeler  had  been  a  useful  member  of  Congress,  where  he  rendered 
especially  good  service  as  Chairman  of  the  Committee  on  the  Pacific 
Railroads.  He  was  more  widely  known,  however,  as  the  author  of 
the  "Whfieler  Compromise,"  wh|<'h   patched  up   one  of   the  chronic 


h    i 


""■'AA!il!W!!!5*S**W*a 


■"'f  '■■■  :  i? 


■;■■>'   -    »Sfe;-:- 


Y.       ■-.;^„,  .: 

Id  whu  up  to  tlit> 

|atiH'»  (}.  Illaiut' 
and  tlir(*w  IiIh 
|-cliead  <»f  evci'v 
For  the  Itepub 
Ihoutfl)  an  anii.v 
ilaiii  H  (}.  Hlain<> 
}i'«»fl  Mtandard  of 
lH>inK  ran  Htand 
inin(f  rr(>«>. 

he  nani(>  of  the 
ton  this  oartb,  in 

,  in  the  name  (»f 
It  are  dead  u|)on 
hed  in  the  Hkolo- 
linoiH  noniinateR 
arlianientariaiiM, 


more  i 

I'oteii  than 

nation  in  the  end 

ord  H. 

Hayes,  of 

1  aH  follows: 

.  5th. 

6th.    7th. 

i    28(t 

308    351 

t     114 

Ul      21 

I      82 

81 

I      60 

50       .. 

i*     104 

113     384 

^      95 

85 

i        3 

4 

i        3 

2       .. 

I,  of  New  York; 
It.  and  Frederick 
r  Vice-Presideut, 
e  lead  that  the 
olamation.  Mr. 
[lere  he  rendered 
ee  on  the  Pacific 
as  the  author  of 
}  of   the  chronic 


TIIK  WI.XTfl  RKPfTBLir.VN  <',AMP.\ION. 


20."5 


political  <|uarrelM  in  liouiniana,  recoKuixed  the  Kepulilican  Kello^); 
(lovernnient,  as  aitainHt  the  Peniocratic  McKnerv  (iovernnient,  Hettled 
disputcH  aH  to  certain  Heats  in  the  liouHe  of  KepresentativeH  in  that 
Htate,  and  reHton^l  the  peace  until  the  next  election. 

Following  is  the  platform  adopted  by  the  L'uu  vent  ion  at  Cincin- 
nati: 

When,  in  the  economy  of  Providence,  this  land  was  to  be  pureed 
of  human  Hiaver.v,  and  when  the  Htren^th  of  the  K<>v<'i'nment  of  the 
{MHiple,  b,v  the  peo|)le  and  for  the  people,  was  to  be  (lenionstratHl,  the 
Republican  party  came  into  |>ower.  Its  de<*dH  have  paHsed  into  his- 
tory, and  we  look  back  to  them  with  pride.  Incittnl  by  their 
n4emori<>H  to  hi^h  aimn  for  the  good  of  our  <-ountry  and  uuinkind,  and 
looking  to  the  future  with  unfaltering  courage,  ho|»e  and  purpoHe,  we, 
the  representatives  of  the  party,  in  National  Convention  assembled, 
make  the  f<»llowinK  declarations  of  principl<>H: 

1.  The  Cnited  Htates  of  America  Ih  a  Nation,  not  a  leaKne.  Ity 
the  <-oml>ined  workiuKs  of  the  National  and  Htate  (^overnmentM, 
undcc  llu'ir  respective  Constitutiims,  the  rights  of  every  <-iti9sen  are 
secured,  at  home  and  abroad,  and  the  <-ommon  welfare  promoted. 

2.  The  Kepublican  party  has  preserved  these  governments  to 
the  hundredth  anniversary  of  the  Nation's  birth,  and  they  are  now 
embodiments  of  the  great  truths  spoken  at  its  cradle:  "That  all  men 
are  created  equal;  that  they  are  endowed  by  their  Creator  with  certain 
inalienable  rights,  among  which  are  life,  liberty  and  the  pursuit  of 
luippiness;  that  lor  the  attainment  of  these  ends  governments  liave 
been  instituted  among  men,  deriving  their  just  p»>wer8  from  the 
consent  of  the  governed."  Cntil  these  truths  are  clieerfully  obeyed, 
<ir,  if  need  be,  \  igorously  enfor<'ed,  the  work  of  the  Kepublican  party 
is  unfinished. 

3.  The  permanent  pacification  of  the  Southern  section  of  tlie 
Union,  and  the  complete  protection  of  all  its  citiKens  In  the  free  enjoy- 
ment of  all  Iheir  rights,  is  a  duty  to  which  the  Republican  party  stands 
sacredly  pledged.  Tlie  power  to  provide  for  t'ne  enforcement  of  the 
prin<'ipleg  embodied  in  the  recent  Constitutional  Amendments  is 
vested,  by  those  Amendments,  in  the  Congress  of  the  United  Htates; 
and  we  declare  it  to  be  the  solemn  obligation  of  tlie  Legislative  and 
Executive  Departments  of  the  (Government  to  put  into  immediate  and 
vigorous  exercise  all  their  Constitutional  powers  for  removing  any 
just  cause  of  discontent  on  the  part  of  any  class,  and  for  securing  to 
every  American  citizen  complete  liberty  and  exact  equality  in  the 
exercise  of  all  civil,  political  and  public  rights.  To  this  end  we 
imperatively  demand  a  Congress  and  a  Chief  Executive  whose 
courage  and  fidelity  to  these  duties  shall  not  falter  until  these  results 
are  placed  beyond  dispute  or  recall. 

4.  In  the  first  Act  of  Congress  signed  by  President  Grant  the 
National  Government  assumed  to  remove  any  doubt  of  its  purpose  to 


^ 


^■i'.-itfvri-yr--  ..■^■gp-w — — -  ^ 


^v-gff^J3J^'&:t^^?W/-M^<^eC^-A^Jt■yr*^^''■t•■^^^Aff^• 


.,-«..^--.*.,r^,-.  ^?J^p?l?5?!pi?WiPWipffiP*^ 


I) 


2M 


HISTORY  OP  THE  REPDULK^AN  PARTY. 


disohanje  till  just  obligations  to  the  public  creditors,  and  "solemnly 
pledged  its  faitli  to  make  j)rovi8ion  at  the  earliest  practicable  period 
lor  the  redemption  of  the  I'nited  States  notes  in  coin."  Commercial 
prosperity,  public  ntorals  and  national  credit  demand  that  this 
promise  be  fulfilled  by  a  continuous  and  steady  progress  to  sptM'ic 
payment. 

5.  Under  the  Constitution,  the  President  and  heads  of  depart- 
ments are  to  make  nominations  for  office,  tlie  Senate  is  to  advise  and 
consent  to  appointments,  and  the  House  of  Representatives  is  to 
accuse  and  prosecute  faithless  officers.  The  best  interests  of  the 
public  service  demand  that  these  distinctions  be  respected;  that  Sena- 
tors and  Representatives  who  may  be  judges  and  ai'cusers  should  not 
dictate  appointments  to  office.  The  invariable  rule  in  appointments 
should  have  reference  to  the  honesty,  fidelity  and  capacity  of  the 
appointees,  giving  to  the  party  in  power  those  phu-es  where  harmony 
and  vigor  of  administration  require  its  policy  to  be  represented,  but 
|)ermitting  all  others  to  be  filled  by  persons  selected  with  sole  refer- 
ence to  the  efficiency  of  the  public  service,  and  the  right  of  citizens  to 
Hhare  in  the  honor  of  rendering  faithful  service  to  the  country. 

G.  We  rejoice  in  the  quickened  conscience  of  the  people  concern- 
ing political  affairs,  and  will  hold  all  public  officers  to  a  rigid 
responsibility,  and  engage  that  the  pfosecution  and  punishment  of  all 
who  betray  official  trusts  shall  be  swift,  thorough  and  unsparing. 

7.  The  public  school  system  of  the  several  States  is  the  bulwark 
of  the  American  Republic;  and,  with  a  view  to  its  security  and  per- 
nmnence,  we  recommend  an  Amendment  to  the  Constitution  of  the 
I'Uited  States,  forbidding  the  application  of  any  public  funds  or  prop- 
erty for  the  benefit  of  any  schools  or  institutions  under  sectarian 
control. 

8.  The  revenue  necessary  for  current  expenditures  and  the  obli- 
gation of  the  public  debt  must  be  largely  derived  from  duties  upon 
importations,  which,  so  far  as  possible,  should  be  adjusted  to  promote 
the  interests  of  American  labor  and  advance  the  prosperity  of  the 
whole  country. 

9.  We  reaffirm  our  opposition  to  further  grants  of  the  public 
lands  to  corporations  and  monopolies,  and  demand  that  the  National 
domain  be  devoted  to  free  homes  for  the  people. 

10.  It  is  the  imperative  duty  of  the  Oovernment  so  to  modify 
existing  treaties  with  European  governments  that  the  same  protection 
shall  be  afforded  to  tlie  adopted  American  citizen  that  is  given  to  the 
native-born;  and  that  all  necessary  laws  should  be  passed  to  protect 
emigrants  in  the  absence  of  power  in  the  States  for  that  purpose. 

11.  It  is  the  immediate  duty  of  Congress  to  fully  investigate  the 
effect  of  the  immigration  and  importation  of  Mongolians  upon  the 
moral  and  material  interests  of  the  country. 

12.  The  Republican  party  recognize  with  approval  the  substan- 
tial advances  recently  made  toward  the  establishment  of  equal  rights 
for  women  by  the  many  important  amendments  effected  by  Republican 


•«ii^ 


Mira 


v^\' 


* 


■M 


B^a;:' V.T-.  !■■ 


IT  y\. 


n 


THE  SIXTH  REPUBLICAN  (  AMPAKIN. 


297 


nd  "solemnly 
'ticable  perioil 
Commercial 
ind  that  thiH 
;re8s  to  8p<M'ie 

ads  of  depart- 
to  advise  aud 
ntatives   is  to 
terests  of  the 
ted;  that  Hena- 
lers  should  not 
appointments 
apacity  of  thej 
vhere  harmony 
presented,  but 
vith  sole  refer- 
it  of  citizens  to 
country, 
jeople  concern- 
•rs   to  a   rigid 
nishment  of  all 
insparing. 
is  the  bulwark 
Lurity  and  per- 
ititi'ition  of  the 
funds  or  prop- 
nder  sectarian 

L's  and  the  obli- 
mi  duties  upon 
jted  to  promote 
osperity  of  the 

a  of  the  public 
at  the  National 

t  so  to  modify 
lame  protection 
is  given  to  the 
ssed  to  protect 
t  purpose, 
investigate  the 
lians  upon    the 

al  the  substan- 

of  equal  rights 

by  Republican 


Legislatures  in  the  laws  which  concern  the  jiersonal  and  property 
relations  of  wives,  mothers  and  widows  and  by  the  appointment  and 
election  of  women  to  the  superintendence  of  education,  charities  a  ind 
other  public  trusts.  The  honest  denmnds  of  this  class  of  citizens  for 
additional  rights,  privileges  and  immunities  should  be  treate<l  with 
respectful  consideration. 

13.  The  Constitution  confers  upon  Congress  sovereign  power 
over  the  territories  of  the  United  States  for  their  governments;  and 
in  the  exercise  of  this  power  it  is  the  right  and  duty  of  Congress  to 
prohibit  and  extirpate,  in  the  territories,  that  relic  of  barbarism- 
polygamy;  and  we  demand  such  legislation  as  shall  secure  this  end 
and  the  supremacy  of  American  institutions  in  all  the  Territories. 

14.  The  pledges  which  the  Nation  has  given  to  her  soldiers  and 
sailors  must  be  fulfilled,  and  a  grateful  people  will  always  hold  those 
who  imperil  their  lives  for  the  country's  preservation  in  the  kindest 
remembrance. 

15.  We  sincerely  deprecate  all  sectional  feeling  and  tendencies. 
We,  therefore,  note  with  deep  solicitude  that  the  i)emocratic  party 
counts,  as  its  chief  hope  of  success,  upon  the  Electoral  vote  of  a  united 
South,  secured  through  the  efiorts  of  those  who  were  recently  arrayed 
against  the  Nation,  and  we  invoke  the  earnest  attention  of  the  country 
to  the  grave  truth  that  a  success  thus  achieved  would  reopen  sectional 
strife  and  imperil  sectional  honor  and  hunmr  rights. 

16.  We  charge  the  Democratic  party  with  being  the  same  in  char- 
acter and  spirit  as  when  it  sympathized  with  treason;  with  making  its 
control  of  the  House  of  Representatives  the  triumph  and  opportunity 
of  the  Nation's  recent  foes;  with  reasserting  and  applauding,  in  the 
National  Capitol,  the  sentiments  of  unrepentant  rebellion;  with 
sending  Union  soldiers  to  the  rear,  and  promoting  Confederate 
soldiers  to  the  front;  with  deliberately  proposing  to  repudiate  the 
plighted  faith  of  the  (xovernment;  with  being  e<)uallyfalseand  imbecile 
upon  the  overshadowing  financial  questions;  with  thwarting  the  ends 
of  justice  by  its  partisan  management  and  obstruction  of  invcstigti- 
tion;  with  proving  itself,  through  the  period  of  its  ascendancy  in  the 
Jjower  House  of  Congress,  utterly  incompetent  to  administer  the  Gov- 
ernment; and  we  warn  the  country  against  trusting  a  party  thus  alike 
unworthy,  recreant,  and  incapable. 

17.  The  National  Administration  merits  commendation  for  its 
honorable  work  in  the  management  of  domestic  and  foreign  affairs, 
and  President  Grant  deserves  the  continued  hearty  gratitude  of  the 
American  people  for  his  patri(Ttisni  and  his  eminent  services  in  war 
and  in  peace. 

18.  We  present,  as  our  tandidates  for  President  and  Vice-Presi 
dent  of  the  United  States  two  distinguished  statesmen  of  eminent 
ability  and  character,  and  conspicuously  fitted  for  those  high  oflBces, 
and  we  confidently  appeal  to  the  American  people  toentrust  the  admin- 
istration of  their  public  afTnirs  to  Rutherford  R.  Hayes  and  William 
A.  Wheeler. 


i 


^:| 


II 


i 


•# 


....:',.j.i,a>JH..,.t ...,.,. 


298  HISTORY  OF  THE  REimBLICAN  TARTY. 

Iir'the  pamyaign  of  1876  the  Democrats  took  an  entirely  new 
departure,  both  in  candidate  and  platform.  Their  candidate  for 
President,  Samuel  J.  Tilden,  had  been  chiefly  occupied  with  money 
getting  until  he  was  some  years  past  50,  when  the  opportunity  offered 
to  render  a  conspicuous  service  to  the  community.  The  New  York 
Times  in  1871  made  some  astounding  revelations  of  the  corruptions 
and  stealings  of  the  "Tweed  Ring"  in  New  York  Tity,  and  with  great 
industry  uncovered  the  details  of  the  fraudulent  operations,  which, 
with  equal  courage  it  published.     But  it  needed  something  more  than 

the  disclosures  to  break 
up  the  ring,  and  in  this 
Mr.  Tilden  rendered 
very  efficient  aid,  both 
as  a  Member  of  the  As- 
s  e  m  b  1  y  and  in  the 
courts.  Whether  it  was 
this  public*  activity  that 
first  roused  his  desire 
for  political  distinction, 
or  whether  he  had  been 
simply  biding  his  time, 
he  took  advantage  of 
the  opportunity,  se- 
cured the  nomination 
for  (lovernor  in  1874 
and  was  swept  into  the 
Executive  chair,  by  the 
same  tidal  wave  that 
carried  so  many  other 
Democrats  into  power. 
RUTHKKFOBD  B.  HATES.  As  Govemor  he  made  a 

vigorous  warfare  upon  the  "Canal  Ring,"  which  had  been  robbing 
the  State,  under  all  political  parties,  for  a  generation  dr  two.  H^, 
could  very  properly  come  before  the  public  as  a  reformer.  Tammany 
Hall  opposed  him,  but  he  had  secured  such  complete  control  of  the 
Democratic  organization  in  New  York  State,  that  for  once  Tammany 
was  helpless.  In  the  National  Convention,  which  opened  in  St. 
Louis,  June  27,  John  Kelly,  who  had  succeeded  William  M.  Tweed 
as  Tammany's  Boss,  vigorously  opposed  Tilden,  and  was  aided  by  a 
few  of  the  strongest  Demociats  of  the  older  school.      They  claimed 


mmmm 


SSS^^SS?S5BSS3Ka* 


THE  SIXTH  RP:PrBLICAN  PAMPAKSN. 


21M) 


entirely  new 

candidate  for 

d  with  money 

rtunity  offered 

'he  New  Yorlv 

le  corruptions 

ind  with  great 

'ationg,  which, 

ling  more  than 

>8ure8  to  break 

ng,  and  in  this 

in  rendered 

tnent  aid,  both 

iber  of  the  Ag- 

y  and    in    the 

iVhether  it  was 

ii*  actiA'ity  that 

Bed  his  desire 

cat  distinction, 

er  he  had  been 

iding  his  time, 

advantage  of 

pportunity,    se- 

he    nomination 

ernor    in    1874 

swept  into  the 

i^e  chair,  by  the 

4al   wave  thui 

so  many  other 

its  into  power. 

rnor  he  made  a 

I  been  robbing 

1  or  two.      H^j 

er.     Tammany 

control  of  the 

once  Tammanv 

opened  in    8t, 

iam  M.  Tweed 

vas  aided  by  a 

They  claimeil 


that  he  could  not  carry  New  York  State,  and  sought  to  divert  some  of 
his  support  to  General  Hancock,  Thomas  A.  Hendricks  and  others. 
}tut  the  new  machine,  which  Tilden  had  put  together,  was  too  strong 
for  them,  and  on  the  flrst  ballot  he  had  almost  the  requisite  two- 
thirds  vote.  On  the  second  his  nomination  was  made  unanimous. 
Thomas  A.  Hendricks  was  with  e<]ual  unanimity  nominated  for 
Vice-President. 

The  platform  was  very  long  and  was  in  keeping  with  the  reform 
professions  of  Mr.  Tilden.  It  consisted  of  denunciations  of  Repub- 
lican acts,  a  large  num- 
ber of  demands,  and  a 
tiresome  reiteration  of 
the  statement,  "reform 
is  necessary,"  applied  to 
a  large  number  of  spe- 
cific subjects.  But  the 
campaign  was  not 
fought  out  on  the  plat- 
form. The  Democrats 
laid  particular  stress 
upon  Mr.  Tilden's  re- 
form record,  and  back 
of  that  was  Tilden's  * 
own  adroit  manage- 
ment. He  had  already 
become  an  expert  poli- 
tician, and  from  the  re- 
cesses of  his  handsome 
residence  at  No.  15 
Gramercy  Park,  he  con- 
ducted his  own  cam- 
paign. The  Republicans  hunted  up  abundant  evidence  of  devious- 
ness  in  some  of  Tilden's  former  business  transactions,  but  this  really 
had  little  effect  upon  the  votecfi,  as  his  official  career  had  been  com- 
mendable. Much  more  effective  for  Republican  use  was  the 
ammunition  furnished  by  the  "Confederate  Congress,"  the  first  Dem- 
ock'atic  House  of  Representatives  for  18  years.  The  nem«icrat8  had  u 
large  majority  in  the  House,  and  the  Southern  wing  had  commenceil 
once  more  to  rule  the  Democrats.  Their  boast:  "The  South  is  in  the 
saddle  again"  cost  them  more  votes  than  all  of  Tilden's  tortuous 
business  transactions. 


WILLIAM  A.  WHBBL.ER. 


m 


IF 


300 


HIHTORY  OF  THE  KEPIBLIOAN  PARTY. 


ThiA  year  witnessed  the  GenesiB  of  the  Greenback  party,  which 
met  at  Indianapolis,  May  17,  nominated  Peter  Cooper,  of  New  Yorli, 
for  President,  and  Samuel  P.  Cary,  of  Ohio,  for  Vice-President,  and 
adopted  the  following,  the  tirst  platform  of  a  party  that  brought  its 
opinions  before  the  people  for  several  campaigns  following: 

The  Independent  pai-tv  !»  called  into  existence  by  the  necessities 
of  the  people,  whose  industries  are  prostrated,  whose  labor  is  deprived 
of  its  lUst  reward  bv  a  ruinous  policy,  which  the  Republican  and  Dem- 
ocratic parties  refuse  to  change;  and,  in  view  of  the  failure  of  these 
parties  to  furnish  relief  to  the  depressed  industries  of  the  country, 
lher«bv  disappointing  the  just  hopes  and  expectations  of  the  suffer- 
ing people,  we  declare  our  principles,  and  invite  all  independent  and 
patriotic  men  to  join  our  ranks  in  this  movement  for  financial  reform 
and  industrial  emancipation. 

1.  We  demand  the  imtoediate  and  unconditional  repeal  of  the 
Specie  Resumption  Act  of  January  14,  1875,  and  the  rescue  of  out 
industries  from  ruin  and  disaster,  resulting  from  its  enforcement; 
and  we  call  upon  all  patriotic  men  to  organize  in  every  Congressional 
district  of  the  countrv,  with  a  view  of  electing  Representatives  to 
Congress  who  will  carry  out  the  wishes  of  the  people  in  this  regard, 
and  stop  the  present  suicidal  and  destructive  policy  of  contraction. 

2.  We  believe  that  a  United  States  note,  issued  directly  by  the 
(Government,  and  convertible,  on  demand,  into  Ignited  States  obliga 
lions,  bearing  k  rate  of  interest  not  exceeding  one  cent  a  day  on  each 
one  hundred  dollars,  and  exchangeable  for  United  States  notes  at 
par,  will  atfortt  the  best  circulating  medium  ever  devised.  Such 
I'niled  States  notes  should  be  full  legal  tenders  for  all  purposes, 
except  for  the  payment  of  such  obligations  as  are,  by  existing  con- 
tracts, especially  "made  payable  in  coin;  and  we  hold  that  it  is  the 
duty  of  the  Government  to  provide  such  a  circulating  medium,  and 
insist,  in  the  language  of  Thomas  Jefferson,  that  "bank  paper  must 
be  suppressed  and  the  circulation  restored  to  the  Nation  to  whom  it 
belongs." 

3.  It  is  the  paramount  duty  of  the  Government,  in  all  its  legis- 
lation, to  keep  in  view  the  full  development  of  all  legitimate  business, 
agricultural,  mining,  manufacturing  and  commercial,        * 

4.  We  most  earnestly  protest  against  any  further  issue  of  gold, 
bonds  for  sale  in  foreign  markets,  by  which  we  would  be  made  for 
a  long  period,  "hewers  of  wood  and  drawers  of  water,"  to  fbreigners, 
especially  as  the  American  people  would  gladly  and  promptly  take 
at  par  all  bonds  the  (Government  may  need  to  sell,  providing  they  are 
made  payable  at  the  option  of  the  holder,  and  bearing  interest  at  3.05 
|)er  cent,  per  annum  or  even  a  lower  rat<». 

5.  We  further  protest  against  the  sale  of  Government  bonds, 
tor  the  puri»ose  of  purchasing  silver  to  be  used  as  a  substitute  for  our 


IMilliJlliPHIM 


1- 


THE  HIXTH  REPITHLKWN  CAMPAION. 


301 


party,  whidi 
}f  New  York, 
'resident,  and 
it  brought  its 
•ing: 

he  necessities 
or  is  deprived 
lean  and  Deui- 
iiure  of  these 
'the  country, 
of  the  suffer- 
ependent  and 
lancial  reform 

repeal  of  the 
rescue  of  our 
enforcement ; 
('ongressional 
'sentatives  to 
n  this  regard, 
contraction. 

iirectly  by  the 
States  obliga- 
a  day  on  each 
tates  notes  at 
'Vised.  Such 
ail  purposes, 
'  existing  con- 
that  it  is  the 
;  medium,  and 
ik  paper  must 
on  to  whom,  it 

n  all  its  legis- 
mate  business, 

■\ 

r  issue  of  gold,, 
i  be  made  for 
'  to  fbreigners, 
promptly  take 
riding  they  are 
nterest  at  3.05 

rnment  bonds, 
•stitute  f«)r  our 


more  convenient  fractional  currency,  which.  «;!''"'!f  J!'"  ["'{"Xn- 
to  enrich  owners  of  silver  mines,  yet  in  oiK-ration  it  will  still  furtlui 
oppress  in  taxation  an  already  overburdened  i»eopIe. 

There  was  also  a  Prohibition  Convent i<m  at  Cleveland,  May  17, 
which  nominated  (Jreen  (May  Smith,  of  Kentucky,  for  I'resident.  and 
there  was  an  "American  National"  ticket,  with  James  B.  Walker,  <.f 
Wheaton,  Illinois,  for  President,  and  Donald  Kirkpatrick  of  Syra 
(•use,  N.  Y.,  for  Vice-Pi'esident. 

The  ()«tober  elections  this  year  were  not  sufficiently  decisive  to 
make  sure  the  final  result  and  that  remained  in  doubt   up  to   the 
very  day  of  the  November  election,  and  in  fact  for  some  time  after- 
wards. '    The  Democrats  tlrst  claimed  the  election  and  the  Republi 
<ans  were  inclined  to  concede  it.      But  about  3  o'clock  on  the  morning 
after  election  a  dispatch  was  sent  out  from  Republican  headquarters 
in  New   York,  signed   Zachariah  Chandler,  (^hairman,  and   saying: 
"Haves  has  185  votes  and  is  elected."  The  fact  is  Zachariah  Chand- 
ler iiad  given  up  the  case,  and,  exhausted   by  the  fatigues  of   the 
campaign  and  the  excitement  of  the  day,  had  retired,  and  was  fast 
asleep      Senator  Edmunds,  of  Vermont,  and  William  E.  Chandler,  of 
New    Hampshire,    were    at    headquarters,    when    dispatches    were 
received    indicating    that    South    Carolina.    Florida    and    TA>nis- 
ian;i    had   gone   Republican,  making  up  the  necessary   185   votes. 
When  Zachariah  Chandler  arrived  at  headquarters  the  next  morning 
he  approved  the  dispatch,  and  at  oure  set  out,  with  his  customary 
vigor  to  make  it  good,  but  it  kept  him  on  the  alert  for  the  next  three 

months. 

Mr  Chandler  afterwards  said  to  the  writer  that  this  campaign 
presented  the  greatest  difficulties  of  any  work  that  he  ever  undertook. 
He  could  hardlv  make  a  move  that  was  not  soon  known  to  his  adroit 
and  wily  foe.    *Hi8  dispatches  were  intercepted,  and  alter  he  secured 
the  use  of  private  wires  from  New  York  and  Philadelphia  to  Wash 
ington  his  clerks  were  bribed.      It  was  during  the  dispute  over  the 
contested  states  that  Harper's  Weekly  published  a  cartoon  showing 
the  «.  O.  P.  -lephant  more  than  half  way  over  the  brink  of  a  preci- 
pice, and  Cha.rman  Chandler,  with  feet  braced  against  a  rock,  trying 
to  hold  him  back  bv  the  tail.     When  this  was  shown  to  Mr.  Chandlei 
he  laughed  heartily,  and  said:    "Well  if  that  rock  don't  give  way,  nor 
the  tail  pull  out,  I'll  land  that  animal  yet."      And  he  did,  but  was 
sorry  for  it  afterwards,  for  President  Hayes'  Administration  was  not 
at  all  to  his  liking. 


'^'': 


303  HI8TOKV  OF  THE  HEFUBLICAN  PARTY. 

The' Electoral  vote  as  tlnally  detlared  and  counted  by  the  Elec- 
toral CommisBion,  March  2,  1877,  was: 

Hayes  and  Wheeler '. 185 

Tilden  and  Hendricks 184 

The  Popular  vote  for  Presidenl  was  as  follows: 

Samuel  J.  Tilden,  of  New  York 4,284,757 

Rutherford  B.  Hayes,  of  Ohio 4,033,950 

I'eter  ('oojjer,  of  New  York 81,740 

Oreen  Clay  Smith,  of  Kentucky 0,522 

Scattering 2,636 

In  the  Senate  of  the  Forty-flfth  Congress  there  were  39  Republi- 
cans, 36  Democrats  and  1  Indejiendeut;  in  the  House,  156  Democrats 
and  137  Republicans. 

In  the  Forty-sixth  Congress  the  Democrats  controlled  both 
Houses,  having  43  Senators  to  33  Republicans,  and  150  Representa- 
tives, to  128  Republicans  and  14  Nationals. 

Michigan  stood  well  by  its  Republican  colors,  giving  Hayes 
166,634,  and  Tilden  141,035,  a  Republican  plurality  of  25,439.  The 
(Greenback  ticket  had  9,060  votes  and  the  Prohibition  766.  Th<! 
Presidential  electors  were:  At  Large — William  A.  Howard,  Henry 
W.  Lord.  By  Districts— (1)  William  Doeltz;  (2)  Charles  H.  Kempf; 
(3)  Preston  Mitchell;  (4)  Delos  Phillips;  (5)  Jacob  Den  Herder;  (6) 
Charles  Kipp;  (7)  Jeremiah  Jen<ks;  (8)  Benton  Hanchett;  (9)  William 
Dunham. 

For  Governor,  Charles  M.  Croswell,  Republican,  had  165,926,  to 
142,492  for  William  L.  Webber,  Democrat,  and  8,297  for  Levi  Sparks, 
Ureenback. 

Alpheus  S.  Williams,  of  the  Detroit  District,  was  the  only  Demo- 
crat elected  to  Congress,  the  Rt^publicans  chosen  being  Mark  S. 
Brewer,  Omar  i).  Qbnger,  Charles  C.  Ellsworth,  Jay  A.  Hubbell, 
Edwin  W.  Keightly,  Jonas  H.  McOowan,  John  W.  Stone  and  Edwin 
Willits. 


by  the  Elec- 

. ...   185 

. ...   184 


4,284,757 

4,033,950 

81,740 

0,522 

2,636 

•e  39  Repnbli- 
56  Democrats 

iitroUed  both 
0  Bepresenta- 

giving  Hayes 
25,439.  The 
>n  766.  Th<' 
oward,  Henry 
es  H.  Kempf; 
n  Herder;  (6) 
;t;  (9)  William 

ad  165,926,  to 
p  Levi  Sparks, 

he  only  Demo- 
eing  Mark  S. 
r  A.  Hubbell, 
ne  and  Edvviii 


■> 


^-•-«»-' 


/  ' 


i'J 


/^ 


XXIV.  '^-     --;■■:.  :^. 

THE  ELECTORAL  COUNT. 

A  Severe  Test  of  Republican  Government — Both  HideH  Claim  tho 
Election — Disputed  Voteg  in  the  Southern  Htateit — QueMtion  a<i 
to  the  Ri|{lit8  of  the  I'resident  of  the  Senate — Various  I'roposi 
tions  With  Reference  to  the  Count — An  Electoral  Coniniiasion 
Decided  Upon — Constitution  of  the  (Commission — Democratic 
Disappointment  as  to  Judge  Davis — Several  Votes  of  Eight  to 
Seven — Hayes  Declared  Elected — Disclosure  of  Attempts  to  Buy 
Electoral  Votes. 

In  the  space  of  twenty  years  the  Oovernnient  of  the  United  States 
was  subjected  to  three  very  severe  tests:  The  contest  over  the 
Slavery  question  and  the  asserted  right  of  Secession,  which,  com- 
bined, actually  brought  war;  the  assassination  of  President  Lincoln 
and  the  succession  to  the  Presidency  of  a  man  who  was  not  in  accord 
with  the  views  of  the  people  that  elected  him,  nor  with  the  Congress 
which  fairly  represented  their  purpose;  and  the  contest  over  the 
close  and  doubtful  election  of  1N7G.  The  last  was  a  much  severer 
test  than  the  second,  and  in  any  other  Republic  that  has  ever,  either 
temporarily  or  permanently,  existed  in  the  world,  would  have  brought 
on  a  revolution.  The  fact  that  it  was  peaceably  settled  by  Congress 
and  the  result  acquiesced  in  by  the  country  is  the  best  tribute  ever 
paid  to  the  fitness  of  the  people  of  the  United  States  for  self-govern- 
ment. 

After  the  Electoral  Colleges  had  met  in  the  several  States  there 
was  left  room  for  serious  disputes  as  to  the  returns  from  four  States, 
besides  objections  of  lighter  weight  to  single  votes  in  several  other 
States.  In  Oregon,  which  gave  the  Republican  electors  an  nnqnes- 
tioned  majority,  one  of  the  electors  was  postmaster  at  the  time  of 
the  election  and  therefore  disqualified,  but  the  disqualification  was 
removed  by  his  resigning  both  the  postmastership  and  his  place  in  the 
Electoral  College.  When  the  latter  met  in  1  )ecember,  he  was  chosen 
to  fill  the  vacancy  in  accordance  with  the  law  authorizing  such  action. 


P 


-v"^???;/ 


:  ^»»flWffg;^^A^ytftv^^i^j^^' 


,.^_'^">-  'i^','^^!W''^im'>f^mmil^mnmmimfmt 


'■jftj^- 


MKhp 


'M; 


804 


HIHTOKY  OF  THE  KEPmhU^AN  PARTY. 


The  case  in  three  Houthern  8ta(eH  nave  better  jfr^'^nd  for  Rerioiifi 
(liH|uiteR  than  the  Oregon  cane.  The  colortKl  voters  were,  at  that 
time,  KepublicatiH,  almost  to  a  man,  and  as  they  far  exceeded  the 
whites  in  numbers  iu  I^uisiana  and  Houth  Tarolina,  there  was  no 
question  but  that  the  votes  of  those  States,  honestly  cast  and  counted, 
would  be  for  Hayes.  In  Florida,  the  whites  and  blacks  were  more 
nearly  equal  in  numbers,  but  there  was  a  larger  projmrtion  of  white 
Republicans  there  than  in  any  other  of  the  Gulf  Htates,  and  with  an 
honest  count,  there  was  as  little  doubt  about  this  Htate  as  about  the 
two  others  mentioned.  But  almost  immediately  after  election  ugly 
riin.ors  were  heard  of  a  purpose  to  nullify  the  will  of  the  people  in 
these  states,  by  false  count  or  trumped  up  certificates  of  election. 
.\t  the  suggestion  of  the  Chairman  of  the  Republican  National  Oom- 
mittee.  President  Grant,  three  days  after  election,  sent  to  GeneruJ 
Hherman,  a  dispatch  saying:  ''Instruct  General  Augur  in  Louisiana, 
and  General  Ruger,  in  Florida,  to  be  vigilant  with  the  force  at  their 
command  to  preserve  peace  and  good  order,  and  to  see  that  the  proper 
and  legal  boards  of  canvassers  are  unmolested  in  the  performance  of 
their  duties.  Should  there  be  any  grounds  for  suspicion  of  a  fraudu 
lent  count  on  either  side,  it  should  be  reported  and  denounced  at  once. 
No  man  worthy  of  the  office  of  President  should  be  willing  to  hold  it 
if  counted  in  or  placed  there  by  fraud.  Either  party  can  afford  to  1m« 
disappointed  in  the  result.  The  country  cannot  afford  to  have  the 
result  tainted  by  the  suspicion  of  illegal  or  false  returns."  Soon 
after  this  eminent  men  of  both  parties,  afterwards  called  "the  visiting 
statesmen,"  were  sent  to  the  three  Btates  mentioned  above,  to  watch 
the  count  and  see  that  it  was  honestly  and  fairly  conducted. 

All  these  precautions,  however,  did  not  prevent  the  preparation 
of  two  sets  of  Electoral  returns  from  all  three  of  the  States.  It  is 
doubtful  if  there  h^d  been  an  honest  election  in  Louisiana  since  1844, 
when  the  "Plaquemine  Frauds"  were  depended  upon  to  carry  the 
State  for  Polk  against  Clay.  There  was  no  concealment  of  the  faC|t, 
that  after  the  adoption  of  the  Fifteenth  Amendment,  frauds  were 
committed  at  every  election;  first,  to  nullify  the  votes  of  the  enfran- 
chised blacks,  and  after  that  to  free  the  State  from  "carpet-bag"  rule. 
As  one  of  the  Democratic  pa))ers  blandly  stated  it:  "Election 
methods  were  resorted  to,  which  under  other  conditions  would  have 
been  unnecessary,  but  which  then  became  indispensable;"  and  again, 
"much  of  what  has  been  called  Southern  lawlessness,  was,  in  reality. 


m 


hmmmh 


'^ 


f¥t>. 


TIIK  KhKCTOKAIitnlNT. 


:\m 


nd  for  Hcriotm 
were,  at  thnt 

exceeded  the 
there  was  no 
t  and  counted, 
'ks  were  more 
rtlon  of  white 
1,  and  with  an 
e  ati  about  the 
•  election  ugly 

the  people  in 
ed  of  election. 
National  Com- 
(Ut  to  General 
r  in  Louisianu, 
I  force  at  their 
:hat  the  proper 
[)erformance  of 
on  of  a  f  raudu 
)unced  at  once, 
lling  to  hold  It 
an  afford  to  be 
rd  to  have  thr* 
turns."      Soon 
sd  "the  viflitinj; 
ibove,  to  watch 
icted. 
he  preparation 

States.  It  i« 
iana  since  1844, 
1  to  carry  the 
lent  of  the  fact 
it,  frauds  were 
3  of  the  enfran- 
arpet-bag"  rule, 
it :  "Election 
ons  would  havo 
)le;"  and  again, 

was,  in  reality. 


simply  u  determined  and  energetic  effort  to  keep  the  law  and  the 
law  ulaklng  power  in  the  hands  of  the  Intelligent  and  virtuous 
classes."  It  was  under  these  "Intelligent  and  virtuous  classes"  that. 
In  1H«8,  a  small  majority  for  drant  was  turned  into  a  very 
large  nuijoritv  for  Heymour.  At  that  time  the  Republicans  did 
not  need  the  vote  of  tlie  State  and  it  was  of  no  use  to  the  Demo 
cratB.  The  fraud  was.  therefore,  iK'rmitted  to  go  unrebuked.  Now 
a  corre<t  count  was  a  matter  of  vital  importance.  Since  1872  the 
State  had  been  more  or  less  under  the  rule  of  two  contemporaneous 
Kxeculives,  (lovernor  Kellogg  and  (lovernor  McEnery.  while,  »  por- 
tion of  the  time.  New  Orleans  had  bwn  ruU-d  by  (leneral  Anarchy. 
The  State  was  i»acitied  by  the  "Wheeler  Compromise"  in  1875,  but, 
after  the  election,  had  fallen  into  its  normally  «haoth'  condition. 
There  were  two  Oovernors,  and  two  returning  boards,  two  Electoral 
Colleges,  and  two  sets  of  Presidential  Electors. 

In  Florida  and  South  Carolina  there  were  charges  of  fraud  on 
both  sides,  and  the  further  claim  was  set  up  by  the  Democrats  that 
the  presence  of  Ignited  States  troops  near  the  polls  amounted  to 
Intimidation,  and  prevented  a  fr«»e  and  fair  eleition,  and  there  were 
two  sets  of  rt  turns  from  both  these  States. 

Under  these  conditions  it  became  a  grave  question  as  to  exactly 
what  were  the  reBi>ective  powers  of  the  President  of  the  Senate  and 
of  the  two  Houses  of  Congress  in  counting  the  Electoral  vote.  Many 
Republicans,  and  among  them  the  Chairman  and  a  majority  of  the 
National  Committee,  held  that  the  President  of  the  Senate,  by  virtue 
of  his  oftlce,  had  the  right  to  count  the  Electoral  vote,  and  that  he 
was  vested  by  the  Constitution  with  discretionary  i^wer  to  decide 
which  were,  and  which  were  not,  the  El^itoral  votes  of  a  State.  They 
urged  the  President  of  the  Senate  should  exercise  this  right,  and 
wero  confident  that  the  President  and  the  army  would  support  him 
la  it.  This  would  have  been  placing  very  arbitrary  power  in  the 
hands  of  one  man.  If  attempted,  it  would  certainly  have  been 
resisted  by  the  Democratic  House,  up  to  the  point  of  revolution. 

The  Democratic  claim  was  that  both  Houses  of  Congress  must 
acquiesce  in  counting  the  votes  of  any  State,  and  on  the  objection  of 
either  House,  the  vote  of  such  State  must  be  rejected.  In  accord- 
ance with  this  idea,  the  Thirty-eighth  Congress,  when  counting  the 
Electoral  vote  in  1865,  adopted  a  joint  rule  that  "no  Electoral  vo/e 
objected  to,  shall  be  counted,  except  by  the  concurrent  vote  of  the 
two  Houses."      This  rule  had  not  since  been  renewed.      In  such  a 


\m 


!.' 


-.^i  .iiwiiwii 


S^^^°J£-_>'  ■'i-i*i.'i^."^'i* 


8IMI  HIHTOKY  OF  THK  UKIM  lU.irAN  TAKTY. 

ouM*  aa  the  one  now  in  iiticiiiion  it  uiiKlit  r«*u(iilv  liiivo  led  to  diiiin- 
toitration,  for  witli  u  Peniocnitif  Uoniie  to  rcjort  tlie  returns  from 
one  Htate,  nnd  ti  K<>|Miblirun  Henate  to  r«'je<t  thoMe  of  another,  the 
procenii  of  elimination  nilKlit  have  been  curried  on,  until  there  wttM 
nttle  left  of  the  Klectoral  vote. 

Fnder  these  two  cluiniM  (he  excitable  men  of  both  partieM  lH*Kan 
to  talk  about  armed  reHiHiunce,  and  one  of  the  DeuuM'ratii  of  thiM 
claHH.  Henry  Wattemon,  of  the  liOuiMville  Journal,  vouch(>d  for  one 
hundred  thousand  Democrats,  who  would  be  ready  to  march  to  Wash- 
iuKton,  and  install  Mr.  Tilden  in  oflltce.  The  tmly  |terce|itible  result 
of  this  threat  was  to  bring  out  advice  from  Hepublicau  pai)ers  to  the 
valiant  editor,  to  put  ice  on  his  head  and  cool  otT,  and  that  was  what, 
Hguratively  speakintf,  Congress  did  for  itself.  It  promptly  dis- 
carded the  extreme  clainis  of  both  |>arties,  and  set  about  the  work  of 
Hnding  some  impartial  tribunal  which  could  settle  all  disi'uted  points. 
A  few  days  after  the  Electoral  Colleges  met,  Representative  McCrary, 
of  Iowa,  introduced  in  the  House  a  resolution,  providing  for  a  com- 
mittee, to  act  with  a  similar  committee  from  the  Henate,  to  consider 
the  subject  of  fairly  disposing  of  the  disputed  votes,  and  "to  prepare 
and  report,  without  delay,  such  a  raeasun>,  either  Jjegislative  or  Con- 
stitutional, as  may,  in  their  judgment,  be  best  calculated  to  accom 
plish  the  desired  end."  The  resolution  was  adopted  with  great 
unanimity,  the  Benate  concurred  and  the  committee  was  appointed 
as  follows:  Benate — (leorge  F.  Edmunds,  of  Vermont;  Frederick  T. 
Frelinghuysen,  of  New  Jersey;  John  A.  Logan,  of  Illinois,  and  Oliver 
P.  Morton,  of  Indiana,  Republicans,  and  Allen  (1.  Thurman,  of  Ohio; 
Thomas  F.  Bayard,  of  Delaware,  and  Matt  W.  Ransom,  of  North  Car 
olina.  Democrats.  House — Henry  B.  Payne,  of  Ohio;  Eppa  Hunton, 
ot  Virginia;  Abram  8.  Hewitt,  of  New  York,  and  William  M.  Springer, 
of  Illinois,  Democrats;  George  W.  McCrary,  of  Iowa;  George  F.  Hoar, 
of  Massachusetts,  ^nd  George  Willard,  of  Michigan,  Republicans. 
For  ability  and  calm  judgment  this  committee  would  rank  with  the 
best  ever  appointed  in  any  Congress.  January  18,  1877  the  two 
committees,  acting  as  one,  reported  a  bill  "to  provide  for  and  regulate 
the  counting  of  votes  for  President  and  Vice-President,  and  the 
decision  of  questions  arising  thereon,  for  the  term  commencing 
March  4,  1877."  The  report  was  signed  by  every  member  of  the  two 
committees  except  Senator  Morton. 

Although  the  bill  was  fliially  reported  with  such  unanimity,  the 
conclusion  was  not  reached  without  'developing  a  great  variety  of 


m 


'»M 


THE  KLKrTOKALCnrXT. 


:J07 


UhI  to  diiiiu- 
rotiirnB  from 

another,  tbH 
til  there  wua 

mrti«>ii  Im>kiiii 

H-ratH  of  thin 

(^hcd  for  one 

ireh  to  WuHh- 

ptible  result 

pa|»erH  to  the 

hat  was  what, 

promptly  dis- 

It  the  work  of 

■I  iited  poiDtw. 

itivH  McCrar.v. 

Dg  for  a  coui- 

te,  to  consider 

[id  "to  prepare 

Hlative  or  Con- 

ited  to  accom- 

:ed  with  great 

was  appointed 

t ;  Frederick  T. 

oifl,  and  Oliver 

rinan,  of  Ohio; 

,  of  North  Car 

Eppa  HuntoD, 

m  M.  Springer, 

eorge  F.  Hoar, 

,  Bepublicans. 

rank  with  the 

1877  the  twp, 

>r  and  regulate 

ident,  and   the 

n  commencing 

ber  of  the  two 

unanimity,  the 
eat  variety  of 


^m 


viuwit  uiid  proponitioHH.  The  (■(Hiiniittcen  of  the  IIoiihi*  iuhI  Hcnnte 
at  ArHt  acted  Heparu(«l,v  Hoth  Mtarted  with  the  idea  that  a  Hcparate 
tribunal  nniHt  be  eHtabliHhed,  aw  there  wan  little  proH|)e<t  of  the  two 
IIouHeH  agi-eeiuK  upon  the  diHputed  voteH.  In  the  Ilouite  ('onunitt(><> 
Mr.  MrCrar.v,  who  had  moved  tlie  up]><»intment  of  the  committee,  wax 
the  HrMt  to  present  the  draft  <»f  a  bUi,  proposing  timt  the  tribunal 
should  consist  of  the  Chief  .lusti««>  of  the  Cnited  Htates,  and  a  certain 
number  of  the  Justices  of  the  Hupreme  Court  in  the  order  of  their 
seniority.  The  Denuxrats  objected  to  this  on  the  ground  that  ('hief 
Justice  Waite  could  not  be  considered  an  impartial  Judge  in  the 
case,  inasmu<-li  as,  during  the  campaign,  he  had  spoken  of  Mr.  Tilden 
in  an  extremely  partisan  way  and  in  terms  of  personal  hostility.  The 
tribunal,  as  tlnally  agreed  upon  by  the  House  committee,  omitted  the 
Chief  Justice  and  named  the  tlve  senior  Justices,  Clifford,  Swayne, 
Davis,  Miller  and  Field.  Mr.  Mi'Crary's  bill  proposed  that  the  decision 
of  the  tribunal  should  be  binding  unless  both  Houses  voted  to  over- 
rule it.  The  Democratic  majority  on  the  committee  changed  this  so 
as  to  provide  that  it  should  not  be  binding  unless  both  Houses  vote*! 
to  concur.  The  bill  further  provided  that  the  t-ertiflcates  objected  to, 
together  with  the  objections  and  all  papers  and  evidence  i;i  the  pos- 
session of  theTresident  of  the  Henate,  or  of  either  of  the  Houses  of 
Congress  relating  to  the  subject,  should  be  referred  to  the  tribunal. 
The  Senate  committee  started  with  the  idea  of  a  mixed  tribunal, 
which  shonld  contain  members  chosen  from  the  two  Houses  of 
Congress,  as  well  as  from  the  Supreme  Court.  The  tirst  proposition 
was  that  it  should  consist  of  thirteen  members,  of  whom  nine  should 
be  from  Congress  and  four  from  the  Supreme  Court.  In  order  to 
give  an  equal  chance  to  both  parties,  tlve  members  were  to  be  chosen 
from  each  House,  making  ten  in  all.  It  was  expected  that  the 
Senate  would  appoint  Ave  Republicans  and  the  House  Uve  Democrats. 
Of  these,  one  was  to  be  dropjied  by  lot,  thus  leaving  it  to  the  Jjord  or 
to  chance  to  decide  upon  the  political  complexion  of  this  part  of  the 
tribunal.  Then  the  Democrats  insisted  that  if  they  were  to  cast  lots 
on  the  Congressional  members  jhey  should  also  do  it  on  the  Supreme 
Court  members.  Accordingly  an  agreement  was  reached  that  the 
six  senior  Justices  shonld  be  taken,  and  one  of  them  be  eliminated  by 
lot.  This  was  agreed  upon  by  all  the  members  of  both  committees, 
except  by  Mr.  Springer,  and  the  committees,  after  deciding  that  the 
proposed  organixation  should  be  called  a  Commission,  instead  of  a 
Tribunal,  adjourned  from  Saturday  till  Monday,  in  the  hope  that  Mr. 
Springer  would  fall  into  line. 


""■'M 


'.■s::J  %!■"  ■  :..ir-; 


■ff"'-  -!f:' 


308 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 


The  Bessions  of  the  eomiuittees  were  secret,  in  the  sam«  8en?e 
that  Executive  sessiong  of  the  United  Stales  Senate  are  secret.      Of 
course  some  member  lealied,  and  one  of  the  New  York  Sunday  papers 
published  the  whole  plan.      It  met  with  serious  objection  from  some 
Democrats,  who  didn't  like  the  make-up  of  the  Commission,  and  with 
ridicule  from  others  who  did  not  like  the  idea  of  settling  a  grave 
National  question  on  the  "dice-box  principle."      V*'hen  the  commit- 
tees  met  jointly   on   the   Monday   morning   following,   Mr.   Payne 
announced  that  the  premature  publication  of  the  plan  had  developed 
such  strong  opposition  as  to  indicate  that  it  could  not  pass  the  House. 
The  committee  from  that  body  soon  afterwards  withdrew  its  assent 
to  the  plan,  and  a  new  start  had  to  be  made.    Within  the  next  few 
days  many  variations  of  the  general  plan  were  proposed  and  rejected. 
Finally  it  was  agreed,  by  all  the  members  of  both  committees,  that 
five  members  of  the  Commission  should  be  appointed  by  the  Senate 
and  Ave  by  the  House;  that  the  Associate  Justices  from  the  First, 
Third,  Eighth  and  Ninth  Judicial  Circuits  should  be  taken,  and  that 
they  should    name  a  fifth,   making   fifteen   members  in    all.      The 
Justices  thus  indicated  by  Districts,  instead  of  by  name  were  equally 
divided  politically,  and  well  distributed  geographically,  Justice  Clif- 
ford representing  New  England,  Justice  Strong  the  Middle  States, 
Justice  Miller  the  Northwest,  and  Justice  Field  the  Pacific  slope. 
Senators  Edmunds  and    Thurman  were    appointed  to    prepare  an 
address,  setting  forth  the  merits  of  the  bill,  and  after  amending  and 
approving  this,  the  committees  concluded  their  proceedings. 

Of  the  reception  of  this  important  measure  in  the  two  Housee, 
Congressman  S.  8.  Cox  gave  the  following  succinct  account  in  his 
"Three  Decades  of  Federal  I^^gislation :" 

Its  chief  opponents  in  the  Senate  were  Mr.  Morton  and  Mr.  Sher- 
man, ^nd  in  the  House  Mr.  Garfield,  of  Ohio,  and  Mr.  Mills,  of  Texas. 
Almost  the  first  Tesponse  to  the  submission  of  the  bill  came  from 
Massachusetts,  where  a  prolonged  struggle  over  Senator  Boutwell » 
seat  was  suddenly  ended  in  the  triumph  of  Mr.  Hoar;  Speeches, of 
rare  eloquence  and  power  were  ipade  for  the  bill  in  both  Senate  and 
House.  Mr.  Conkling  spoke  for  two  days.  Among  other  things  he 
riddled  to  shreds  the  pretension  that  the  Vice  President  had  the  right 
to  "count"  the  electoral  votes.  Senator  Hill,  of  Georgia,  made  a 
speech  of  unusual  cogency.  It  breathed  throughout  the  true  patriotic 
spirit.  He  favored  the  expedient  with  all  his  acumen  and  eloquence. 
His  enthusiasm  kindlied  a  lambent  ttame  charged  with  electric  force. 
As  he  reached  his  i)eroration  he  was  handed  a  telegram,  announcing 
that  the  protracted  contest  for  Senator  in  his  State  had  just  ended 


iiV 


nipmai— mi 


mmm 


siMMto 


ITY. 

the  same  8en?e 
are  secret.  Of 
k  Sunday  papers 
'ction  from  some 
lission,  and  with 
settling  a  grave 
hen  the  commit- 
ring,  Mr.  Payne 
in  had  developed 
t  pass  the  House, 
hdrew  its  assent 
hin  the  next  few 
ised  and  rejected, 
committees,  that 
ed  by  the  Senate 
i  from  the  First, 
e  taken,  and  that 
Ts  in  all.  The 
ftme  were  equally 
ally,  Justice  Clif- 
le  Middle  States, 
the  Pacific  slope. 
i  to  prepare  an 
ter  amending  and 
:eedings. 

the  two  Houseg, 
et  account  in  his 

ton  and  Mr.  Sher- 
r.  Mills,  of  Texas. 
e  bill  came  from 
enator  Boutwell's 
oAv.  Speeches,  of 
1  both  Senate  and 
K  other  things  he 
ient  had  the  right 
Georgia,  made  a 
the  true  patriotic 
en  and  eloquence, 
'ith  electric  force, 
gram,  announcing 
te  had  just  ended 


THE  ELECTORAL  COUNT. 

in  the  senatorial  toga  being  again  placed  on  his  shoulders.  The 
popular  tide  was  now  all  one  way.  It  was  irresistible.  VV  hat  would 
be  the  consummation?  The  Democrats  felt  secure  in  the  justice  of 
their  cause.  No  matter  to  them  who  might  be  the  fifth  Judge,  whoMe 
( hoice  was  to  determine  the  party  bias  of  the  Commission.  No  one 
doubtt^,  however,  that  the  choice  of  the  fifth  Judge  would  fall  upon 
Mr  Justice  Davis.  He  was  the  only  one  left  on  the  bench  on  whom 
the  two  Democrats  and  the  two  Republican  Judges  could  ijossibly 
unite.  He  was,  to  be  sure,  an  unknown  element,  but,  notwithstanding 
this,  the  Democrats  had  more  conftden<'e  in  his  impartiality  than  the 
Republicans  seemed  to  have. 

The  bill  passed  the  Senate,  January  24,  by  vote  of  47  ayes  to  17 
nays,  and  the  House,  January  26,  by  1!H  to  8«.  There  was  an  under 
standing  that  the  Senate  should  appoint  three  Republicans  and  two 
Democrats,  and  that  the  House  should  name  three  Democrats  and 
two  Republicans,  the  vote  being  taken  viva  voce.  The  members  of 
the  Commission  named  were  as  follows: 

genate — (5eorge  F.  Edmunds,  of  Vermont;  Oliver  P.  Morton,  of 
Indiana,  and  Frederick  T.  Frelinghuysen,  of  New  Jersey,  Repvib- 
licans;  Thomas  F.  Bayard,  of  Delaware,  and  Allen  O.  Thnrman,  of 
Ohio,  Democrats. 

House— Henrv  B.  Pavne.  of  Ohio,  Eppa  Hunton,  of  Virginia,  and 
Josiah  O.  Abbott',  of  Massachusetts,  Democrats;  James  A.  Garfield 
and  George  F.  Hoar,  Republicans. 

Supreme  Court  Justices— Nathan  Clifford,  of  Maine;  William 
Strong,  of  Pennsylvania;  Samuel  F.  Miller,  of  Iowa;  and  Stephen  J. 
Field,  of  California. 

The  Democrats  in  the  House  probably  would  never  have  voted 
for  this  bill,  if  it  had  not  been  for  the  expectation  that  Justice  David 
Davis  would  be  the  fifth  member  from  the  Supreme  Court.  It  was 
said  at  the  time  that  Abram  S.  Hewitt,  who  was  the  closest  to  Mr. 
Tilden  of  all  the  members  of  Congress,  had  assured  that  gentleman 
that  Justice  Davis  would  be  selected,  and  that  it  was  on  this  assur- 
ance that  Mr.  Tilden's  assent  to  the  Commission  bill  was  obtained. 
Certainly  it  was  this  belief  that  led  the  Democrats  to  vote  almost 
unanimously  in  favor  of  the  bill,  and  that  led  many  Republicans  to 
oppose  it.  Justice  Pavis  was  a  man  of  uncertain  politics.  He  was 
a  supporter  of  President  Lincoln  and  was  appointed  by  him  to  the 
Supreme  Bench.  But  he  began,  as  early  as  1870,  to  be  classed  as  an 
Independent,  went  into  the  Liberal  Republican  movement  in  1872, 
and  was  a  prominent  candidate  for  the  Presidential  nomination  in  the 


'-m 


If 


'  rmiiiSSiSm 


310 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REPTJHLIOAN  PARTY, 


'v'..::?"^;,,;  ■ 


Cincinnati  Convent  ion  of  that  year.  He  was  varionsly  classed  as  a 
Liberal  Republican  with  strong  Democratic  leanings,  or  as  a  Con- 
servative Democrat  with  Republican  leanings.  The  chances  are  that 
if  he  had  been  on  the  Commission  he  would  have  voted  hot',  ways — 
that  is,  with  the  Republicans  on  some  points,  and  with  the  Democrats 
at  least  enough  to  give  them  the  one  vote  which  they  coveted. 

Much  to  the  disfippointmeut  of  the  Democrats,  political  events 
in  Illinois  put  him  out  of  the  question  as  a  member  of  the  Commis- 
mon.  IjeneraJ  Logan's  term  in  the  Senate  was  nearly  at  an  end,  and 
tlie  liCgislatni-e  that  was  to  elect  his  successor  was  very  close.  Under 
the  same  iBfluences  that  had  defeated  the  Radical  Senators,  Carpenter 
and  Chandler,  two  years  earlier,  a  few  malcontent  Republicans  united 
with  the  Democrats  and  elected  Justice  Davis  to  the  Senate  over  Gen. 
Logan.  This  occurred  the  day  after  the  Senate  had  accepted  the 
Electoral  Commission  bill  and  the  day  before  the  House  had  taken 
the  same  action.  Although  he  could  not  take  his  seat  in  the  Senate 
until  after  the  Electoral  matter  was  decided,  there  was  a  manifest 
impropriety  in  his  sitting  on  the  Commission  and  the  four  Justices 
who  had  already  been  appointed,  selected  Justice  Joseph  P.  Bradley, 
of  Nftw  Jersey,  as  the  tlfth. 

While  this  was  going  on  in  Congress,  -iformation  reached  the 
Republican  National  Committee  of  bold  at*e,-  *••-  rt  bribing  Repub- 
lican electors  in  Oregon,  South  (Carolina  ri.\  a  da.  The  matter 
was  called  to  the  attention  of  Congress  anc.  ,  joint  committee  of 
investigation  was  appointed.  The  negotiations  for  the.  purchase  of 
electors  had  been  carried  on  by  cipher  dispatches,  of  which  the  com- 
mittee obtained  possession.  These  were  afterwards  deciphered  and 
the  whole  plot  laid  bare. 

The  discovery  of  the  key  to  the  cipher  dispatches,  which 
unraveled  the  plot  to  buy  an  electoral  vote  in  Oregon,  was  made  in 
Detroit.  Airied  B.  Hinman  nM  Alfred  W.  Shaw  were  together  in 
the  oil  business  in  Detroit,  and  Mr.  Hinman  was  also  engaged  in 
mining  operations  in  the  west  which  brought  him  in  association  with 
J.  N.  H.  Patrick,  of  Omaha.  The  latter  was  Mr.  Tilden's  agent  in 
Portland,  Oregon,  during  the  dispute  there  over  the  Electoral  College 
membership.  Oregon  elected  the  Republican  ticket,  but  one  of  the 
electors  chosen,  J.  W.  Watts,  was  postmaster  of  his  town  at  the  time 
he  was  elected,  although  he  resigned  two  months  before  the  electors 
met.  The  Democrats  claimed  that  he  was  ineligible  for  the  oflBce 
of  elector,  iH^cause  he  held  a  Federal  olflce  at  the  time  of  his  election, 


wmmmm 


,.v^i. 


'V.vfe 


MM 


TY. 

»\y  clasBed  as  a 
;b,  or  as  a  Con 
chances  are  that 
ted  hot'   ways— 
h  the  Democrats 
ly  coveted, 
political  events 
'  of  the  Commis- 
y  at  an  end,  and 
M-y  close.    Under 
lators,  Carpenter 
>publicans  united 
Senate  over  Gen. 
lad  accepted  the 
Bouse  had  taken 
sat  in  the  Senate 
;  was  a  manifest 
the  four  Justices 
jseph  P.  Bradley, 

ition  reached  the 
t  bribing  Repub- 
da.  The  matter 
int  committee  of 
'  the.  purchase  of 
)f  which  the  corn- 
Is  deciphered  and 


lispatches,    which 
gon,  was  made  in 

were  together  in 
I  also  engaged  in 
n  association  with 

Tilden's  agent  in 
!  Electoral  College 
»t,  but  one  of  the 
B  town  at  the  timfr 
jefore  the  electors 
ible  for  the  office 
ime  of  his  election, 


THE  ELECTORAL  COUNT. 


311 


and  that  the  one  below  him  in  the  number  of  votes  cast,  one  E.  A. 
Cronin,  a  Democrat,  was  elected.  The  Republican  claim  was  that 
even  if  Watts  was  ineligible  that  fact  created  a  vacancy,  which  the 
majority  of  the  board  should  fill. 

'  In  "order  to  put  the  matter  beyond  question  the  Democratic  plan 
was  to  induce  the  Governor  of  Oregon  to  declare  Watts  ineligible, 
issue  a  certificate  to  Cronin,  buy  one  of  the  Republican  electors  to 
sit  with  Cronin,  and  thus  constitute  a  majority  of  the  board.  If  the 
other  Republican  Elector  would  sit  with  the^m  all  .„'ht.  If  not  they 
could  declare  a  vacancy  and  either  All  it  or  send  in  only  two  votes.  In 
either  event  Tilden  would  have  Cronin's  vote,  which  was  all  that  he 

needed.  .  ti.- 

The  Congressional  Investigating  Committee  knew  about  this 
plot,  but  had  no  legal  proof  of  it.  As  a  feeler  they  sent  through  the 
Associated  Press  to  the  newspapers  of  the  country  one  of  the  Oregon 
cipher  dispat(;hes,  of  which  they  had  obtained  possession,  and  which 
afterwards  became  known  as  the  famous  "dabble"  dispatch.      It  was 

"«  '«"*'^«=  December  1st,  1876. 

To  Hon.  Samuel  J.  Tilden,  No.  13  Oramercy  Park,  New  York: 

Heed  scantiness  cramp  emerge  peroration  hot-house  survivor 
browse  of  piameter  doltish  hot-house  exactness  of  survivor  highest 
cunning  doltish  afar  galvanic  survivor  by  accordingly  neglectful  mer- 
ciless of  senator  inconsequent  coalesce.  GOBBLE 

Mr.  Hinman  and  Mr.  Shaw  had  used  in  their  business  correspond- 
ence  with   Mr.   Patrick,   a  cipher   based   on   a  pocket  dictionary, 
printed  in   England  and   not  in  common  use  in   this  country.      It 
omitted  many  of  the  common  words  and  contained  many  which  were 
very  uncommon.      When  Mr.  Shaw  read  this  dispatch  in  the  Detroit 
Post  he  was  struck  with  the  similarity  of  many  of  the  words  in  it  to 
words  he  had  seen  in  the  dictionary,  and  he  at  once  set  about  deciph- 
ering it.      In  interpreting  the  Hinman-Patrick  cipher  the  method  was 
to  take  the  cipher  word  and  count  the  number  of  words  between  it 
and    the    top    of    the    cofumn,    then    take    the    next     column, 
and    counting    down    the    same    number    of    words,    the    one    so 
found    would    indicate    the    true    meaning    of    the    cipher.      Mr. 
Shaw  tried    this    and    it    didn't    work.     He   tried      various    other 
keys   and  finally  found  that  by  going  forward,  in  each  case,  eight 
columns  from  the  cipher  word  he  secured  an  intelligent  translation. 


liiB 


iMin 


#■' 


^,H*VS~^0^^- 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 

The  "Gabble"  dispatch,  which  was  sent  by  the  Oovernor  of  the  State, 
being  thus  treated,  gave  the  following  translaJion: 

I  shall  decide  every  point  in  the  case  of  postofflce  elector  in 
favor  of  the  highest  Democrat  elector,  and  grant  the  certiucate  accord- 
ingly on  morning  of  the  6th  instant.    Confidential. 

Soon  after  the  printing  of  this  in  the  Post  Mr.  Hinman  was 
subpoenaed  before  the  Congressional  committee  with  his  dictionary, 
and  Mr.  Shaw  and  the  Managing  Editor  of  the  Post  were  subpoenaed 
with  him.  A  mass  of  cipher  dispatches  was  laid  before  them,  and 
they  all  yielded  to  the  same  method  of  translation,  disclosing  the 
whole  plot.    The  following  is  one  of  the  most  important  of  them: 

PORTLAND,  Oregon,  November  30. 

To  W.  T.  Pelton. 

15  Oramercy  Park,  New  l''ork: 

Governor  all  right  without  reward.  Will  issue  certificate 
Tuesday.  This  is  a  secret.  Republicans  threaten,  if  certificate 
issue,  to  ignore  Democrat  claim  and  fill  vacancy,  thus  defeat  action 
of  Governor.  One  Elector  must  be  paid  to  recognize  Democrat,  to 
secure  majority.  Have  employed  three,  editor  only  Republican 
paper,  as  lawyer.  Fee  three  thousand.  Will  take  five  thousand  for 
Republican  elector.  Must  raise  money;  can't  make  fee  contingent. 
Sail  Saturday.  Kelly  and  Bellinger  will  act.  Communicate  them. 
Must  act  prompt. 

There  was  no  signature  to  this.  The  Kelly  referred  to  was 
United  States  Senator  James  K.  Kelly,  of  Oregon,  to  whom  a  number 
of  the  dispatches  were  sent.  The  reference  to  a  contingent  fee  was 
in  answer  to  a  dispatch,  from  New  York,  addressed  to  J.  N.  H.  Patrick 
of  Portland:  "How  soon  will  Governor  decide  certificate?  If  you 
make  obligation  contingent  on  result  in  March,  it  can  be  done  and 
increasable  if  necessary."  One  of  the  dispatches,  dated  December 
6,  and  addressed  to  Senator  Kelly,  read:  "The  eight  deposited  as 
directed  this  morning.  Let  no  technicality  prevent  winning;  use 
your  discretion."  Another  of  the  same  date,  addressed  also  to 
Kelly,  said:  "Is  your  matter  certain?  There  must  be  no  mistake. 
AH  depends  on  you.  Place  no  reliance  on  any  report  from  three 
southward." 

In  the  end  the  scheme  fell  through.  The  two  Republican  Elec- 
tors, whose  eligibility  was  unquestioned,  met,  and  Mr.  Watts  with 
them.  The  latter  resigned  his  office  on  account  of  questions  raised 
as  to  his  eligibility.     Rut  if  he  wras,  at  the  time  of  the  election,  ineligi- 


ia 


#.; 


of  the  State, 

e   elector   in 
ucate  accord- 


Hininan  was 
18  dictionary, 
■e  subpoenaed 
ire  them,  and 
lisclosing  the 
of  them : 

?mber  30. 


ae  certificate 
if  certificate 
defeat  action 
Democrat,  to 
y  Republican 
thousand  for 
ie  contingent, 
nnicate  them. 

ferred  to  was 
lom  a  number 
agent  fefe  was 
N.  H.  Patrick 
•ate?      If  you 

be  done  and 
ted  December 

deposited  as 

winning;  use 

essed   also  to 

>e  no  mistake. 

rt  from  three 

publican  Elec- 
r.  Watts  with 
lestions  raised 
lection,  ineligi- 


THE  ELECTORAL  TOINT. 


818 


the   vacancy 


ble,   he  was  so   no  longer,  and  he  was   elected   to  fill 
occasioned  by  his  own  resignation. 

Meantime  Cronin  came  in  and  claimed  that  he  had  a  <'ertiflcate  of 
election  from  the  Governor,  but  refused  to  show  it.  Being  refuseil 
recognition  by  the  board,  he  went  off  into  a  corner  of  the  room, 
declared  that  there  was  a  vacancy  in  the  board,  because  one  of  the 
Republican  Electors  refused  to  sit  with  him,  and  by  his  own  viva 
voce  vote  filled  the  vacancy.  He  then  declared  that  there  was 
another  vacancy  on  the  board,  because  the  second  Republican  Elector 
refused  to  sit  with  him.  That  was  also  filled,  the  board  organized, 
filled  out  a  certificate  of  two  votes  for  Hayes  and  one  for  Tilden.  Hut 
this  farcical  trumped  up  return  received  little  attention  from  the 
Electoral  Commission. 

After  the  disclosures  were  made  of  the  attempted  bribery  of 
electors,  it  was  said  that  Mr.  Tilden  knew  nothing  about  the  villainy. 
It  was  all  the  work  of  his  wicked  partners.  But  the  Oregon  dis 
patches  were  brought  very  close  home  to  him-  Most  of  them  were 
addressed  to  his  nephew,  W.  T.  Pelton,  who  was  a  member  of  Tilden's 
household,  and  the  "Gabble"  dispatch  was  addressed  to  Tilden  him- 
self. 

The  ciphel"  used  in  the  Florida  dispatches  was  much  more  intri- 
cate, but  it  was   finally  unraveled   by  members  of   the   New   York 
Tribune  staff.    Manton  Marble  and  V.  W.  Woolley  were  at  the  Florida 
end  of   the  line,  and  William  T.  Pelton    represented   Tilden  in    the 
matter.      As  early  as  November  22   Marble,  over  the   signature  of 
"Moses,"  telegraphed  to  Pelton:    "Woolley  asked  me  to  say,  let  for«;e» 
be   got  together   immediately  for  contingencies,   either   here  or   in 
Louisiana."     This  was  followed  a  few  days  later  by  another  dispatch, 
saying:      "Have  just  received  a  proposition  to  hand  over,  at  any  time 
required,  Tilden  decision  of   Board  and    decision  of   Governor    for 
1200,000."    Pelton  telegraphed  back:  "Proposition  too  high."    Marble 
and  Woolley  then  renewed  the  dicker,  and  gave  Pelton  to  understand 
that  they  could  buy  one  Elector  for  |50,000.      Pelton  then  informed 
them  that  they  could  not   draw  until    the  vote  of  the   Elector  was 
received.      But  if  there  really  was  a  purchaseable  Elector  he  wanted 
pay  in  advance,  and  this  failing,  the  negotiation  fell  through.      It  was 
a  case  of  mutual  distrust.      Pelton  was  not  willing  to  trust  the  Elec- 
tor to  "vote  right"  after  he  had  received  the  money,  and  the  Elector 
was  not  willing  to  trust  Pelton  for  the  pay  after  he  had  east  his  vote. 
The  whole  matter  wound  up  with  the  following  dispatch  from  Marble 


i';. 


'"iWi'w iiiiilli iMUiMn 


■mmmmmmmmtm 


mtm 


wt' 


814 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REPTTHLICAN  PARTY. 


to  Petton:  ''Propoeiition  failed.  Finished  responsibility  as  Moses. 
I4ist  night  Woolley  found  me,  and  said  he  had  nothing,  which  I  knew 
already.  Tell  Tilden  to  saddle  Blackstone!"  Ho  while  Pelton  was 
haggling  over  price  and  terms,  the  vote  that  was  so  badly  needed  got 
away  from  him. 

Hmith  M.  Weed  represented  Tilden  in  South  Carolina,  and  on 
November  16,  1870,  telegraphed  Pelton  that  the  Canvassing  Board 
demanded  f75,UUU  for  giving  Tilden  two  or  three  Electors,  and  $10,000 
more  would  be  needed  for  the  "interceder."  Later  he  telegraphed: 
"Majority  of  Board  have  been  secured.  CoRt  is  f80,0(M>;  one  parcel 
to  be  sent  of  |65,000,  one  of  |10,000,  one  of  f5,000;  all  to  be  sent  in 
1500  and  f  1,000  bills;  notes  to  be  deposited  as  parties  accept,  and 
given  up  upon  votes  of  South  ('arolina  being  given  to  Tilden's  friends. 
Do  this  at  once,  and  have  cash  ready  to  reach  Baltimore  Sunday 
night."  Before  the  money  could  reach  South  (Carolina,  however,  the 
Board  had  met  and  certified  the  election  of  the  Republican  candidates. 
Failing  In  this  scheme,  an  attempt  was  made  to  bribe  one  of  the 
Republican  Electors,  William  B.  Nash,  of  Columbia,  who  was  offered 
170,000  to  vote  for  Tilden,  as  he  testified  before  the  Congressional 
Investigating  Committee.  This  being  refused  the  Tilden  managers 
got  up  a  second  set  of  Electors,  and  took  their  chances  on  these  before 
the  Commission. 

It  was  not  expected  that  these  disclosures  would  affect  the  action 
of  the  Electoral  Commission,  which  was  supposed  to  be  guided  solely 
by  the  law  in  the  ease,  but  they  did  make  the  people  more  ready  to 
accept  the  conclusion  that  was  Anally  reached.  It  was  certainly  a 
poor  beginning  for  the  promised  ''reform''  Administration,  to  attempt 
The  corruption  of  officers  charged  with  a  high  public  duty,  in  trying  to 
bribe  itself  into  office. 

During  all  the  preliminary  discussions  )>ertaining  to  the  count  of 
the  Electoral  voteS)  the  President  of  the  Senate,  Thomas  W.  Ferry,  of 
Michigan,  acted  With  admirable  discretion.  He  never,  by  a  single 
utterance,  gave  expression  to  any  opinion  as  to  whether  he  was 
authorized  to  count  the  votes  or  not.  All  the  certificates  that  wek'e 
sent  to  him  were  marked  with  the  exact  day  and  hour  when  received, 
and  were  deposited  unopened  in  a  safe  place,  to  be  produced  only 
when  the  two  Houses  met  in  joint  convention  to  hear  them  read. 
Throughout  the  long  sessions  that  followed,  Mr.  Ferry,  upon  whom, 
after  the  death  of  Henry  Wilson,  November  22, 1875,  the  duties  of  the 
Vice-President  had  devolved,  presided  with  a  coolness,  impartiality 


■■.■Mr 


i 


THE  ELEPTORAL  TOVNT. 


Hi 


ility  as  MoBefi. 
which  I  knew 
ile  Pelton  wafl 
(lly  needed  ^ot 

rolina,  and  on 

vasging  Board 

>r8,  and  f  10,000 

le  telegraphed: 

[MM);  one  pareel 

I  to  be  sent  in 

leu  acoept,  and 

!ilden'8  friends. 

timore   Bunday 

a,  however,  the 

can  candidates. 

•ibe  one  of  the 

?ho  was  oflfered 

Congressional 

'ilden  managers 

on  these  before 

aflfect  the  action 
be  guided  solely 
B  more  ready  to 
was  certainly  a 
Ltion^  to  attempt 
iuty,  in  trying  to 

;  to  the  count  of 
lias  W.  Perry,  of 
ver,  by  a  single 
vhether  he  was 
Icates  that  wefe 
r  when  received, 
?  produced  only 
liear  them  read, 
■ry,  upon  whom, 
the  duties  of  the 
98S,  impartiality 


and  readiness  in  deciding  prints  in  Parliamentary  law,  that  brought 
many  expressions  of  praise  from  leading  men  of  both  ]>arties. 

The  Electoral  Commission  organized  January  :n,  1877,  and  the 
next  day,  the  two  Houses  of  Congress  met  in  the  Kepresentatives' 
Chamber  to  count  the  Electoral  vote.  The  galleries  of  the  House 
were  packed  and  even  the  corridors  outside  were  crowded.  Mr. 
Ferry,  who  was  commonly  designated  as  "Acting  Vice-President." 
took  the  chair,  with  Speaker  Hamuel  J.  Randall  at  his  Hide.  Mr. 
Ferry  opened  the  certificates  in  their  alphabetical  order  and  handed 
them  to  the  tellers  to  be  announced  and  recorded.  The  votes  of  Ala- 
bama, Arkansas,  Connecticut  and  Delaware  were  set  down  for  Tilden 
and  those  of  (California  and  ('olorado  for  Hayes,  without  dispute. 
When  the  vote  of  Florida  was  reached  the  Chair  announced  two  sets 
of  returns,  which,  under  the  new  law,  were  referred  to  the  Electoral 
Commission.  The  joint  convention  then  t<M)k  a  recess  to  await  the 
action  of  the  Commission. 

That  body  met  in  the  Supreme  (^ourt  room,  occupying  the  bench 
of  the  Justices  of  the  Court.  The  five  Justices  formed  the  center, 
with  the  Senate  members  at  the  right  and  the  House  members  at  the 
left,  the  Senior  Justice,  Clifford,  presiding.  Distinguished  counsel 
appeared  for  both  sides,  the  Republicans  being  represented  by  William 
M.  Evarts,  Stanley  Mathews,  E,  W.  Stoughton  and  Samuel  Shella- 
barger,  and  the  Democrats  by  Jeremiah  8,  HIack,  ('harles  O'Connor. 
John  A.  Campbell,  Lyman  Trumbull,  Montgomery  Blair,  Asbell 
Green,  George  Hoadley,  Richard  T.  Merrick,  William  C.  Whitney  and 
Alexander  P.  Morse. 

The  claims  of  Democratic  counsel  in  the  Florida  case  were 
that  the  Hayes-  Electors  were  not  duly  chosen;  that  the 
certificate  of  the  Governor  of  their  election  was  the  result 
of  a  conspiracy;  that  its  validity,  if  it  had  any  originally, 
had  been  annulled  by  a  subsequent  certificate,  issued  by  the 
Governor;  that  the  Tilden  Electors  were  chosen;  that  a  court  decision 
had  affirmed  the  choice  of  the  Tilden  Electors;  and  that  one  of  the 
Republican  Electors  was  disqualified  because  he  was  a  Shipping  Com- 
missioner under  appointment  of  the  Government  of  the  United  States 
at  the  time  of  his  election.  The  Republican  objection  to  the  Tilden 
votes  was  that  the  returns  were  not  duly  authenticated  by  any  person 
holding,  at  the  time,  an  office  under  the  State  of  Florida. 

This  was,  in  some  respects,  a  test  case,  and  the  discussion  of  it 
lasted  until  Februarv  7.      Ea<-h  of  the  fifteen  (Commissioners  read  his 


t^itmWiF' 


IT 


•m^ 


316 


HISTORY  OP  THE  RKPITBLICAN  PARTY. 


opinion  iti  gerret  scRBion,  but  it  was  Icnown  that  tho  flrgt  fourtH^n 
nu>inber8  uppointed  divided  on  i>oiiti<'al  lines,  tlie  seven  Republiciins 
voting  to  receive  the  ^layes  Electoral  votes,  and  the  seven  Democrats 
holding  the  Tilden  eertifirates  valid.  This  brought  it  up  to  Justice 
Itradle.v,  who  concurred  with  the  seven  Republicans  in  holding  that  it 
was  not  competent  for  the  Commission  to  go  into  evidence  aliunde 
(otherwise  than)  the  pajiers  oi)ened  by  the  Henate,  to  prove  that  other 
|)er8ous  than  those  regularly  certified  by  the  (lovernor  were  elected. 
With  reference  to  the  <*ase  of  the  Elector  alleged  to  be  disqualified,  it 
was  decided  that  the  evidence  did  not  show  that  he  held  an  office  on 
the  day  of  his  appointment.  By  vote  of  eight  to  seven,  therefore,  the- 
('oninussiou  decided  that  the  four  votes  of  Florida  should  be  counted 
for  Hayes  and  Wheeler. 

On  the  announcement  of  this  result  the  Democrats  were  filled 
with  mortification  and  rage.  They  denounced  the  whole  Commission 
scheme  as  a  trap,  a  trick  to  defraud  Mr.  Tilden  of  an  office  to  which 
he  had  been  fairly  elected,  and  to  make  Mr.  Hayes  a  fraudulent  Presi- 
dent, ignoring  the  fact  that  the  Bill  creating  the  (commission  received 
an  almost  solid  Democratic  vote,  with  many  Republican  votes  against  it. 
Even  Justice  Field  forgot  the  proprieties  of  his  Judicial  position,  and 
of  his  membership  on  the  Commission  and  joined  in  the  denunciations 
of  the  tribunal  of  which  he  was  a  member.  "The  country,"  he  said, 
"may  submit  to  the  result,  but  it  will  never  cease  to  regard  our  action 
as  unjust,  and  as  calculated  to  sap  the  foundations  of  public  mor- 
ality." Justice  Bradley  came  in  for  the  largest  share  of  abuse,  being 
assailed  w'th  the  most  virulent  denunciation,  and  finally  having  fired 
at  him  several  linear  feet  of  vituperative  verse  addressed  to  him  as 
"Aliunde  Joe."  The  two  Houses  met  again  in  joint  convention  Feb- 
ruary 10,  and  heard  the  decision,  when  formal  objection  being  made, 
they  separated  to  consider  it.  The  Senate,  by  a  strict  party  vote, 
accepted  the  decision  of  the  Commission.  The  House,  every  Demo- 
crat except  one,  voting  against  it,  rejected  the  Commission's  conclu- 
sion. Under  the  provisions  of  the  Bill  <'reating  the  Commission  it 
required  the  concurrent  vote  of  both  Houses  to  nullify  the  decision  of  ' 
the  Commission,  and  the  vote  of  Florida  was,  therefore,  counted  for 
Hayes. 

There  was  no  dispute  about  the  votes  of  Georgia,  Illinois,  Indiana, 
Iowa,  Kansas  or  Kentucky,  but  when  Louisiana  was  reached  two  cer- 
tificates were  reported,  and  the  case  went  to  the  Commission.  In 
this  the  Rei)ubli(  ans  based  their  clijim  on  the  simple  statement  that 


mm 


TUE  EliECTOKAL  COINT. 


317 


I  rat  fourteen 
RepublicuiiH 
n  DemooratH 
ip  to  JuBtice 
)lding  that  it 
ienoe  aliunde 
ve  that  other 
were  elected, 
isqualifled,  it 
J  an  offlre  on 
therefore,  the 
Id  be  counted 

ts  were  filled 
s  Commission 
fflce  to  which 
idulent  Presi- 
ssion  received 
ites  against  it. 
position,  and 
denunciations 
itry,"  he  said, 
ird  our  action 
f  public  mor- 
f  abuse,  being 
y  having  fired 
sed  to  him  as 
invention  Feb- 
n  being  made, 
ct  party  vote, 
',  every  Demo- 
ssion's  conclu- 
Commission  it 
the  decision  of 
•e,  coiinted  for 

linois,  Indiana, 
ached  two  cer- 
amission.  In 
statement  that 


the  Government,  with  William  Pitt  Kellogg  as  its  Executive  head, 
had  been  recognized  by  every  department  of  the  I'nited  Hlutes  Gov- 
ernment,  and  that  the  certificates  «.f  the  Hayes  Electors  were  certified 
by  Governor  Kellogg  in  due  form.      The  Democrats  asserted  that 
John  McEnery  was  the  lawful  Governor  of  the  Btate;  that  the  certifi- 
cates of  the  Hayes  Electors  were  false;  and  that   he  canvass  of  votes 
by  the  Returning  Board  was  without  jurisdiction  and  void.      They 
also  objected  to  two  of  the  Electors  as  disqualified  undtM-  the  Consti- 
tution, and  to  a  third.  Governor  Kellogg,  himself,  because  he  had 
certified  to  his  own  election.      They  also  offered  to  introduce  testi- 
mony to  prove  that   ten   thousand  votes  cast  for   Tllden   had   been 
thrown  out  by  the  Returning  Board  in  order  to  count  in  Hayes;  that 
the  Returning  Board  was  not  a  constitutional  body;  that  it  had  no 
jurisdiction,  and,  therefore,  its  acts  were  void.     A II  of  the  1  )emo«rratic 
contentions  were  overruled  by  a  vote  of  eight  to  seven,  and  the  vote 
of  the  State  was  given  to  Hayes,  taking  the  same  course  in  the  two 
Houses,  as  that  previously  taken  by  the  Florida  vote. 

In  the  case  of  Oregon  the  Commission  voted  unanimanHly  against 
counting  the  made  up  Tilden  vote,  but  again  divided  eight  to  seven 
on  the  question  of  counting  the  entire  vote  for  Hayes. 

In  the  case  of  South  Carolina  the  Democrats  claimed  that  no 
legal  election  had  been  held,  and  that  the  Army  and  Deputy  United 
States  Marshals  stationed  at  and  near  the  polls  prevented  the  free 
exercise  <.f  the  right  of  suffrage.  The  Republitan  claim  was  that 
the  Tilden  board  was  not  duly  appointed,  and  that  the  certificates 
were  defective  in  form  and  lacking  the  necessary  certification.  The 
Commission  heard  arguments  for  a  day,  and  then  voted  unanimously 
to  reject  the  Tilden  vote,  and,  by  the  customary  eight  to  seven, 
accepted  the  vote  for  Hayes. 

Objection  was  made  to  one  of  the  Electors  of  Michigan  and  one 
from  Nevada,  on  the  ground  that  they  held  Federal  offices  at  the  time 
of  election;  and  fo  one  of  the  Pennsylvania  Electors,  on  the  ground 
that  he  was  a  Centennial  Commissioner.  In  the  latter  case  the 
other  Electors  considered  the  place  vacant,  and  chose  another  Elec- 
tor to  fill  the  vacancy.  A  similar  case  came  up  from  Rhode 
Island  and  another  from  Vermont,  but  all  of  these  were 
decided  in  favor  of  the  Hayes  vote.  In  Wisconsin  one  of 
the  Electors  was  a  pension  surgeon.  The  Senate  voted  that  he 
was  eligible.  The  House  was  still  debating  the  question,  when  the 
hour  arrived,  on  March  2d,  that  had  been  fixed  upon  for  the  conclusion 


!   I 

I 


f 


i  II 


TIIK  KLKCTOUAI.  rol  NT. 


:U!) 


door  of  the 
midei'Htion  of 
ite,  the  connt 
or  HayfH  and 
he  reHiilt  was 

Tildeu. 
10 
6 


6 

a 
ii 
is 


The  result  of  the  eleetlon  In  ('ohuadi»  added  another  to  the  nunier 
oiiH  paiiK*  that  plereed  the  I)eino.ratl<-  breant.  That  eomi.iunlty 
wan  offered  Htatehood  tM-veral  .vearn  before  thin.  Init  lM'»-ft.rred  to 
retain  the  territorial  form  of  ( Jovernnient  for  awhile  longer.  In  IMTti 
It  applied  for  adnilsHion  aH  a  Htate.  and  an  It  wan  Hupponed  to  be 
wifely  Denioeratic,  the  H<nii.e  of  that  ('(.nureHK  largely  v<.t.Hl  for  ItB 
adnUsHion,  and  it  came  in  an  "The  Centennial  Htate."  Itn  Htate  eler- 
tion,  following  the  adoption  of  itn  ('onntitutiiM.,  wan  reported  at  flrnt 
to  have  resulted  in  a  Henioeratie  victory,  but  full  returns  nhowed  the 
ehoi«e.  by  a  nniall  majority,  of  the  Uepublieau  Htate  offleern.  In 
November  it  gave  Hayes  8118  majority.  If  it  had  given  the  expected 
Demoi-ratie  n»ajorlty  Tilden  would  have  be»Mi  elected,  without  worry- 
ing himself  over  Oregon  or  the  half  reeoustrueted  Houthern  Htates. 

It  wan  the  fashion,  for  a  time,  among  Demoeratie  newspaiH-rn  and 
stump  speakers,  to  refer  to  the  outcome  of  the  Eleetoral  Commission 
plan  as  a  fraud,  and  to  speak  of  Hayes  as  a  fraudulent  President. 
The  New  York  Hun  kept  this  up  as  long  as  Mr.  Dana  lived.  The  men 
who  made  themselves  hoarse  by  shouting  about  "The  Fraud  of  '7«- 
have  nearly  all  passed  away  or  learned  to  hold  their  pea<e.  But 
many  of  those  who  grow  red  in  the  face,  and  threaten  themselves  with 
aiKiplexy.  while  disclaiming  against  "The  Crime  of  73"  are  still  at 
large  upon  the  earth. 


j^iMiMiiii 


paKiiilTigriiiiaiiuOTiillMiiM^^  '   ~" 


> 


XXV. 

APMINIKTKATION  OF  rKKHlhENT  HAYKH. 

A  HlionK  Cabinet  HoUuteil-  Four  Iinpoituiit  I'olltltul  uml  Fluuiulal 

EvfiitH ^band<nmu'nt  of   HouIImmh  ReiMibllcaim— Ku-KIhx  and 

TIhbuo  Ballot  OutraRfg  In  the  Houtli— The  lUand-AIHiion  Hllvei- 
('oinaB»'  Meauure— diauKei!  in  the  New  York  i'uutonj  Houne— A 
Famous  Civil  Hervice  Order— A  Cinular  A^alnHt  rolitical  AsHeuH- 
uu'ntB— The  (Jreenbark  Cra/.e  of  1S7K— The  KeBumptlon  of  Hpeeie 
ra.vnientM— KeKulating  the  Electoral  Count— Restrleting  Chinese 
InimlKitttion— Pensioning  Jeff  Davis— Henator  Chandler's  Elo- 
quent Protest. 

In  the  selection  of  his  Cabinet  the  new  President  showed,  for  the 
most  part,  exeellent  judgment,  securing  for  the  most  important  places 
men  of  recognized  ability  and  of  unquestioned  Republicanism.  It  wa*« 
composed  as  follows : 

Secretary  of  Statt — William  M.  Evarts,  of  New  York. 

Secretary  of  the  Treasury— John  Sherman,  of  Ohio. 

Secretary  of  War— George  W.  McCrary.  of  Iowa. 

Secretary  of  the  Navy— Richard  W.  Thompson,  of  Indiana. 

Secretary  of  the  Interior— Carl  Schurz,  of  Missouri. 

Postmaster  Oen.ial— David  M.  Key,  a  Democrat,  of  Tennessee 

Attorney  General— Charles  Devens,  of  Massachusetts. 

The  only  one  of  these  appointments  that  met  with  severe  criticism 
was  that  of  Ex-Senator  Schurz,  and  that  was  not  a  fortunate  appoint 
ment  either  from  a  political  or  business  point  of  view.  Mr.  Schui'Ji, 
"Oreeleylzed"  In  1872,  was  bitter  In  his  hostility  to  Grant,  and  was 
generally  unacceptable  to  the  so-called  Stalwart  wing  of  the  Republi- 
can party,  though  in  that  respect  the  President  himself,  was  soon  In 
the  same  position.  Mr.  Schurz  had  never  shown  any  capacity  for 
business  affairs,  yet  he  was  assigned  to  a  department,  which  wa« 
almost  wholly  business,  and  not  political,  In  its  character.  There 
was.  however,  one  bond  of  sympathy  between  him  and  the  President. 


«w 


," : : 


I 

I 


.    ADMIXIHTHATION  OF  PUKHII»KNT  IIAYKH. 


:V2\ 


..|,i'^ 


YKK. 

and  Financial 
— Ku-Klux  and 
il  AlliHun  Hilvei' 
Htoni  HouHf — A 
I'olitiral  AsHCHH- 
nptiun  of  Wpwci*' 
trii'tiug  (iiineitc 
Chaudler'H   Elo- 


Hliowcd,  for  the 
niportant  places 
icaniHiu.    It  wat> 

'ork. 

lio. 

I. 

f  Indiana. 

uri. 

,  of  TenneSHee 

1  setts. 

I  severe  eriticisni 
rtunate  appoiui 
w.  Mr.  Sehur^, 
Grant,  and  was 
U  of  the  Kepubli- 
lelf,  was  soon  in 
iny  capacity  for 
lent,  which  wan 
aracter.  There 
id  the  President. 


•."4 


^m^ 


lie  was  a  profeMHioiiiil  civil  Mervice  reformer,  and  the  I'reMident  wa4 
active  in  extending  civil  Mervice  rnleM  an  far  nn  poHHible.  In  Decem- 
ber, 1M71>,  Secretary  Mcrrar.v  reMlgned  to  become  I'nited  HtateM  .Fmlge 
for  the  KiKhth  .liidicial  circuit,  and  .VIexander  Han.Mev,  of  MinneHotii, 
WMM  appointed  in  hin  place.  In  ISSO  I'oHtmaMter  Ueneral  Key  resiKned, 
and  was  suc«-eeded  by  Horace  Maynard,  of  Tennessee. 

The  Hayes  .Vdministration  has  be<'n  sometimeH  Npokon  of  as  n 
colorless  one,  and  it  was  lacking  in  the  excitenientH  that  had  attended 
some  previiHis  pericMls,  luit  it  was  marked  by  four  very  iiit|Mirtant 
events,  political  and  financial.  Thi>se  were  the  abandonment  of  all 
attempts,  by  Federal  interference,  to  secure  to  IIk'  colored  voters  in 
the  Houth,  their  pclitical  rights;  the  rapid  and  unexpecttHl  Ki'owth  of 
the  G.eenback  ;»irty;  the  resumption  of  siiecie  payments;  and  the 
r'>ciMni;ane'  r.ejit  of  the  coinage  of  the  standard  nilver  dollar.  '  . 

..i»h.>K;.''v  ihc  Heeded  Htates  ratified  the  Thirteenth,  Fourti-enth 
i;u\\  Fh''i.';M'.  Amendments  to  the  Constitution,  the  leaders  amouK 
thf^xtt  tit-ver  Intended  to  live  up  to  the  spirit  of  the  last  two.  The 
n<;!i*>f1l  i-niployeil  l-y  the  Democrats  to  evade  or  nullify  them  were 
nninc-t  us,  inj^' nmnK  nnA  some  of  tlu>m  barbarous,  (leornia  was,  at 
t^i'Ki,  th'.  mop  (>;)!.'?  ?u««1  d<  flrtHt  in  its  nullifying;  measures,  but  in  the 
i'rtd,  ih*:  Jiiima-jippi  blackn  ^-.j'Tered  the  most  from  iM'rsonal  (^rnelties 
and.  «/u/r«;,vi'.  Aj  r;art,'.  ua  iHttU,  Oeor^ia,  even  before  its  Keimtors 
oij'  .-'iprestr.U  «jve»i  iM  fi^  n  ad?  litted  to  Congress,  decided,  throuj.i;h 
V'«  Ui^M-.lat  ■>!•»',  tJi..'  CI  I*  trees  u'  n  vere  not  entitled  to  serve  as  Legis- 
'jltM«,  iior  ti.  u'ljtd  ofRte  ')»  it).  Sf^'^e.  Accordingly  the  blacks  were 
ej:p..''l'i<l  from  the  T>>),is'!i;j"e  v. '.i!t-'  .vhites,  who  were  ineligible  undcv 
titf  r*iurtee'itli  V/jitiu  ni«  j»,  yn"v  billowed  to  renuiin.  The  banie  Leg- 
ittlatr.i'e  n  lused  to  ratify  tu^.'  <"<fteenth  Amendment.  Congress  then 
p/Ml»<^l  sn  A't  detioriii,>v  li^e  Legislature  illegally  constituted,  and 
r.ujuK'od  the  rd*ii^.cfefio«  '»f  fhe  Fifteenth  Amendment,  as  a  prere- 
»|Hieit»»  fo  *i\e.  ac'imiftnoD  af  floiintors  and  Representatives  to  Congress. 
The  Legi'.'i  ciwe  tun  ror  .routed  before  the  expulsions  was,  therefore, 
reconvened,  ave  *-he  /vinendinent  was  ratified. 

'^'his  was  i'u  Ijh;  act  of  open  defiance  of  Congress  by  any  Seceded 
Ktate.  Hut  Hoitihern  ingenuity  was  soon  at  work  devising  means  to 
ei  cojiipl'wh,  by  indirection,  what  it  did  not  venture  farther  to  attempt 
i\V  o^K  u  defiance.  The  Ku-Klux  Klan  was  the  first  of  these  inventions 
It  was  a  secret  organization,  whose  members  went  through  the 
country,  chiefly  at  night,  on  horseback,  disguised  and  armed,  intimi- 
dating, beating,  maiming  and  murdering  blacks  and  white  Republi- 


-1 


'IIH'IHUMIJ 


■HHil 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  TARTY. 


cans.  It  spread  through  all  the  (iulf  States  except  Florida,  and  its 
outrages  extended  also  through  North  and  South  Carolina,  Tennesseo 
and  Arkansas.  Its  operations  were  especially  active  just  before 
election,  and  their  intimidating  effects  were  so  complete  that  in  some 
of  the  states  many  thousands  of  colored  and  white  Republicans  did 
not  venture  to  go  to  the  polls.  The  story  of  these  outrages,  as  told 
in  the  evidence  taken  bfefore  Congressional  Investigating  Committees, 
furnishes  a  chapter  of  horrid  barbarities  better  suited  to  a  Moslem 
community  in  the  Middle  Ages  than  to  a  Christian  country  in  the 
Nineteenth  Century, 

The  tissue  ballot  was  a  South  Carolina  invention  for  the  more 
peaceable  nullification  of  the  Republican  vote.  A  Democratic  ballot, 
printed  on  the  paper  commonly  used,  was  first  taken,  and  folded 
within  this  there  might  be  half  a  dozen  or  a  dozen  smaller  ballots, 
printed  on  tissue  paper.  The  Republican  ballots  were  all  of  the 
larger  size,  and  printed  on  the  coarser  paper.  If  the  number  of 
ballots  in  a  box  exceeded  the  number  of  names  checked  *on  the  poll 
list,  the  law  required  that  a  sufficient  number  of  ballots  should  be 
drawn  from  the  box,  to  equalize  the  number  remaining  with  the 
number  of  names  on  the  list.  This  was  done  by  one  of  the  inspec- 
tors, blindfolded.  But  a  person  did  not  need  the  use  of  his  eyes  to 
distinguish  between  the  Democratic  tissue  ballots  and  the  Republican 
ballots  on  heavier  paper.  The  latter  were  invariably  the  ones  thrown 
out,  and  the  former  were  left  in  and  counted. 

Besides  these  methods  of  keeping  out  and  throwing  out  Republi- 
oaii  votes,  false  counting  was  resorted  to  in  most  of  the  Southern 
States,  until  the  phrase,  "a  free  vote  and  a  fair  count"  became  a 
mockery. 

Congressional  investigations  had  disclosed  these  various  raethodf, 
of  defeating  the  popular  will,  and  in  consequence  of  these  disclosures 
President  Grant  had  recognized  and  sustained  Republican  State  Gov- 
ernments which  the  Democrats  had  sought  to  overthrow,-  it  was  on 
this  account  alone  that  it  became  possible  for  Louisiana  and  Sout^ 
<.'arolina  to  cast  their  Electoral  votes  for  Hayes,  or,  in  fact,  to  make  a 
showing  at  all  for  the  Republican  tickets.  This  policy  was  aban- 
doned by  President  Hayes,  much  to  the  disappointment  of  Republi 
cans  in  Congress  and  throughout  the  country.  The  same  votes  that 
chose  Hayes  electors  in  Louisiana  fairly  elected  Stephen  B.  Packard 
Governor;  and  the  same  votes  that  gave  him  a  majority  in  South  Caro- 
lina, also  gave  Daniel  H.  Chamberlain  a  majority  for  Governor  of  that 


ijs.- 


•''mMIIKIl'WIi'f'^W^ 


■^f^ 


■Mh^ 


r-^.d:.: 


\  •> 


ADMINIHTUATION  OP  PRESIDENT  HAYEK 


;w.{ 


urida,  and  its 
na,  Tennessee 
e  jnst  before  C 

that  in  some 
^publicans  did 
rages,  as  told 
g  Committees, 

to  a  Moslem 
;ountry  in  the 


f  fA^-- 


for  the  more 

locratie  ballot, ; 

n,  and   folded 

mailer  ballots. 

ere  all  of  the 

he   number  of 

ed'on  the  poll 

lots  should  be 

ining  with  the 

!  of  the  inspec- 

I  of  his  eyes  to 

the  Republican 

he  ones  thrown 

ng  out  Republi- 
f  the  Southern 
unt"  became  a 

ariouB  methodK 
lese  disclosures 
ican  State  Gov- 
tWi  it  was  on 
ana  and  South, 
fact,  to  make  a 
licy  was  aban- 
?nt  of  Republi- 
ume  votes  that 
len  B.  Packard 
in  South  Caro- 
overnor  of  that 


State.  His  failure  to  recogniKe  and  sustain  these  two  Republican 
Governors  in  their  position  and  his  withdrawal  of  troops  from  the 
South  were  regarded  as  a  piece  of  ingratitude,  as  well  as  a  failure  to 
supi)ort  the  principles  of  Republican  Government.  He  abandoned 
Chamberlain  and  Packard  to  their  fate,  and  Democratic  Governments, 
based  on  intimidation  and  fraud,  were  set  up  in  those  States.  Very 
strong  evidence  was  afterwards  produced  to  show  that  the  withdrawal 
of  the  troops  was  the  price  paid  by  Mr.  Hayes,  through  the  promises 
of  his  friends,  for  being  allowed  to  take  the  Presidential  ofHce  undis- 
turbed. 

From  that  time  on,  except  in  Tennessee,  Virginia,  North  Carolina 
and  Florida,  the  Republican  vote  was  practically  suppressed  in  all  the. 
Seceded  States,  and  for  twenty  years  thereafter  not  a  single  Republi 
can  Elector  was  chosen  in  all  Secessia. 

In  reference  to  this,  however,  it  should  be  said  that  Grant,  in  his 
efforts  to  secure  fair  elections  in  the  South  had,  up  to  1875,  been  sup- 
ported by  Congresses  with  large  Republican  majorities,  and  even  at 
that  he  had  been  obliged  to  abandon  Governor  Ames,  of  Mississippi. 
Hayes,  on  the  other  hand,  was  confronted  with  a  Democratic  House, 
which  would  have  hindered  him  in  any  positive  or  aggressive  policy  in 
reference  to  the  Southern  States,  even  if  it  had  been  in  his  nature  to 
adopt  such  a  policy.  Probably,  under  any  policy  in  Washington,  the 
South  must  eventually  have  been  left  to  work  out  its  own  salvation. 
Under  whatever  method  that  was  tried,  it  proved  slow  of  reconstruc- 
tion. Its  complete  restoration  was  not  accomplished  until  the  birth 
of  a  new  industrial  spirit,  the  development  of  its  material  resources, 
and  the  investment  of  Northern  capital  in  the  South  brought  the  two 
sections  into  closer  business  relations.  Good  feeling  was  not  wholly 
restored,  until  the  comradeship  of  soldiers  in  the  Spanish  war  had 
cemented  it.  But  from  the  beginning  of  the  Hayes  Administration 
"The  Southern  Question,"  as  a  distinct  political  issue  may  be  said  to 
have  ceased  to  exist. 

The  depressed  business  condition  of  the  country,  and  a  scant  cir- 
culating medium,  had  by  this  time  led  to  a  great  clamor  for  a  restora- 
tion of  the  coinage  of  the  standard  silver  dollar,  and  what  was  called 
the  Bland-Allison  Bill  was  the  result.  It  was  introduced  at  a  special 
session  of  Congress,  November  5,  1877,  by  Richard  P.  Bland,  of  Mis- 
souri. The  bill  directed  that  the  coinage  of  silver  dollars  of  the 
weight  of  4121/2  grains  of  standard  silver  should  be  resumed,  the 
coins  to  be  a  "legal  tender,  at  their  nominal  value,  for  all  dues,  public 


ii 


m 


mmma 


—  "- " — ■••" 


,.>  :\l. 


l\ 


324 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REPl  BLICAN  PARTY. 


and  private,  except  where  otherwise  provided  b.v  contract."  It  also 
Btipulated  that  any  owner  of  silver  bullion  might  deposit  the  same  at 
the  mints,  to  be  coined  into  sucJi  dollars  for  his  benefit,  npon  the  same 
terms  as  gold  bullion.  This  was  immediately  passed  by  the  House, 
under  suspension  of  the  rules,  by  a  vote  of  164  to  M.  Of  the  yeas 
(57  were  Republican  and  Ul  Democrats,  and  of  the  nays  24  were 
Republicans  and  10  were  Democrats.  In  the  Senate  Mr.  Allison, 
from  the  Committee  on  Finance,  reported  the  bill,  but  with  essential 
alterations  in  its  character.  It  provided  that  not  less  than  f2,000,U00 
nor  more  than  $4,000,000  worth  of  silver  bullion  should  be  purchased 
each  month  and  coined  into  dollars  of  the  weight  prescribed,  the 
proUt  of  the  coinage  to  go  into  the  Treasury.  The  free  coinage  of 
silver  for  the  benefit  of  owners  of  silver  bullion  was  eliminated  from 
the  bill. 

In  its  amended  form  the  Bill  passed  the  Senate  by  a  vote  of  48  to 
21,  and  the  House  concurred  in  the  Senate  amendment.  It  was  vetoed 
by  President  Hayes,  but  passed  over  the  veto  in  the  House  by  a  vote 
of  190  to  73,  and  in  the  Senate  by  a  vote  of  4(>  to  11).  The  House 
affirmative  vote  was  119 .Democrats  and  77  Republicans,  and  the  nega- 
tive vote  was  22  Democrats  and  51  Republicans.  The  Senate 
affirmative  vote  was  25  Democrats,  20  Republicans  and  1  Independent, 
and  the  negative  vote  was  9  Democrats  and  10  Republicans.  As 
Secretary  Sherman,  in  whose  Department  the  operation  of  the  Act 
came,  was  not,  at  that  time,  in  favor  of  very  extensive  coinage  of  the 
silver  dollar  he  kept  the  purchase  of  bullion  down  nearly  to  the  mini- 
mum limit.  At  the  time  the  coinage  of  the  silver  dollar  was  dropp<»d 
in  1873  the  white  metal  was  valued  at  1.004  as  compared  with  gold. 
In  1877,  when  the  Bland-Allison  Bill  passed,  its  average  value  was 
.9295,  and  just  before  the  passage  of  the  Sherman  Act  in  1890,  it  had 
fallen  to  .7232.  Mr.  Allison's  elimination  of  the  free  coinage  feature 
turned  into  the  Treasury  a  large  profit,  that  under  the  original  Blaud 
Bill  would  have  gone  into  the  pockets  of  the  mine  owners. 

The  Coinage  Act,  as  finally  passed,  also  provided  that  the  Presi- 
dent should  invite  the  governments  of  the  countries  composing  tt-- 
Latin  (Tnion,  so-called,  and  of  such  other  European  nations  as  he 
might  deem  it  advisable,  to  join  the  United  States  in  a  conference  to 
adopt  a  common  ratio  between  gold  and  silver,  for  the  purpose  of 
establishing,  internationally,  the  use  of  bimetallic  money,  and  secur- 
ing fixity  of  relative  value  between  these  metals.  Such  a  conference 
was  afterwards  held,  but  the  views  of  the  different  countries  sharing 
in  it  were  so  far  apart  that  nothing  came  of  it. 


fm--'% 


rv 


ADMINIRTRATION  OF  PRESIDENT  HAYES.         325 


itruct."  It  also 
a»\i  the  same  at 
:,  npon  the  same 
a  by  the  House, 
[.  Of  the  yeas 
i  nays  24  were 
ite  Mr.  Allison, 
it  with  essential 
i  than  12,000,000 
lid  be  purchased 
prescribed,  the 
free  coinage  of 
eliminated  from 

ly  a  vote  of  48  to 
t.  It  was  vetoed 
House  by  a  vote 
ID.  The  House 
ns,  and  the  nega- 
B.  The  Senate 
d  1  Independent, 
epublicans.  As 
ation  of  the  Act 
ve  coinage  of  the 
iarly  to  the  mini- 
Ilar  was  dropp<»d 
pared  with  gold, 
^erage  value  was 
ct  in  1890,  it  hatl 
e  coinage  feature^ 
lie  original  Blaud 
wners. 

;d  that  the  Presi- 
s  composing  tt' 
in  nations  as  he 
n  a  conference  to 
r  the  purpose  of 
noney,  and  secur- 
3uch  a  conference 
countries  sharing 


Whether  from  an  unmixed  desire  for  civil  service  reform,  or 
whether  it  was  because  he  wished  to  weaken  the  power  of  Senator 
Conkling  in  New  York  politics,  President  Hayes,  early  in  his  term, 
made  a  bold  move  in  respect  to  the  most  important  Oovernment  ofBiCH 
in  New  York  City.  It  would  have  been  but  human  had  the  second 
motive  exerted  some  influence  on  his  purpose,  for  Conkling  had 
already  begun  to  treat  the  President  with  that  lofty  scorn  and  fine 
sarcasm  in  the  use  of  which  he  was  an  adept.  Many  complaints  were 
nmde  of  the  administration  of  affairs  in  the  New  York  Custom  House, 
where  two-thirds  of  the  import  duties  of  the  whole  country  were  col- 
lected, and  a  <-ommis8ion  was  appointed  in  April,  1877,  to  make  an 
examination.  Its  first  report  dwelt  on  the  evils  of  appointments  for 
political  reasons,  without  sufficient  regard  for  efficiency,  and  it  recom- 
mended sweeping  changes.  The  President  concurred  in  the 
recommendations  and  wrote  to  Secretary  Sherman: 

It  is  my  wish  that  the  collection  of  the  revenues  should  be  free 
from  partisan  control,  and  organized  on  a  strictly  business  basis,  with 
the  same  guarantees  for  efficiency  and  fidelity  in  the  selection  of  the 
chief  and  subordinate  officers  that  would  be  required  by  a  prudent 
merchant.  Party  leaders  should  have  no  more  influence  in  appoint- 
ments than  other  equally  respectable  citizens.  No  assessments  for 
political  purposes  on  officers  or  subordinates  should  be  allowed.  No 
useless  officer  or  employe  should  be  retained.  No  officer  should  be 
required  or  permitted  to  take  part  in  the  management  of  political 
organizations,  caucuses,  conventions,  or  election  campaigns.  Their 
right  to  vote,  and  to  express  their  views  on  public  questions,  either 
orally  or  through  the  press,  is  not  denied,  provided  it  does  not  inter- 
fere with  the  discharge  of  their  official  duties. 

Other  reports  followed  the  first,  showing  inefficiency,  neglect 
of  duty,  dishonesty  and  bribery  in  the  subordinate  officers  of  the 
Custom  House.  The  commissioners  also  found  "that  for  many 
years  past  the  view  had  obtained  with  some  political  leaders  that  the 
friends  of  the  Administration  in  power  had  a  right  to  control  the 
customs  appointments;  and  this  view,  which  seemed  to  have  been 
acquiesced  in  by  successive  administrations,  had  of  late  been  recog- 
nized to  what  the  Commission  deemed  an  undue  extent  by  the  chief 
officer  of  the  service.  These  gentlemen,  on  the  ground  that  they  were 
compelled  to  surrender  to  personal  and  partisan  dictation,  appear  to 
have  assumed  that  they  were  relieved,  in  part  at  least,  from  the 
reBponsibilities  that  belonged  to  the  appointing  power." 


' 


>-jK 


B» 


32(5 


HISTORY  OP  THE  REPUIILICAN  PARTY. 


The  olHcers  of  the  port  at  the  time  were  Chester  A.  Arthur, 
f'oUector;  Alonzo  B.  Cornell,  Naval  Officer,  and  (Jeorge  H.  Hharpe,  * 
Surveyor.      Ab  they  seemed  bound  to  the  old  system,  it  was  decided 
that  they  must  either  resign  or  be  removed.    On  this  point  Secretary 
Sherman  wrote  his  Assistant  Secretary: 

After  a  very  full  consideration  and  a  very  kindly  one,  the  Presi- 
dent, with  the  cordial  assent  of  his  (.'abinet,  came  to  the  conclusion 
that  the  public  interests  demanded  a  change  in  the  three  leading 
officers  in  New  York,  and  a  public  announcement  of  that  character 
was  authorized.  I  am  quite  sure  that  this  will,  on  the  whole,  be 
considered  a  wise  result.  The  manner  of  making  the  changes  and 
the  persons  to  be  appointed  will  be  a  subject  of  careful  and  full  cop-| 
uideration,  but  it  is  better  to  know  that  it  is  determined  upon  and 
ended.  It  is  probable  that  no  special  point  would  \\ave  been  made 
upon  Mr.  Cornell's  holding  his  position  as  I'huirman  of  the  Stat<' 
('ommittee  for  a  limited  time,  but  even  that  was  not  the  thing, 
the  real  question  being  that,  whether  he  resigned  or  not,  it  was 
better  that  he  and  Arthur  and  Sharpe  should  ail  give  way  to  new 
men,  to  try  definitely  a  new  policy  in  the  conduct  of  the  New  York 
Custom  House.  I  have  no  doubt,  unless  these  gentlemen  should 
make  it  impossible  by  their  conduct  hereafter,  that  they  will  be 
treated  with  the  utmost  consideration,  and,  for  one,  I  have  no  hesita 
tion  in  saying  that  I  hope  General  Arthur  will  be  recognized  in  a  very 
complimentary  way. 

In  accordance  with  the  suggestion  made  in  the  last  sentence 
of  the  above  letter,  the  position  of  Consul  General  at  Paris  was  offered 
to  General  Arthur,  but  he  declined  the  proffer,  preferring  to  "stick" 
where  he  was.  None  of  the  three  officials  named  would  resign. 
They  were,  therefore,  removed  and  October  24,  1877,  nominations 
were  made  of  Theodore  Roosevelt  for  Collector,  Edward  A.  Merritt 
for  Surveyor,  and  L.  B.  Prince  for  Naval  Officer.  Through  Conkling's 
efforts  these  nominations  were  rejected  by  the  Senate,  then  in  special 
session.  At  the  opening  of  the  regular  session,  in  December,  the 
same  names  were  sent  in  again,  but  only  Prince,  for  Naval  Officer, 
was  confirmed.  After  the  session  closed  the  President  placed  Edwin 
A.  Merritt  in  the  office  of  Collector,  and  Silas  W.  Burt  in  that  of 
Surveyor.  These  appointments  had  to  come  before  the  Senate  for 
confirmation  when  it  again  met. 

Secretary  Sherman  had,  by  this  time,  become  deeply  interested 
in  the  matter,  and  wrote  to  Senator  Allison : 

I  would  not  bother  you  with  this  personal  matter,  but  that  I  feel 
Ihe  deepest  interest  in  the  confirmation  of  General  Merritt,  which  I 


p' 


M 


■r  t/iff< 


ADM1NI8TRATI0N  OP  PREgnJENT  HAYEH. 


S27 


Hter  A.  Arthur, 
orge  H.  Hharp**, 
I,  it  was  decided 
point  Secretary 

one,  the  Presi- 
the  conclusion 

e  three  leading 
that  clmracter 
»n  the  whole,  be 

the  changes  and 
}ful  and  full  con- 
'mined  upon  and 

Have  been  made 
lan  of  the  State 
8  not  the  thing, 
i  or  not,  it  was 
give  way  to  new 
of  the  New  York 
gentlemen  should 
lat  they  will    be 

I  have  no  hesita 
pognized  in  a  very 

the  last  sentence 
Paris  was  offered 
ferring  to  "stick" 
ted  would  resign. 
L877,  nominations 
dward  A.  Merritt 
brough  Conkling'8 
.te,  then  in  special 
in  December,  the 
for  Naval  OflBcer, 
lent  placed  Edwin 
'.  Burt  in  that  of 
re  the  Senate  for 


ter,  but  that  I  feel 
1  Merritt,  which  I 


know  will  be  beneficial  to  us  as  a  party,  and  still  more  so  to  the 
public  service.  Personally  I  huve  the  deepest  interest  in  it  because 
1  haye  been  most  unjustly  assailed  in  regard  to  it  in  the  most  offen- 
sive manner.  1  feel  tree  to  appeal  to  you  and  VVindom,  represent- 
ing as  you  do,  Western  slates,  and  being  old  friends  and  a<-quaint- 
ances,  to  take  into  consideration  this  personal  aspect  of  the  i-ase.  If 
the  restoration  of  Arthur  be  insisted  upon,  tbe  whole  liberal  elemeni 
will  be  against  us,  and  H  will  lose  us  tens  of  thousiihds  of  votes, 
without  doing  a  particle  of  good.  No  man  could  be  a  more  earnest 
Republican  than  1,  and  I  feel  this  political  loss  as  much  as  any  one 
can.  It  will  be  a  personal  reproach  to  me,  and  merely  to  gratify  the 
insane  hate  of  (.'onkling,  who  in  this  resjiect  disregards  the  express 
wishes  of  the  Republican  members  from  New  York,  of  the  great  body 
of  Republicans,  and  as  I  personally  know,  runs  in  antagonism  to  his 
nearest  and  best  friends  in  the  Senate. 

To  Senator  Justin  S.  Morrill,  Secretary  Shernmn  wrote  a  much 
longer  and  more  specific  letter,  giving  reasons  why  the  nominations 
should  be  confirmed.  This  was  done,  Merritt  having  33  votes  for 
confirmation  to  24  against,  and  Burt  31  for,  to  19  against.  In  both 
cases  a  majority  of  the  Democrats  and  a  minority  of  the  Republicans 
voted  for  confirmation.  Conkling  was  enraged  at  this  defeat,  and 
took  it  out  by  abusing  Secretary  Sherman  and  George  William  ( 'urtis, 
the  latter  of  whom  had  the  temerity  to  introduce  in  the  next  New 
York  State  Convention  a  resolution  approving  the  course  of  the 
President  in  regard  to  the  civil  service.  Both  Sherman  and  Curtis 
were  added  to  Conkling's  already  long  list  of  enemies,  to  be  assailed 
as  opportunity  should  offer. 

The  views  contained  in  the  President's  letter  to  Secretary  Sher- 
man were  quoted  in  the  famous  Civil  Service  Order  No.  1,  and  this 
was  added:  "This  rule  is  applicable  to  every  department  of  the 
Civil  Service.  It  should  be  understood  by  every  officer  of  the  General 
Government  that  he  is  expected  to  conform  his  conduct  to  its  require- 
ments." This  order  was  sneered  at  by  the  Democrats  and  resented 
by  many  Republicans,  as  putting  limitations  upon  the  rights  of 
citizenship,  and  depri>-ing  the  party  of  the  services  of  some  of  its 
best  men.  Many  postmasters  and  other  officeholders  resigned  lucra- 
tive positions,  rather  than  be  put  under  such  limitations.  No  Civil 
Service  Order  No.  2  was  ever  issued  by  President  Hayes,  and  no 
Pr'isident  since  then  has  ever  gone  as  far  as  he  did  in  the  attempt 
to  divorce  office-holding  from  politics. 

In  respect  to  political  assessments  a  circular  letter  was  issued 
June  20,  1878,  establishing  a   -nle  to  govern  all  the  executive  depart- 


i 


■  w 


f-\ 


328 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  1»ARTY. 


ments  and  Oovernment  employes  throughout  the  country.    Its  eageii- 
tial  parts  were  as  follows: 

You  ret-eive  your  salary  as  an  employe  of  the  Government  for 
certain  services  rendered  in  your  ofttciul  capacity,  not  as  a  member 
of  a  political  party.  The  salary  so  earned  belongs  to  you,  and  unlesH 
taxed  by  law,  it  is  in  no  sense  subject  to  any  assessment  for  any 
object  whatever.  In  return  for  it  you  are  expe<-ted  to  perform  your 
official  duties  faithfully,  and  officially  to  d^  nothing  more.  In  this 
connection  I  have  to  call  your  attention  to  the  following  statutory 
provision:  "All  executive  officers  or  employes  of  the  United  States, 
not  appointed  by  the  President  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the 
Senate,  are  prohibited  from  requesting,  giving  to,  or  receiving  from, 
any  other  officer  or  employe  of  the  (lovernment,  any  numey  or  prop- 
erty or  other  thing  of  value  for  political  purposes."  You  are  as  free 
as  any  other  citizen  to  spend  your  spare  money  in  any  legitimate 
way  you  please,  and  as  your  political  principles  or  your  public  spirit 
may  suggest,  provided  you  do  not  violate  the  above  quoted  provision 
of  the  law,  either  directly  or  indirectly.  Your  contributing  or  not 
contributing,  as  above  stated,  will  not  affect  in  any  manner  whatever 
your  official  standing  or  prospects  in  the  department. 

When  the  Greenback  party  promulgated  its'  first  variegated 
platform,  and  began  to  hold  small  conventions  in  the  various  States, 
members  of  the  old  parties  amused  themselves  by  quoting  Scripture 
at  it  in  ridicule,  giving  especially  the  account  in  II.  Samuel  of  the 
gathering  of  David's  partisans  at  the  cave  of  Adullam:  "And  every 
one  that  was  in  distress,  and  every  one  that  was  in  debt,  and  every 
one  that  was  discontented,  gathered  themselves  unto  him;  and  he 
became  a  captain  over  them;  and  there  were  with  him  about  four 
hundred  men."  So  far  as  the  charactier  of  the  men  was  concerned 
the  picture  was  not  very  far  out  of  the  way,  for  the  party  was  largely 
an  organized  discontent  with  the  existing  order  of  things,  political 
and  financial ;  but  so  far  as  its  possible  growth  went,  it  was  greatly 
underestimated.  At  the  Presidential  election  in  1K76  it  cast  81,740 
votes  in  the  whole  country.  In  the  spring  of  1878  it  cast  more  votes 
than  that  in  Michigan  alone,  and  brought  consternation  to  the  minds 
of  the  Republicans  by  electing  a  majority  of  the  Supervisors  in  some 
of  their  most  reliable  old  counties.  In  the  fall  following  it  changed 
the  result  in  quite  a  number  of  States,  either  by  fusion  with  the 
Democrats,  or  by  drawing  away  Republican  votes,  and  thus  giving 
the  States  to  the  straight  Democratic  tickets.  It  did  not  secure  for 
itself  any  United  States  Senators,  but  it  aided  the  Democrats  to 


\  ■ 


■•''';^''- 


;  v^W*.' 


ry.    Its  essori- 


overnment  for 

as  a  membei- 

ou,  and  uiiIchh 

Miiient  for  any 

perform  your 

more.    In  this 

nring  statutory 

Unitetl  8tate«, 

consent  of  the 

eceivinj?  from, 

iioney  or  prop- 

ToH  are  as  free 

any  legitimate 

nr  public  spirit 

noted  provision 

'ibuting  or  not 

anner  whatever 


Irst  variegated 
various  States, 
oting  Scripture 
Samuel  of  the 
m:  "And  every 
debt,  and  every 
to  him;  and  he 
him  about  four 
was  concerned 
irty  was  largely 
things,  political 
,  it  was  greatly 
6  it  cast  81,740 
cast  more  votes 
on  to  the  minds 
>rvis6rs  in  some 
A^ing  it  changed 
fusion  with  the 
ind  thus  giving 
1  not  secure  for 
?  Democrats  to 


ADMINISTRATION  OP  PRESinKXT  HAYES.         .129 

elect  several  so  that  the  Senate  for  the  first  time  since  18({(>  hud  an 
anti-Republican  majority.  In  the  House  it  secured  fourteen  mem- 
bers, either  alone  or  in  combination  with  the  Democrats,  besides 
helping  the  Democrats  in  many  districts  by  running  separate  can- 
didates. It  was  at  its  highest  mark  in  this  election,  though  in  1880 
it  cast  nearly  four  times  as  many  votes  as  it  did  in  1876. 

In  Michigan  the  campaign  was  a  very  exciting  one.  Some  of  its 
details  are  given  in  another  chapter  of  this  bo(»k.  The  vote  on 
Oovernor  was: 

Charles  M.  Ooswell,  Republican 126,280 

.  ?       Orlando  M.  Barnes,  Democratic 78,50:5 

Henry  S.  Smith,  (Jreenback 73,3i:{ 

Watson  Snyder,  Prohibition 3,469 

Scattering   1,200 

On  Congressmen  the  result  in  Michigan  was  different  from  thai 
in  many  of  the  other  States,  for  here  the  Greenback  vote  divided 
the  opposition  instead  of  drawing  mainly  from  the  Republicans. 
There  was  consequently  a  solid  Republican  delegation  from  the  State, 
the  membership  being  as  follows  in  the  order  of  their  districts:  John 
S.  Newberry,  Edwin  Willits,  Jonas  H.  McOowan,  Julius  C.  Burrows, 
John  VV.  Stone,  Mark  S.  Brewer,  Omar  D.  Conger,  Roswell  G.  Horr, 
Jay  A.  Hubbell. 

The  act  passed  at  a  previous  Congress  providing  for  the  resump- 
tion of  specie  payments  January  1,  1879,  occasioned  considerable 
discussion  during  the  Hayes  administration.  Every  theory  of  the 
Greenback  movement  was  against  it.  The  Democrats  were  hostile 
to  the  act  when  it  passed  and  their  platform  in  1876  demanded  its 
repeal.  A  bill  for  that  purpose  was  introduced  in  the  House,  and, 
although  it  stood  no  chance  of  passing  the  Senate,  it  occasioned  a 
long  debate  in  the  lower  body.  The  argument  against  repeal  was 
well  summed  up  in  the  following  paragraph  from  a  long  and  able 
argument  made  against  it  by  James  A.  Garfield: 

Suppose  you  undo  the  work  that  (^ongress  has  attempted,  1o 
resume  specie  payment,  what  will  be  the  result?  You  will  depreciate 
the  value  of  the  greenback.  Suppose  it  falls  ten  cents  on  the  dollar? 
Y'ou  will  have  destroyed  ten  per  cent,  of  the  value  of  every  deposit 
in  the  savings  banks,  ten  per  cent,  of  every  life  insurance  policy,  and 
every  flre  insuratice  policy,  of  every  pension  to  the  soldier,  and  of 
every  day's  wages  of  every  laborer  in  the  Nation.  The  trouble  with 
our  greenback  dollar  is  tliis:    It  has  two  distinct  functions.    One  a 


mm 


"T^ 


im) 


HISTORY  OPTHK  REPT'HI.K'AN  PARTY. 


IMirchuHiiiK  |iower,  iind  tlie  otluM-  n  debt  |iii.viti|{  {hiwci*.  Ah  a  debt 
paying  )Miwer  it  iH  e(|ual  to  one  hundred  lentH;  tliat  ih,  to  pay  an  old 
debt.  A  gn'enba<*k  dolUir  will,  by  law,  diHcharge  one  hundred  eentn 
of  debt.  But  no  law  can  give  it  purchaning  power  in  the  general 
market  of  the  world,  unletiH  it  repreHentm  a  known  standard  of  (*oin 
value.  Now,  what  we  want  is  that  these  two  quaHties  of  our  green- 
back dollar  shall  be  made  e<]ual — itit  debt  paying  power  and  its  gen- 
eral purchasing  power.  When  these  are  equal  the  problem  of  our 
currency  is  solved,  and  not  until  then.  Humming  it  all  up  in  a  word, 
the  struggle  now  |>ending  in  this  House  is,  on  the  one  hand,  to  make 
the  greenback  better,  and  on  the  other,  to  make  it  worse.  T'n« 
Kesuniption  .\ct  is  making  it  better  every  day.  Repeal  this  Act,  uad 
you  nmke  It  indefinitely  worse.  In  the  name  of  every  man  who  wa  its 
liis  own  when  he  has  earned  it,  I  demand  that  we  do  not  make  Im> 
wages  of  the  ]MM>r  man  shrivel  in  his  hands  after  he  has  earned  th€m; 
but  that  his  money  shall  be  made  better  and  better,  until  the  phw- 
holder's  money  shall  be  as  good  as  the  bondholder's  money;  until  ( ur 
standard  is  one,  and  there  is  no  longer  one  money  for  the  rich  aid 
another  for  the  poor. 

There  is  an  old  story  about  the  inhabitants  of  a  certain  village 
who  wanted  to  see  how  much  noise  they  could  make,  thinking  also 
that  they  might  raise  a  volume  of  sound  that  would  reach  the  moon, 
and  bring  a  response  therefrom.  They  agreed  that  at  a  given  minute 
upon  a  day  Axed,  they  should  all  stand  in  front  of  their  houses  and  at 
the  top  of  their  voi<'es  give  one  tremendous  shout  of  the  word 
''boo,"  that  should  rend  the  air  and  sound  into  the  depths  of  space. 
When  the  minute  came  they  were  all  in  their  assigned  positions,  but 
each  one  held  his  breath  in  sus)>ense,  awaiting  the  sensation  which 
he  would  experience  when  the  great  shout  came.  Not  a  sound  was 
heard  except  from  one  deaf  old  woman  who  despaired  of  hearing  the 
rest  and  In  a  cracked  and  feeble  voice  gently  said  '*boo."  There  never 
was  before  nor  afterwards  so  silent  a  moment  in  that  village,  as  at 
the  time  wheii  the  grand  demonstration  of  sound  was  to  be  made. 
The  day  of  resumption  came  in  about  the  same  way.  There  had  been 
anticipations,  forebodings  and  prophecies,  of  panic,  of  financial  and 
industrial  disturbance,  of  a  repetition  of  the  "Black  Friday"  experi- 
ences and  of  other  dire  disasters.  But  while  these  prophets  of  evil 
were  holding  their  breath  in  suspense  the  day  came  and  went,  with- 
out a  ripple  on  the  calm  sea  of  the  financial  world.  The  Government 
had  made  ample  provision  for  any  calls  for  gold  that  might  be  reason- 
ably anticipated,  but  there  was  no  drain  whatever  upon  its  resources. 
The  Assistant  Treasurer  in  New  York  took  in  more  gold  in  exchange 


'■vt» 


^ 


NHNM 


r.  Ah  a  delit 
to  pay  an  old 
hundred  ccntM 
in  the  general 
tandard  of  coin 
»i»  of  our  green - 
ver  and  its  gen- 
problein  of  our 
I  up  in  a  word, 
hand,  to  make 
worHe.  T.H* 
al  thin  Act,  and 
man  who  wu  itH 
o  not  make  he 
H8  earned  them; 
until  the  pl<  w- 
none.v;  until  ( ur 
or  the  ri<'h  aid 


I  certain  village 
:e,  thinking  alHo 
reach  the  moon, 
t  a  given  minute 
ir  houses  and  at 
ut  of  the  word 
depths  of  space. 
?d  positions,  but 
sensation  which 
ot  a  sound  waH 
d  of  hearing  the 
o."  There  never 
at  village,  as  at 
vas  to  be  made. 
There  had  been 
of  financial  and 
Friday"  experi- 
prophets  of  evil 
and  went,  with- 
rhe  Government 
might  be  reason- 
on  its  resources, 
fold  in  exchange 


ADMINISTRATION  OF  PREWIDKNT  HAVKK 


:v.\\ 


for  notes  that  day  than  he  did  notes  in  ex<'hange  for  gold.  Instead  of 
being  a  day  of  panic  and  disaster,  it  was  one  of  flu*  quietest  days 
that  had  been  passed  for  years  in  New  York  fina...  iai  circles,  with 
hardly  a  panic  stricken  greenbacker  even  to  stand  on  Brooklyn  bridge 
and  say  "boo."  When  gold  was  at  a  premium  and  hard  to  get,  every 
one  was  eager  for  it.  Now  that  it  could  be  had  in  free  exchange 
for  currency  nobody  wanted  it. 

The  closeness  of  the  last  Presidential  contest  bMl. political  parties 
and  committees,  for  some  years  thereafter,  to  make  the  most  rigid 
scrutiny  as  to  the  qualifications  of  candidates  for  the  Electoral 
College.  It  «va8  exjiected  also  that  it  would  lead  to  legislation  or 
Constitutional  Amendment,  which  would  determine  similar  cases  in 
the  future.  Many  measures,  looking  to  this  end,  were  introduced, 
but  none  of  them  reached  final  passage.  The  most  elaborate  measure 
proposed  was  one  introduced  by  Henator  Edmunds,  of  Vermont,  in 
1878  and  reported  by  Senator  Morgan  of  Alabama  from  a  select  com- 
mittee in  1880. 

Senator  Edmunds'  Bill  changed  the  time  of  election  to  the  first 
Tuesday  in  October  in  each  fourth  year.  In  <'ase  of  the  death  of 
both  the  President  and  Vice-President  more  than  two  months  before 
that  date  in  any  other  year  than  Presidential  year  a  new  election 
was  to  be  held.  It  also  provided  that:  "Each  State  may  provide  by 
law,  enacted  prior  to  the  day  in  this  Act  named,  for  the  appointment 
of  Electors,  and  for  the  trial  and  determination  of  any  controversy 
concerning  the  appointment  of  Electors,  before  the  time  fixed  for  the 
meeting  of  the  electors,  in  any  manner  it  may  deem  expedient.  Every 
such  determination,  made  pursuant  to  such  law  so  enacted  before  said 
day,  and  made  prior  to  the  time  of  the  meeting  of  the  Electors,  shall 
be  conclusive  evidence  of  the  lawful  title  of  the  Electors  who  shall 
have  been  so  determined  to  have  been  appointed,  and  shall  govern 
in  the  counting  of  the  Electoral  votes." 

The  provisions  of  the  Bill  relating  to  the  count  followed  the 
method  outlined  in  the  twenty-second  joint  rule,  with  the  following 
exceptions:  No  vote  from'  a  State  from  which  there  was  but  one 
return  should  be  rejected,  except  by  the  concurrent  vote  of  both 
Houses.  If  there  were  two  or  more  returns,  that  only  could  be 
counted  which  wps  decided  to  be  the  true  return  in  the  manner  just 
cited.  If  there  were  no  such  determination,  or  if  there  were  two 
or  more  decisions,  purporting  to  have  been  made  in  accordance  with 
a    law    paased    in    conformity    with    that    section,    that    return 


m^- 


7H.-/ssffl4ti)iJsj,-j 


*■■ 


IV.\2 


HISTORY  OP  THE  UKITBLKWN  F'ARTY. 


or  that  di'ciHion  only,  conld  hv  accepted  whirli  tho  two  Homwh. 
a<tinK  «epaiat««l.v,  Hlionid  <le«ide,  li.v  altlniiativ*'  vot«',  to  bo  in 
arcordaiu*'  with  tlu'  Constitution  and  tin-  Lawn.  When  the 
two  Houhph  separated  to  consider  objections  to  Klectonil  votes,  each 
member  of  either  House  miRht  speak  once  only  for  tlve  minutes,  and 
at  the  expiration  <»f  two  hours  It  would  become  the  duty  of  the  presid- 
ing olticer  to  put  the  question.  The  liill  passed  the  Senate  by  a  vote  of 
.'{5  to  2«,  the  nays  all  being  Hemoi-rats,  and  tin*  yeas  all  Republican 
except  Senators  Hayard,  Davis.  M«'rriman  and  Morgan.  It  was  not 
considered  by  the  House. 

Mr.  Morgan's  Hill,  introduced  after  the  Democrats  obtaine«l 
control  of  the  Senate,  provided  that  no  vote  from  a  State  which  sent 
but  one  ri'tuin  was  to  be  rejected,  ex<ept  by  the  amrmative  action  of 
both  Houses  of  (Nmgress.  If  two  or  more  returns  should  be  offered, 
neither  was  to  be  counted  unless  the  two  Houses  agreed  in  deciding 
that  one  of  them  was  the  true  and  correct  return.  Provision  was 
also  made  for  one  hour's  debate  in  each  House  upon  objections,  no 
member  to  speak  more  than  on<'e,  nor  longer  than  ten  minutes;  and 
u!80  for  debate,  by  unanimous  consent,  in  the  joint  meeting.  It  was 
also  provided  that  an  appeal  might  be  taken  from  a  decision  by  the 
presiding  ofllcer.  which  was  to  be  overruled  only  by  concurrent  action 
of  both  Houses.  A  motion  to  substitute  the  Edmunds  Bill  for  the 
one  under  consideration  was  lost,  and  the  Morgan  Bill  then  passed 
by  a  vote  of  25  to  14.  In  the  House  it  was  defeated  by  filibustering. 
The  only  outcome  of  the  discussion,  which  lasted  through  three 
sessions  of  Congress,  was  the  revival  of  the  twenty-second  joint  rule, 
with  slight  raodiflcations. 

To  the  period  covered  by  President  Hayes'  Administration 
belongs  also  the  first  important  Congressional  agitation  of  the  Chinese 
Immigration  Question.  In  his  annual  message  to  Congress  in  1875, 
President  Grant  had  called  attention  to  the  evils  resulting  from  unre- 
stricted Mongolian  immigration.  April  20.  1876,  Senator  Sergeant, 
of  California,  submitted  a  resolution  asking  the  Senate  to  "recom- 
mend to  the  President  to  cause  negotiations  to  be  entered  upon  with 
the  Chinese  Government  to  elTect  such  a  change  in  the  existing  treaty 
between  the  United  States  and  China  as  will  lawfully  permit  the  appli- 
cation of  restrictions  upon  the  great  influx  of  Chinese  subjects  to  this 
country."  An  investigation  of  the  whole  subject  by  a  joint  Com- 
mittee of  Congress  followed.  Its  report  led  to  a  long  discussion,  and 
finally,  in  187!>,  to  the  passage  of  a  Bill  to  restrict  the  immigration 


mm 


1 . 

two     HOIIHCM, 

((',    to    lie    ill 
WIhmi     tlM' 

'111  voteH,  each 
ininute8,  and 
of  the  presid- 

t<>  b.v  a  vote  of 

II  Kepublicnn 

It  was  not 

ratH   obtained 

ate  which  Bent 

ative  action  of 

uld  be  offered, 

ed  in  deciding 

Provision  wan 

objections,  no 

minutes;  and 

^tinf?.      It  was 

lecision  bv  the 

M'urrent  action 

ds  Bill  for  the 

ill  then  passed 

ly  filibustering. 

through    three 

•ond  joint  rule, 

\dministraiion 
I  of  the  Chinese 
ngress  in  1875, 
ting  from  unre- 
lator  Hergeant, 
ate  to  "reconi-., 
*red  upon  with 
existing  treaty 
?rmit  the  appli- 
jubjects  to  this 
k'  a  joint  (^oni- 
discussion,  and 
le  immigration 


AUMINIHTUATION  OF  l»HKHII»KNT  IIAYKH. 


:<:{:! 


I  } 


of  the  Chinese  into  this  country.  President  Hayes  vetoed  the  liill 
because  it  alirogated  the  Iturlinganie  treaty  of  \Hi\H,  without  notice, 
and  o|M>ned  negotiations  for  a  nioditication  of  the  treaty.  Fie 
appointed  .lames  H.  Angell,  President  of  Michigan  Cnivcrsity.  .lohn 
K.  Kwift.  of  California,  and  William  Henry  Trescott,  of  Kouth  Caro 
lina,  as  Commissioners,  to  proceed  to  China  for  this  purpost*,  Mr. 
Angell  being  at  tlu'  same  time  appointed  Minister  to  that  Kmpin- 
The  Commissioners  negotiated  a  treaty  covering  this  suliject,  and 
also  one  relating  to  the  general  commercial  relations  of  the  two 
countries.  Itoth  were  ratified,  and  under  the  terms  of  the  tirst,  legis 
lation  was  enacted  which  almost  entirely  suppressed  Chinese  inmii- 
gration. 

With  the  incoming  of  a  Democratic  majority  in  the  House,  and 
the  approach  of  a  similar  majority  in  the  Senate,  the  H(uithern  wing 
of  that  party  became  very  aggressive  and  several  hot  debates 
occurred  over  p  flood  of  Houthern  war  claims  that  were  presented. 
Hut  "^he  most  sensational  and  dramatic  scene  in  Congress  for  muuy 
years  was  that  in  the  Henate  on  the  morning  <>f  March  U.  1S70.  Near 
the  close  of  the  second  session  of  the  Forty-fifth  Congress  a  Bill  was 
before  the  Henate  making  appropriations  for  arrearages  of  pensions. 
To  this  an  amendment  was  ofTert-d  extending  to  those  who  served  in 
the  war  with  Mexico  the  provisions  of  the  existing  law  giving  pensi(ms 
to  the  surviving  soldiers  of  IHV2.  To  this  a  further  amendment  was 
offered  excluding  persons  who  served  in  the  Confederate  Army  or 
held  any  office  under  the  Confederacy  from  the  benefits  of  this  liill. 
This  amendment  was  defeated  by  the  votes  of  the  l)emo(*rats  and  two 
Houthern  Republicans.  Another  amendment  was  then  offered  by 
Henator  Hoar  excluding  Jefferson  Davis  from  the  benefits  of  any 
Pension  Bill. 

Then  followed  some  remarkable  utterances  from  Houthern  Hen- 
ators.  Henator  Garland,  of  Arkansas,  declared  that  Davis'  record 
Would  "equal  in  history  all  (Irecian  fame  and  all  Roman  glory."  Hen- 
ator Maxey,  of  Texas,  called  him  a  "battle  scarred,  knightly 
gentleman."  Senator  Harris,  of  Tennessee,  pronounced  him  "the  peer 
of  any  Henator  on  this  floor,"  Senator  Coke,  of  Texas,  said:  "I  will 
not  vote  to  discriminate  against  Mr.  Davis,  for  T  was  just  as  much  a 
rebel  as  he."  Henator  Lamar,  of  Mississippi,  considered  the  proposi- 
tion "a  wanton  insult,"  springing  from  "hate,  bitter,  malignant 
sectional  feeling,  and  a  sense  of  personal  impunity,"  and  added: 
"The  only  differen<'e  between  myself  and  Jefferson  Davis  is  that  hi. 


1 


'■¥■ 


^^w.  ' 


IIIHTOHV  (►KTIIK  HKIMIILU'AN  I'AKTV. 


*.-, 


t'xaltcd  I  hai'iirlt't',  IiIh  pfcciiiiiicnt  tulciitH,  IiIh  wi'll-cNttibliHlicd  n'pii- 
latioii  iiH  a  Hfat«'Hiiian.  ait  a  patri«>t,  and  an  a  Noldicr.  <>iial>l«>d  lifiii  to 
take  tlic  lead  in  a  cauMi'  to  which  I  conttcrratt'd  nivHclf."  Il(>  fni'tlii'i- 
ftaid  that  Davin'  niotivcH  wen*  "an  Hacri'd  and  moIiI<>  an  vvvr  inHpii'(>d 
the  breaHt  of  a  Hampden  or  a  Wanliington."  Kenatoi-  HanHom.  of 
North  Taroiina.  Maid.:  "I  Mhall  not  dwell  npon  Mr.  DaviH'  public 
Mervicefi  aH  an  American  Holdier  and  Ntateiiman.  He  lielonf^ii  to 
lilHtory,  aH  doen  that  cauHe  to  which  he  ^nve  all  the  ability  of  hiH 
great  nature,"  The  Kepublican  HenatorH  who  made  objection  to  thin 
apotheoHJM  of  unrepentant  treaiion  did  mo,  for  the  moHt  part,  in 
renionHtranrc  rather  than  in  denunciation.  The  whole  debate  wan  a 
reminder  of  the  davn.  in  the  earl.v  tlftiew,  when  the  Houthern  SenatorH 
and  RepresentalivcH  were  wont  to  crack  the  whip  over  the  headu  of 
their  aHHociaten  from  the  North.  The  debate  had  hiMted  over  two 
hourH,  when,  about  half  past  three  in  the  morning,  William  E.  Chand- 
ler, of  New  Haniptthire.  who  was  lintening  to  the  dificuHgion,  naid  to 
Senator  K.  H.  KolllnH:  "Tell  Zach  Chandler  that  he  Ib  the  man  to 
call  Jeff  IlaviB  u  traitor."  Henator  Chandler  received  the  mesBage 
with  a  nod,  and  an  noon  uh  he  could  obtain  the  floor,  Baid,  with  great 
Holemnit.v  and  emphaaiB: 

Mr.  I'reHident,  twent.v-two  years  ago  to-morrow,  in  the  old  Hall 
of  t'.ie  Henate,  now  occupied  by  the  Hnpreme  Court  of  the  United 
States,  I,  in  company  with  Mr.  JefferBon  Davis,  stood  up  and  swore 
l)efore  Almighty  Ood,  that  1  would  support  the  Constitution  of  the 
l.'nited  Htntes.  Mr.  Jefferson  Davis  came  from  the  Cabinet  of 
Franklin  Pierce  into  the  Henate  of  the  United  Htates  and  took  the 
<»ath  with  me,  to  be  faithful  to  this  Oovernment.  During  four  years 
I  Hat  in  this  body  with  Mr.  Jefferson  Davis,  and  saw  the  preparations 
going  on,  from  day  to  day,  for  the  overthrow  of  this  Oovernment. 
With  treason  in  his  heart  and  perjury  on  his  lips  he  took  the  oath  to 
sustain  the  Government  that  he  meant  to  overthrow. 

Sir,  there  was  method  in  that  madness.  He,  in  co-operation  with 
other  men  from  his  section,  and  in  the  Cabinet  of  Mr.  Buchanan,  made 
careful  preparation  for  the  event  that  was  to  follow.  Your  armieri 
were  scattered  all  over  this  broad  land,  where  they  conld  not  be  used 
in  an  emergency;  your  fleets  were  scattered  wherever  the  winds  blew 
and  water  found  to  float  them,  where  they  could  not  be  used  to  put 
down  rebellion;  your  Treasury  was  depleted,  until  your  bonds,  bearing 
six  per  cent.,  principal  and  interest  payable  in  coin,  were  sold  for 
eighty-eight  cents  on  the  dollar,  for  current  expenses.  Preparations 
were  carefully  made.  Your  arms  were  sold  under  an  apparently 
innocent  clause  in  an  Army  Bill,  providing  that  the  Secretary  of  War 


»''Wi.!] 


i|i<i.' 


liliHlu'il  rrpii- 
iubl«><l  him  to 
III'  further 
ever  iiiMpircd 

KlIIIHOIll,    of 

DuvIh'  public 

l>«>louf{ii  to 

ability  of  bin 

cctioii  to  thiM 

uioHt   part,   in 

'  debute  wait  u 

hern  Senators 

r  the  headH  of 

Hted  over  two 

lam  E.  Chand- 

iiMHlon,  Huid  to 

Ih  the  man  to 

d  the  mefiiiaKc 

lid,  with  great 

n  the  old  Hall 
of  the  United 
up  and  Rwore 
titution  of  the 
he  Cabinet  of 
)  and  took  the 
ring  four  yearn 
le  preparations 
H  Government. 
)ok  the  oath  to 

■operation  with 
luohanan,  made 
Your  armies, 
iild  not  be  used 
the  ifirinds  blew 
be  used  to  put 
bonds,  bearing 

were  sold  for 
Preparations 

an  apparently 
cretary  of  War 


'  '\    : 


AMWIMHTKATION  OF  I'KKHIhKNT  IIAYKH. 


;i:ir. 


might,  at  Ilia*  dtHcrelion,  Hell  hucIi  iinnMUM  he  deemed  it  for  the  iiilereHl 
of  the  Oovenimeut  to  Hell. 

ri'iv,  i'i){|  teen  yeiu'H  ago  hiMt  month.  I  nut  in  theHe  hiillH  and  lintened 
to  •l-<>ffei-H4»n  Davis  (leliv<>ring  IiIh  farewell  addreHM,  informing  us  what 
our  « 'ouHtitutioiial  dutieH  to  this  Oovernment  were;  and  then  he  left, 
Mhil  entered  into  the  K(>bellion  to  overthrow  the  Ooveriiment  that  he 
hH<;ii  sworn  to  suppitrt.  I  remained  here,  Hir,  during  the  whole  of  that 
rrible  Kehellion.  I  saw  our  brave  Moldiers  by  tliousands  and 
liundreds  of  thousandH,  aye,  I  might  Hay  millitmH,  puHH  through  to  the 
theater  of  war,  and  I  huw  their  shattered  rankn  return;  I  saw  Hteam- 
boat  after  steamboat,  and  railroad  train  after  railroad  train,  arrive 
with  the  maimed  and  the  woundeil;  I  was  with  my  friend  from  Rhode 
iHland  (Mr.  Durnsidei  when  he  commanded  the  Army  of  the  I'otonuic. 
and  saw  piles  of  legs  and  aruiH  that  nmde  humanity  shudder;  I  saw 
the  widow  and  the  orphan  in  tlieir  homes,  and  heard  the  weeping  and 
wailing  of  those  who  had  lost  their  dearest  and  best.  Mr.  I*resident, 
I  little  thought,  at  that  time,  that  I  should  live  to  hear  in  tlie  Henate 
of  the  Tnited  Ktates  eulogies  upon  .letTerson  l>nvis  living — a  living 
rebel  eulogized  on  the  H«M»r  of  the  Henate  of  the  T'nited  States. 
^  1  Hir,  I  am  amazed  to  hear  it;  and  I  can  tell  the  gentlemen  on  the 
otlier  side  thot  they  little  know  the  spirit  of  the  North  when  they 
come  here  at  this  day,  and  with  bravado  on  their  lips,  utter  eulogies 
cm  a  man  whom  every  man,  w<mnin  and  <'hild  in  the  North  believes 
to  have  been  )i  double-dy(>d  traittu- to  his  Government. 

"  ^'  ■         •  ' ' , 

From  the  beginning  to  the  end  of  this  sj)eecli  it  was  listened  to 
intently  by  all  within  hearing,  and  as  Mr.  Chandler  brought  out  with 
resonant  tone  the  closing  words,  "a  double-dyed  traitor  to  his  Gov- 
ernment," a  round  of  applause  4-nme  from  the  galleries,  w^iich  the 
presiding  officer  could  not  check.  No  attempt  was  made  '>u  answer 
Mr.  t^handler,  but  after  a  few  minutes  of  embarrassing  silence.  Sena- 
tor Thurnian  began  to  s|>eak  on  another  branch  of  the  subject.  Wiieu 
it  oame  to  a  vote  Senator  Hoar's  amendment  carried  by  one  majority, 
but  the  whole  amendment,  as  so  modified,  was  rejected.  The  Southern 
Senators  would  not  give  to  the  loyal  veterans  of  the  Mexican  war  the 
benefits  of  the  measure,  unless  Jeff  T)aviB  could  share  with  them. 

:X'    -'» 


;..i 


■■:^. 


THE  SEVENTH  KEi'l  RLICAN  CONVENTION. 


The  Ancient  Quarrel  Between  Blaine  and  Conkliug — Its  Effect  on  the 
Convention  of  1880 — Unsuccessful  Attempt  to  Enforce  the  Unit 
Rule — The  Three  Next  Republicata  Presidents  in  the  Convention 
— Shjiip  Debate  Between  Senator  Conkling  and  the  West  Vir- 
ginia Members — Important  Amendment  to  the  Rules — The  Plat- 
form Adopted  — Conkling's  (Jreat  Speech  in  Nomination  of 
Grant — The  Nomination  of  Garfield — C'onkling's  Motion  to  Make 
it  Unanimous — Supported  by  General  Logan — General  Arthur 
Nominated  for  Vice-t  resident— The  Exciting  Convention  Closes 
>Vith  Apparent  Good  Feeling. 

The  cauipaign  of  1880  was  approached  b.v  the  Republicans  under 
circumstances  different  from  any  which  had  preceded  it  since  the 
party  was  organized.  James  G.  Blaine  was  unquestionably  the 
choice  of  a  majority  of  the  Republicans  in  the  country  for  the  nomina- 
tion, but  he  hud  enemies  among  the  party  leaders  who  were  influential 
in  their  own  states.  The  most  bitter  of  these  was  Senator  Conkling, 
of  New  York,  with  whom  Blaine  had  a  personal  controversy  on  the 
floor  of  the  House  many  years  before.  In  1866,  General  Grant,  then 
in  command  of  the  Army,  gave  an  opinion  that  there  was  no  further 
need  of  the  office  of  Provost  Marshal  General,  and  when  the  Army 
Bill  came  before  the  House,  soon  afterwards,  Mr.  Conkling  moved  to 
strike  out  the  section  making  an  appropriation  for  that  office.  In 
the  course  of  his  remarks  he  assailed  General  James  B.  Fry,  who  then 
held  thai  position,  in  a  manner  that  was  offensively  personel  and 
abusive.  General  Fry,  in  retaliation,  sent  to  I^r.  Blaine  a  letter 
attacking  Mr.  Conkling  in  turn,  and  Mr.  Blaine  read  the  letter  in  the 
House.  Mr.  Conkling,  while  a  Member  of  Congress  had  been 
assigned,  in  the  capacity  of  Judge  Advocate  to  the  prosecution  of 
Major  Haddock,  an  Army  .officer,  and  the  trial  of  certain  "bounty 
jumpers."     In  his  letter  to  Blaine,  General  B^ry  charged  that  Conk- 


THE  8EVENTH  REPUHLIC'AN  CONVENTION.        IM7 


■J'-- 


TION. 

Its  Effect  on  the 
nfprce  the  Unit 
I  the  Convention 
the  West  Vir- 
Jules— The  Plat- 
Nomination  of 
Motion  to  Make 
(General  Arthur 
invention  Closes 


epiiblitang  under 
ded  it  since  the 
luestionably  the 
f  for  the  nomina- 
[)  were  influential 
Senator  Conkling, 
ntroversy  on  the 
leral  Grant,  then 
e  was  no  further 

when  the  Army 
inkling  moved  to 
I*  that  office.  In 
B.  Pr.v,  who  then 
?l,v  personal  and 
,  Blaine  a  letter 

the  letter  in  the 
gress  had  been 
e  prosecution  of 

certain  "bounty 
irged  that  Conk- 


ling had,  inipr()j)erly  if  not  illegally,  received  a  fee  for  the  proseciition 
of  Major  Haddock;  that,  in  the  discharge  of  his  duties,  he  had  not 
acted  in  good  faith,  and  had  prevented  the  prosecution  of  deserters 
at  l'ti<a;  and  that  he  had  notified  the  War  Department  that  the 
Provost  Marshal  in  Western  New  York  needed  legal  advice,  and  thus 
secured  an  appointment  for  himself.  A  discussion  followed  the 
reading  of  this  letter,  and  it  became  exceedingly  personal  between 
Conkling  and  Blaine.  Among  other  things  the  passage  which  gave 
Conkling  as  great  offense  as  any,  was  that  in  which  Blaine  referred 
to  his  pompous  manner,  to  his  vanity  about  his  personal  appearance, 
and  the  curled  front  lock  which  he  always  wore,  and  compared  him 
to  a  turkey-cock  strutting  about  the  floor  of  the  House. 

At  Conkling's  request  a  committee  was  appointed  to  investigate 
the  charges  of  General  Fry.  That  committee  reported  a  series  of 
resolutions  exonerating  Conkling  and  condemning  Fry,  the  most 
important  res'slution  being  as  follows:  "That  all  the  statements 
made  in  the  letter  of  General  James  B.  Fry  to  Hon.  James  G.  Blaine, 
a  Member  of  this  House,  in  so  far  as  such  statements  impute  to  the 
Hon.  Roscoe  Conkling,  a  Member  of  this  House,  any  criminal,  illegal, 
unpatriotic,  or  otherwise  improper  conduct,  or  motives,  either  as  to 
Ihe  matter  of  his  procuring  himself  to  be  employed  by  the  Govern- 
ment of  the  United  States  in  the  prosecution  of  military  offenses  in 
the  State  of  New  York,  in  the  management  of  such  prosecutions,  in 
taking  compensation  therefor,  or  in  any  other  charge,  are  wholly 
■without  foundation  or  truth,  and,  for  their  publication  there  were,  in 
the  judgment  of  this  House,  no  facts  connected  with  said  prosecutions 
furnishing  either  a  palliative  or  an  excuse." 

From  that  tim'e  until  Conkling's  death  there  was  open  enmity 
between  the  two,  and  Conkling,  at  least,  omitted  no  opportunity  to 
show  his  dislike,  either  in  small  or  great  affairs.  The  writer  recalls 
an  incident  in  the  Senate  illustrative  of  this.  Blaine  had  been 
speaking  upon  a  Bill  for  distributing  the  proceeds  of  the  Alabama 
award.  When  Conkling  rose  to  reply  he  turned  his  back  upon  Blaine, 
though  in  order  to  do  this  he  had  to  tui-n  his  side  toward  the  presid- 
ing officer,  and  addressing  the  ceiling  more  than  anything  else, 
commenced  with:  "A  suggestion  has  reached  my  ear."  He  then 
went  on  to  point  out  with  fine  scorn  what  he  considered  weak  pointR 
in  Blaine's  argument,  without,  however,  making  any  direct  reference 
to  the  Senator  from  Maine.  Conkling's  j'niiiity  to  Blaine  seems  to 
have  become  a  consuming  passion,  and  he  indulged  it  even  at  the 


/ 


•■    .>^;^'       --y' 


■ys-- 


.'Kft 


'     M  ■ 


338  HIHTORY  OP  THE  REPUBIJCAN  PARTY.    . 

r.^,:.  :...':■...;  .....-.-'■ 

expense  of  his  own  political  fortunes.  And  lie  succeeded  in  many  of 
the  efforts  which  it  inspired.  For  his  influence  and  work  were 
potent  enough,  in  connection  with  other  influen<'es,  t<»  defeat  Blaine 
for  the  Presidential  nomination  in  187(i,  and  again  in  1880,  and  to 
carry  New  York  against  him  after  his  nomination  in  1884. 

In  the  successful  attempt  to  beat  Blaine  out  of  the  nomination 
in  1880  General  Grant's  renewed  popularity  wan  apparently  used  as 
a  foil,  though  many  of  his  supporters  undoubtedly  thought  he  could 
be  nominated  and  elected.  In  1875  feelers  had  been  put  out  by  Gen- 
eral Grant's  admirers  as  to  the  expediency  of  nominating  him  for  a 
third  term  of  the  Presidency.  The  proposed  movement,  however,  did 
not  take  at  that  time.  The  Pennsylvania  State  Convention  in  that . 
year  adopted  a  resolution  declaring  against  the  election  to  the  Preai- ; 
dency  of  any  jierson  for  a  third  term.  This  called  out  a  letter  from 
Grant  to  the  President  of  the  Convention,  in  which  he  said:  "Now 
for  the  third  terui,  I  do  not  want  it  any  more  than  I  did  the  first,"  but 
he  added  that  later  on  the  time  might  come  wlien  it  would  be  unfor- 
tunate to  make  a  change  at  the  end  of  eight  years,  and  that  he  "would 
not  accept  a  nomination  if  it  were  tendered,  unless  it  should  come 
under  such  circumstances  as  to  make  it  an  imperative  duty — circum- 
stances not  likely  to  rise."  This  was  not  considered  a  aufticiently 
explicit  refusal  and  in  the  latter  part  of  December  of  the  same  year 
a  resolution  was  offered  in  the  National  House  of  Representatives:' 
"That,  in  the  opinion  of  this  House,  the  precedent  established  by 
Washington  and  other  Presidents  of  the  T'^nited  States,  in  retiring 
from  the  I'residency,  has  become,  by  universal  concurrence,  a  part  of 
our  republican  system  of  Government,  and  that  any  departure  from 
this  time-honored  custom  would  be  unwise,  unj)atriotic  and  fraught 
with  peril  to  our  institutions."  The  adoption  of  this  by  the  decided 
vote  of  2S4  to  18,  put  a  stop,  for  the  time,  to  all  talk  of  again  nomin- 
ating Grant. 

In  the  interim  the  General  and  Ex-President  had  made  his  tour 
around  the  world,  had  been  received  witii  almost  royal  honors  in 
every  Capital  which  he  had  visited,  and  had  returned  more  popular 
than  ever.  Three  influential  Republican  leaders.  Senator  Corkling. 
of  New  York;  Senator  Cameron,  of  Penn'ijylvania,  and  Senator  I^ogan, 
of  Illinois,  agreed  to  take  advantage  of  (Jrant's  popularity  and  bring 
him  forward  as  a  candidate,  and  each  of  the  three  undertook  to 
control  the  Convention  in  his  own  State  for  that  purjtose.  In  New 
York  the  State  Convention,  by  a  majority  of  only  88  in  a  total  vote 


iipmiii«i|.i- 


THE  SEVENTH  KEPIBLICAN  CONVENTION. 


33!) 


■eded  in  many  of 

and  work  were 
to  defeat  Blaine 

in  1880,  and  to 

1884. 

'  the  nomination 

[)arentl.v  used  as 

hought  he  could 

put  out  by  Geu- 
aating  him  for  a 
ent.  however,  did 
(nvention  in  that 
Hon  to  the  Presi- 
out  a  letter  from 
he  said:  "Now 
aid  the  first,"  but 
[  would  be  unfor- 
id  that  he  "would 
8  it  should  come 
ive  duty — circum- 
red  a  sufliciently 
of  the  same  year 

Representatives : 
it  established  by 
Itates,  in  retiring 
urrence,  a  part  of 
y  departure  from 
•iotic  and  fraught 
lis  by  the  decided 
k  of  again  nomiu- 

lad  made  his  tour 
t  royal  lumors  in 
ned  more  popular 
Senator  Torkling. 
nd  Senator  Tjogan, 
)ularity  and  bring 
iree  undertook  Vi 
)urpo8e.  In  New 
38  in  a  total  vote 


of  397,  instructed  its  delegates  to  vote  as  a  unit  for  the  nomination  of 
General  Grant.  In  Pennsylvania  the  majority  giving  the  same 
instructions  was  only  20.  The  Illinois  Convention  went  further  yet, 
for,  although  the  Grant  majority  was  very  small,  the  Convention  not 
only  instructed  the  delegates  to  vote  as  a  unit,  but  set  aside  nine  dele- 
gates, already  chosen  by  their  respective  districts. 

In  view  of  the  action  taken  by  the  Convention  at  Cincinnati  in 
1876,  which  was  intended  to  abolish  the  unit  rule,  these  proceedings 
aroused  great  indignation,  both  against  the  proposed  nomination  of 
rjrant  for  a  third  term,  and  against  the  methods  by  which  it  was 
sought  to  bring  it  about.  The  method  did  not  prove  as  effective  as 
the  triumvirate  had  hoped;  for  on  the  first  ballot  Illinois,  instead  of 
giving  its  whole  vote  for  Grant,  gave  Blaine  10  and  Washburne  8; 
New  York  gave  Blaine  17  and  Sherman  2;  Pennsylvania  gave  Blaine 
23  and  Sherman  3.  If  these  delegates  had  all  gone  for  Grant,  as 
instructed,  his  vote  would  have  been  3fi2,  with  only  379  required  to 
nominate,  a  near  enough  approach  to  a  nomination  to  cause  a 
stampede  in  almost  any  Convention.  Op  the  ninth  ballot  Grant 
would  have  stood  a  still  better  chance  for  the  nomination  if  the 
unit  rule  had  not  been  abrogated.  On  that  hj-llot  he  had  308  votes  as 
it  was,  while  61  of  the  instructed  votes  from  the  three  States  men- 
tioned went  against  him.  These  added  to  the  308  would  have  given 
him  369,  only  ten  short  of  the  number  required  to  nominate.  The 
instructions,  therefore,  did  not  in  the  final  result,  help  Grant,  but  they 
did  bring  the  queslion  before  the  Convention  in  such  form  as  to  deter- 
mine finally  that  a  State  Convention  cannot,  by  instructions,  bind 
the  district  delegates. 

The  National  Convention  met  in  Chicago,  June  2,  and  was  in 
session  six  days.  General  Grant's  confidential  lieutenants  and 
campaign  managers  in  the  (Convention  were  Senators  Conkling,  of 
New  York;  Cameron,  of  Pennsylvania,  and  Logan,  of  Illinois,  with 
George  S.  Boutwell,  of  Mausachusetts,  who  had  been  a  United  States 
Senator  and  a  member  of  Grant's  Cabinet.  Three  other  members 
of  Grant's  Cabinet  were  in  attendance,  John  A.  J.  Creswell,  of  Mary- 
land; Edwards  Pierpont,  of  New  York,  and  George  H.  Williams,  of 
Oregon.  In  the  Convention,  also,  were  the  next  three  Republican 
Presidents  of  the  Cnited  ."Hates.  James  A.  Garfield,  of  Ohio;  Chester 
A.  Arthur,  of  New  York,  and  Benjamin  Harrison,  of  Indiana.  There 
were  also  the  following  who  were,  either  then  or  soon  afterwards. 
United  States  Senators:      (Jeorge  F.  Hoar,  of  Massachusetts;  Preston 


ammammm 


<V>i. 


HISTORY  OP  THE  REPITBLK'AN  PARTY. 


B.  Plumb,  of  KauHUB;  ^Villiunl  Pitt  Kellogg,  of  Louiniana;  Blanche  K. 
Bruce,  of  MiBsiBsippi;  lilugene  Hall  and  William  P.  Prye,  of  Maine; 
William  J.  Sewell,  of  New  Jersey;  Omar  1).  Conger,  of  Michigan; 
PhiletuB  Sawyer,  of  Wisconsin,  and  Dwight  M.  oabin,  of  Minnesota 

The  Michigan  delegates  were:  At  Large — James  P.  Joy,  Omar, 
1).  Conger,  Perry  Hannah,  Erwin  C.  Watkins.  By  Districts — (1) 
William  G.  Thompson,  David  O.  Parrand;  (2)  J.  D.  Ronan,  Louis  R. 
Penfleld;  (3)  Caleb  D.  Randall,  Morgan  Bt  tes;  (4)  A.  H.  Morrison,  J. 
W.  French;  (5)  Oeorge  A.  Parr,  A.  B.  Watson;  (C)  Charles  Kipp,  J, 
M.  Adams;  (7)  B.  W.  Huston,  William  Jenney;  (8)  E.  O  Avery, 
Thomas  N.  Stevens;  (5))  Joseph  H.  Chandler,  Delos  A.  Blodgett.  With 
the  exception  of  Tlumipson  they  voted  steadily  for  Blaine  through 
thirty-flve  ballots.  On  the  thirty-sixth  ballot  the  twenty-one  went 
from  Blaine  to  Oarfield,  Thompson  still  sticking  to  Giant. 

The  struggle  between  the  factions  commenced  in  tiie  National 
Committee  before  the  Convention  opened.  In  an  executive  t^ession 
of  the  Committee,  William  E.  Chandler,  of  New  Hampshire,  offered 
a  resolution  recognizing  the  right  of  a  delegate  in  vhe  Convention 
"freely  (o  cast,  and  to  have  counted,  his  individual  vote  therein, 
according;  lu  his  own  sentiments,  and,  if  he  so  decides,  ngainst  any 
unit  rule  or  other  instructions,  passed  by  a  Stat<»  Convention,  which 
right  was  conceded  and  exercised  in  the  Conventions  of  1860  and 
1868,  and,  was,  after  full  debate,  affirmed  by  the  Convention  in  1876, 
and  has  thus  become  a  law  of  Republican  Conventions,  ind  until 
reversed  by  a  Convention  itself,  must  remain  a  governing  principle." 
The  Chairman  of  the  Committee,  Senator  J.  1).  Cameron,  of  Pennsyl- 
vania, declared  the  resolution  out  of  order,  an  autocratic  ruling  which, 
following  the  arbitrary  proceedings  of  the  New  York,  I'ennsylvania 
and  DlinoiM  Conventions,  excited  great  indignation,  and  when  it 
became  known,  outside  of  the  Committee,  it  caused  an  immediali' 
revolt.  Twenty  two  members  of  the  New  York  delegation  signed  a 
paper,  decla'-'ng  their  purpose  "to  resisi  the  roiinnation  of  General 
U.  8,  Grant  at  all  hazards,"  and  giving  it  as  their  opinion  that,  in  New 
York,  at  least,  his  nomination  would  insure  defeat.  A  break  in  the 
Pennsyl"  >,'ia  delegation  followed.  Alarmed  at  these  defectioHfl 
the  Grant  men  im  the  Committee  proposed  a  compromise,  which  was 
accepted.  tImb  was  to  the  eiTect  that  (Jeorge  P.  Hoar,  the  choice  of 
the  majority  of  the  Committee,  should  be  made  temporary  Chairman 
of  the  Convention,  and  that  no  attempt  should  be  made  io  enforce 
the  unit  rule,  nor  to  have  a  test  vote  in  the  Convention,  until  the 


<l««p< 


RTY.  .     ' 

Hiana;  Blanche  K. 

.  Prye,  of  Maine; 

;er,  of  Michigan; 

)in,  of  Minnesota 

iieH  F.  Joy,  Omar, 

Hy  Districts— (1) 

Uonan,  Louis  U. 

i.  H.  Morrison,  J. 

Charles  Kipp,  J. 

8)  E.    O    Avery, 

I.  Blodgett.    With 

)r  Blaine  through 

!  twenty-one  went 

Giant.  •>   . 

d  in  ti.e  National 

executive  session 

lampshire,  offered 

in  ihe  Convention 

lual  vote    therein, 

cjdes,  against  any 

Convention,  which 

tions  of  1860  and 

'onvention  in  187(5, 

.mentions,    ind  antil 

verning  principle." 

meron,  of  Pennsyl- 

Tatic  ruling  which. 

'ork,  Pennsylvania 

ion,   and   when   it 

sed  an   iinniediaU? 

[elegation  signed  a 

tnation  of  General 

jinion  that,  in  New 

A  hreak  in  the 

these   defections 

iromise,  which  was 

Hoar,  the  choice  of 

inporary  Chairman 

e  made  }(»  enforce 

ivention,  until  the 


THE  SEVENTH  REPT'BLICAN  CONVENTION. 


341 


Committee  on  Credentials  had  reported,  when  the  unit  rule  matter 

should  be  decided  by  the  Convention  itself.      The  Convention  opened 

at  noon  on  Wednesday,  June  2,  with  a  brief  and  moderate  speech  by 

Senator  Cameron,  Chairman  of  the  National  Committee.      Following 

are  the  essential  parts  of  the  address:  > 

During  the  canvass  just  ended  there  has  been  manifested  in  many 
sections  of  the  country  considerable  bitterness,  which  1  trust,  will 
'ntirely  disappear  before  we  enter  upon  the  graveduties  devolved  upon 
us.  i^et  there  be  but  one  motive  governing  our  action,  and  let  that 
be  a  determination  \o  place  in  nomination  the  strongest  possible  can- 
didates— n>eu  strong  in  themselves,  men  strong  in  the  confidence  and 
utfections  ot  the  people,  and  men  who  will  command  the  respect  of 
the  civilized  world.  Our  country,  ot  which  we  are  justly  proud,  has 
grown  so  I'apidly  in  population,  wealth  and  influence  during  the 
existence  of  the  Uepublicau  party,  that  we  have  attained  a  position 
as  one  of  the  leading  powers  of  the  world;  and  we  can  no  longer  be 
satisfied  with  our  isolation,  tiecognizing  the  changed  conditions,  we 
must  place  m  position  men  wlio^e  familiarity  with  other  nations  will 
enable  them  to  direct  our  aftairs,  so  that  we  will  take  the  lead  in 
(•ommen-e,  as  we  have  in  agriculture  and  in  manufacture.  Do  not 
for  a  moment  doubt  the  strength  of  our  institutions.  They  have 
been  tried  in  blood,  and  have  come  through  the  contest  better, 
stronger  and  .purer,  than  the  most  ardent  patriot  had  dared  to  hope. 
No  combination  of  circunistances,  no  coterie  of  individuals,  no  per- 
sonal ambition,  can  ever  prevail  against  the  intelligence,  and  inborn 
love  of  liberty,  which  are  implanted  in  the  hearts  of  Americans. 
When  the  nominations  are  made,  and  the  Convention  has  completed 
its  work,  let  there  be  but  one  sentiment  animating  all  earnest,  sincere 
and  unselfish  Kepnblicans,  and  let  that  be  that  each  shall  vie  with  the 
other  in  carrying  our  grand  old  party  through  the  coming  contest  to 
victory. 

Senator  Hoar  was  introduced  as  tem|;orary  Chairmnn  of  the  Con- 
vention, an  appointment  which  was  subsccjuently  made  perumnent. 
His  opening  address  consisted  chiefly  in  a  sharp  ctmtrast  between  th(> 
purposes  and  acts  of  the  two  great  parties.  The  members  of  the 
various  committees  were  muned,  as  usual,  by  the  delegations  from  the 
states,  and  in  all  of  them  the  jGrant  members  were  in  the  minority, 
The  Committee  on  Credentials  made  Omar  D.  Conger,  of  Michigan, 
Chairman  by  a  vote  of  25>,  to  11  for  Benjamin  F.  Tracy,  of  New  York, 
and  General  Garfleld  was  made  Chairman  of  tht,  impoi'taut  Commit- 
tee on  Rules.  The  playing  for  position  extended  through  all  the 
preliminary  proceedings,  and  in  all  test  votes  the  (h-aut  forces  were 
beaten.      The  first  test  vote  came  on  the  second  dav  of  the  Conven- 


i 


■wft'-<lft4*i?c  ^r-^" 


.-    ^1 '  iffiaiyiiiitair 


pm 


IMMUMlftalMM^aipMMiMMh- .  «UMI 


342 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLirAN  PARTY. 


tion,  when  Mr.  Henderson,  of  Iowa,  moved  that  the  Committee  on 
RnleB  be  inetructed  to  report,  witliout  waiting  for  tlie  report  of  the 
Committee  on  Credentials.  After  u  sliarp  and  very  personal  discus- 
sion between  Mr.  Henderson^  Oeneral  Logan,  of  Illinois,  Mr.  Boutwell. 
of  Massachusetts,  and  General  Sharpe,  of  New  York,  the  latter,  who 
was  a  minority  member  of  the  Committee  on  Rules,  moved  an  amend- 
ment that  the  Committee  on  Credentials  be  instructed  to  report  first. 
On  a  roll  call  of  the  states  this  was  lost  by  a  vote  of  318  to  406,  but  Mr. 
Henderson's  motion  was  subsequently  laid  on  the  table,  by  general 
consent. 

On  the  third  day  Senator  Conkling  precipitated  a  sensation,  by 
offering  a  resolution  that  every  member  of  the  Convention  "  is  bound 
in  honor  to  support  its  nominee,  whoever  that  nominee  may  be;  and 
that  no  man  should  hold  a  seat  here  who  is  not  ready  to  so 
agree."  This  was  put,  viva  voce,  and  declared  t-arried,  when  Mr. 
Conkling  said:  "Plainly  and  audibly  to  me  and  to  others,  negative 
votes  were  given  on  this  resolution,  and  I  respectfully  ask  the  Chair  to 
call  the  states,  that  we  may  know  who  it  is  in  a  Republican  Conven- 
tion that  votes  'No'  on  such  a  pledge."  On  the  roll  call  of  states  the 
vote  was  yeas  716,  nays  3,  the  latter  all  being  from  West  Virginia. 

Mr.  Conkling  then  moved  an  additional  resolution:  "That  the 
delegates  who,  on  this  roll-call,  have  voted  *no'  on  the  resolution  just 
adopted,  do  not  deserve  to  have,  and  have  forfeited  their  votes  in  this 
Convention."  Delegates  A.  W.  Campbell  and  8.  P.  McCormick,  of 
West  Virginia,  boldly  took  up  the  challenge  thus  thrown  down,  and 
held  their  ground,  not  only  against  the  mover  of  the  resolution,  but 
against  all  comers.  It  was  in  this  debate  that  Mr.  Campbell  first 
gave  currency  to  the  phrase,  if  he  did  not  coin  it,  "I  always  intend  to 
carry  my  sovereignty  under  my  own  hat."  McCormick,  in  his  short 
speech,  made  a  personal  thrust  at  Mr.  Conkling,  as  follows:  "1  have 
to  say  to  the  gentlenmn  from  New  York,  that  I  have  been  as  consistent 
a  Republican  as  he  has  been ;  I  have  further  to  say  to  the  gentleman 
from  New  York,  that  when  the  war  broke  out  in  1861, 1  was  but  a  boy 
of  18  years  of  age,  and  I  went  Into  the  Army  from  the  State  of 
Indiana,  and  into  Camp  Morton,  and  was  in  the  Army  for  two  long 
years.  I  made,  Sir — if  the  gentlemjen  of  the  Convention  will  allow  mo 
to  say — in  IN'"'  more  than  one  hund.-ed  sjieeches  for  the  nominee  of 
the  RepublicH..  party,  and  I  am  informed  that  the  gentleman  from 
New  Yoi-k  Piade  but  one.  It  is  a  notorious  fact  that  the  gentleman 
from  New  York,  on  many  occasions  in  the  past,  when  he  has  failed  to 


UTY. 

u>  Committee  on 
the  report  of  the 
V  personal  discus- 
ois,  Mr.  Boutwell, 
the  latter,  who 
moved  an  amend- 
ed to  report  llrst. 
ns  to  406,  but  Mr. 
table,  by  general 

a  sensation,  by 

vent  ion  "  is  bound 

linee  may  be;  and 

not   ready   to  so 

carried,  when  Mr. 

0  others,  negative 
ly  ask  the  Chair  to 
epnblican  Conven- 

1  call  of  states  the 

West  Virginia. 

lution:  "That  the 

the  resolution  just 

I  their  votes  in  this 

,  P.  MeCormick,  of 

thrown  down,  and 
the  resolution,  but 
Mr.  Campbell  first 
'I  always  intend  to 
rmick,  in  his  short 
1  follows:  "1  have 
e  been  as  consistent 
y  to  the  gentleman 
}61, 1  was  but  a  boy 
from  the  State  of 
Army  for  two  long 
ntion  will  allow  m«» 
for  the  nominee  of 
he  gentleman  from 
that  the  gentleman 
hen  he  has  failed  to 


THE  SEVENTH  REPT'HLICAN  CONVENTION. 


'MA 


secure  what  he  wanted  from  the  Republican  party,  has  not  givr'u  it 
the  hearty  support  that  I  have.  I  object  to  that  resolution  for  this: 
That  resolution  recites  that  u  man  who  dareM  assert  his  independence 
in  this  Convention  is  not  worthy  of  a  seat  in  the  body.  I  say  he  is. 
and  I  object  to  it  for  that  reason,  and  not  because  I  do  not  intend  to 
support  the  nominee  of  this  Convention.  I  do,  and  it  umkes  no  differ- 
ence who  he  is."  At  the  end  of  a  long  discussion  a  roll  call  of  states 
was  ordered  on  the  resolution,  when  Mr.  Coukling  withdrew  it,  only 
to  receive  this  parting  shot  from  Mr.  Cam{»bell:  "In  the  language  of 
the  gentleman  from  New  York,  I  congratulate  him  upon  his  suc^cess." 

The  Committee  on  Credentials  was  not  ready  to  report  until  the 
third  day  of  tiio  Convention.  It  had  many  contested  cases  before  il. 
several  of  whic-h  turned  upon  the  right  <»f  a  State  ('onvention  to  set 
aside  the  action  of  district  conventions,  or  to  bind  district  delegates. 
Two  reports  were  made,  the  majority  report  deciding  in  every  case  on 
the  right  of  am  individual  vote,  and  the  minority  views,  in  cases  of  this 
class,  being  in  accord  with  the  unit  rule.  In  the  Convention  the  con- 
tested j-ases  in  the  different  states  xsere  taken  up  separately,  and  were 
made  the  subjects  of  long  discussioi^s,  which  attracted  wide  attention 
at  the  time,  but  which  have  long  since  lost  their  interest.  The  first 
test  vote  was  on  contested  seats  from  Alabama,  in  which  the  majority 
report  was  sustained  against  the  minority  by  a  vote  of  449  to  30(».  On 
the  other  cases  the  majority  reports  were  sustained,  though  by  widely 
differing  votes.  ;',.•",:'•'' 

It  was  not  until  the  fourth  day  of  the  Convention  that  the  report 
of  the  (.'ommittee  on  Kules  came  up  for  consideration.  The  rules 
reported  by  the  majority  were  nearly  the  same  as  those  that  governed 
tlv?  Convention  of  1876,  except  Rule  8,  to  which  an  addition  was  made 
so  as  to  make  it  read  as  follows:  "In  the  record  of  the  vote  by  States, 
ihe  vote  of  each  State,  Territory,  and  the  District  of  Columbia  shall 
be  announced  by  the  Chairman;  and  in  case  the  vote  of  any  State. 
Territory  or  the  District  of  Columbia  shall  be  divided,  the  Chairman 
shall  announce  the  number  of  votes  cast  for  any  candidate,  or  for  or 
against  any  proposition;  but  if  exception  is  luW.v.  by  any  delegate  to 
the  correctness  of  such  announcement  by  t'l'-  rb!:ii'man  of  his  dele- 
gation, the  President  of  the  Convention  shall  direct  the  roll  of  mem- 
bers of  such  delegation  to  be  called,  and  the  result  shall  be  recorded 
in  accordance  with  the  votes  individually  given."  The  report  of  the 
minority  omitted  the  last  clause  of  this  section.  The  friends  of 
Oeneral  Grant  did  not  desire  immediate  consideration  of  the  rules, 


'^i^. 


.344 


HIHTOUY  OF  THE  HKrrm.lCAN  PARTY. 


und  General  Mhnrjie,  of  New  York,  Hoiight  to  creute  a  diverHion,  by 
niovinjLr  to  proceed  iiimiedintely  to  the  noiiLiiuition  of  PreHident  and 
Vice  President,  but  this  wuh  nej<ative<l  by  vote  of  27(5  to  479.  A 
motion  to  substitute  the  minority  report  for  tlie  majority  was  lost, 
witliout  roll  call.  On  motion  of  Mr.  Houtwell,  of  Massachusetts,  this 
section  was  added  to  the  rule  relatint;  to  the  formation  of  the  National 
('ommittee:  "Said  Committee  shall,  within  the  next  twelve  months, 
prescribe  a  method  or  methods  for  the  election  of  delegates  to  the 
National  Convention  in  1884;  announce  the  samt  to  ihe  (?!ountry  and 
Issue  a  I'all  for  that  (convention  in  conformity  therewith;  Provided, 
that  such  methods  or  rules  shall  include  and  secure  to  the  several 
Congressional  Districts  of  the  Cnited  Htates  the  right  to  elect  their 
own  delegates  to  the  National  Convention."  This  was  adopted,  as 
was  also  the  majority  report,  as  so  amended,  thus  settling,  probably 
for  all  time,  the  ((uestion  of  the  unit  rule,  which  had  been  the  subject 
of  great  dissension  during  the  Conventions,  both  in  1876  and  1880, 

The  platform  adopted  by  the  Convention  was  as  follows: 

The  Republican  party,  in  National  Convention  assembled,  at  the 
i*nd  of  twenty  years  since  the  Federal  Government  was  tlrst  com- 
mitted to  its  charge,  submits  to  the  people  of  the  I'nited  States  its 
brief  report  of  its  administration : 

It  suppressed  a  rebellion  which  had  armed  nearly  a  million  of 
men  to  subvert  the  National  authority.  It  reconstructed  the  Union 
of  the  States  with  freedom,  instead  of  slavery,  as  its  cornerstone.  It 
transformed  tour  million  of  human  beings  from  the  likeness  of  things 
to  the  rank  of  citizens.  It  relieved  Congress  from  the  infamous  work 
of  hunting  fugitive  slaves,  and  charged  it  to  see  that  slavery  does  not 
exist. 

It  has  raised  the  A'alue  of  our  paper  currency  from  thirty-eight 
per  cent  to  the  par  of  gold.  It  has  restored,  upon  a  solid  basis,  pay- 
ment in  coil)  for  all  the  National  obligations,  and  has  given  us  a  cur- 
rency absolutely  good  and  equal  in  every  part  of  our  extended  coun- 
try. It  has  lifted  the  credit  of  the  Nation  from  the  point  where  six 
Iter  cent,  be  ids  sold  at  86  to  that  where  four  {ler  cent,  bonds  are 
eagerly  sou  ht  at  a  preminm. 

Under  its  administration  railways  have  increased  from  31,000 
miles  in  IMO  to  more  than  82,000  miles  in  1870. 

Our  foreign  trade  has  increased  from  9700,000,000  to  fl,150,000,- 
000  in  the  same  time,  and  our  exports,  which  were  (20,000,000  less 
than  our  imports  in  1860,  were  |264,000,000  more  than  our  imports  in 
1879. 

Without  resorting  to  loans,  it  has,  since  the  war  closed,  defrayed 
the  ordinary  expenses  of  Government,  besides  the  accruing  interest 


II  (livei'Mion,  hv 

President  and 

1»7<J  to  471).     A 

ority  wan  lost, 

mchuwttH,  thin 

of  the  NationHl 

twelve  montlH, 

legates  to  the 

le  Country  and 

with;  Provide*!, 

to  the  several 

It  to  elect  their 

^as  adopted,  as 

ttling,  probably 

)een  the  subjert 

876  and  1K80. 

followR: 

isenibled,  at  the 

was  tlrst  eoni- 

nited  Htates  its 

rly  a  million  of 
ucted  the  Union 
cornerstone.  It 
keness  of  things 
p  infamous  work 
slavery  does  not 

rom  thirty-eight 
solid  basis,  pay- 
s  given  us  a  cur- 
1*  extended  coun- 
point  where  six 
cent,  bonds  are 

Bed  from  31,00(» 

00  to  11,150,000,- 

120,000,000  less 

n  our  imports  in 

closed,  defrayed 
U'cniing  interest 


THE  SEVENTH  REPPRLirAN  rONVENTION. 


'm:> 


on  the  public  debt,  and  disbursed,  annually,  over  |:tO,000,000  for  sol- 
diers' pensions.  It  has  paid  9S8S,000,0(I0  of  the  public  debt,  and,  by 
refunding  the  balHn(*e  at  lower  rates,  has  reduced  the  annual  interest 
charge  from  nearly  9151,0(»0,000  to  less  than  981»,(»00,000. 

All  the  industries  of  the  Country  have  revived,  labor  is  in 
demand,  wages  have  increased,  and  throughout  the  entire  Country 
there  is  evidence  of  a  coming  prosperity  greater  than  we  have  ever 
enjoyed. 

Upon  this  record,  the  Republican  party  asks  for  the  continued 
confidence  and  support  of  the  i)eople,  and  this  (Convention  subuiils 
for  its  approval  the  following  statement  of  the  principles  and  pur- 
poses which  will  continue  to  guide  and  inspire  its  efforts: 

1.  We  atHrm  that  the  work  of  the  Republican  party  for  the  last 
tventy  years  has  been  such  as  to  commend  itself  to  the  favor  of  the 
dilation;  that  the  fruits  of  the  costly  victories  which  we  have  achieved, 
through  immense  dilflculties,  should  be  preserved;  that  the  peace 
regained  should  be  cherished;  that  the  dissevered  Union,  now  happily 
restored,  should  be  perpetuated  and  that  the  liberties  secured  to  this 
generation  should  be  transmitted,  undiminished,  to  future  genera- 
lions:  that  the  order  established  and  the  <'redit  acquired  should  never 
be  impaired;  that  the  pensions  promised  should  be  paid;  that  the 
debt,  so  much  reduced,  be  extinguished  by  the  full  payment  of  every 
dollar  thereof;  that  the  reviving  industries  should  be  further  pro- 
moted, and  that  the  commerce  already  so  great  should  be  steadily 
encouraged. 

2.  The  Constitution  of  the  United  States  is  a  supreme  law,  and 
not  a  mere  contract;  out  of  c<mfederate  States  it  nuide  a  sovereign 
Nation.  Some  powers  are  denied  to  the  Nation,  while  others  are 
denied  to  the  States;  but  the  boundary  between  the  powers  delegated 
and  those  reserved  is  to  be  determined  by  the  National  and  not  by  the 
State  tribunals. 

'A.  The  work  of  popular  education  is  one  left  to  the  care  of  the 
several  States,  but  it  is  the  duty  of  the  National  (Government  to  aid 
that  work  to  the  extent  of  its  Constitutional  ability.  The  intelligence 
of  the  Nation  is  but  the  aggregate  of  the  intelligen<'e  in  the  several 
States,  and  the  destiny  of  the  Nation  must  be  guided,  not  by  the 
genius  of  any  one  State,  but  by  the  average  genius  of  all. 

4.  The  Constitution  wisely  forbids  Congress  to  make  any  law 
respecting  an  establishment  of  religion;  but  it  is  idle  to  hope  that  the 
Nation  can  he  protected  against  the  influence  of  sectarianism  while 
each  State  is  exposed  to  its  domination.  We,  therefore,  recommend 
that  the  Confltitution  be  so  amended  as  to  lay  the  same  prohibition 
upon  the  legislature  of  ea<'h  State,  to  forbid  the  appropriation  of 
public  funds  to  the  support  of  sectarian  schools. 

5.  We  affirm  the  belief  avowed  in  187fi,  that  the  duties  levied 
for  the  purpose  of  revenue  should  so  discriminate  as  to  favor  Amer- 
ican labor;  that  no  further  grant  of  the  public  domain  should  be  umd<' 


,>■■''■■■■. 


:)40 


HIKTORY  OF  THE  BEriJHLK^AN  I'AKTY. 


0 


\ 


to  any  rullwii.v  <»r  other  ••orporatlon ;  that  HlftVery  huvitiK  p^tIbH^mI 
in  the  Staten,  it»  twin  barbarity — polygamy — niUHt  die  In  the  Terri- 
tories; that  everywhere  the  protection  aceordeil  lo  citizenii  of  Anier 
lean  birth  miiHt  be  Hemred  to  cltlKenH  by  AHieri<-an  adoption;  that  we 
esteem  it  the  tliity  of  CongreHH  to  develop  and  improve  our  WRter 
conrMes  and  harborH,  but  InMlMt  that  further  HubHidieH  to  private  per- 
Bonti  or  rorpora'iiouH  must  ceaHe;  that  the  obliKationH  of  the  Republic 
to  the  men  wl:  >  preserved  its  integrity  in  the  day  of  battle  are  undi- 
minished by  the  lapse  of  fifteen  years  since  their  final  victory — to  do 
them  perpetual  honor  is  and  shall  forever  be  the  grateful  privilege 
and  sacred  duty  of  the  American  people.  '<k    •;    ^4V- 

«.  Kin«e  the  authority  to  regulate  Immigration  and  Interponrse 
between  the  I'nlted  States  and  foreign  nations  i.Hts  with  the  Con- 
gress of  the  I'nited  Htates  and  the  treaty-making  powers,  the  Repub- 
lican party,  regarding  the  unrestricted  immigration  of  the  fhinese 
as  an  evil  of  great  magnitude,  invoke  the  exercise  of  that  power  to 
restrain  and  limit  that  immigration  by  the  enactntent  of  such  just, 
humane  and  reasonable  provisions  as  will  produce  that  result. 

7.  That  the  purity  and  patriotism  which  characterised  the  early 
career  of  Rutherford  B.  Hayes  in  peace  and  war,  and  which  guided 
the  thoughts  of  our  imuHMliate  predecessors  ti»  select  him  for  a 
I'residential  candidate,  have  continued  to  inspir"  him  in  his  career 
as  ('hief  Executive,  and  that  history  will  accord  to  his  administration 
the  honors  which  are  due  to  an  eftlcient,  just  and  courieous  discharge 
of  the  publi<-  business,  and  will  honor  his  interposition  between  the 
people  and  proposed  partisan  laws. 

8.  We  charge  upon  the  Democratic  party  the  habitual  sacrifice 
of  ])atrioti8ni  and  justice  to  a  supreme  and  insatiable  lust  for  office 
and  patronage.  That  to  obtain  possession  of  the  National  and  State 
(Governments,  and  the  conti'ol  o:f  place  and  position,  they  have  oh- 
stru«*ted  all  efforts  ^n  promote  the  purity  and  to  (-onserve  the  freedom 
of  suffrage;  have  lievised  fr'judulent  certifications  and  returns;  hav«» 
labored  to  unseat  lawfully  elected  members  of  Congress,  to  secure, 
at  all  hazards,  the  vote  of  .%  majority  of  the  States  in  the  House  of 
liepresentatives ;  have  endetvored  to  occupy,  by  force  and  fraud,  the 
places  of  trust  given  to  others  by  the  people  of  Maine,  and  rescued  by 
the  courageous  action  of  Maine's  patriotic  sons;  have,  by  methods 
vicious  in  principle  and  tyrannical  in  practice,  attached  partisan  legis- 
lation to  appropriation  bills,  u|>on  whose  passage  the  very  movements 
of  Oovernment  depend;  have  crushed  the  rights  of  the  individual; 
have  advocaf(>d  the  principle  and  sought  the  favor  of  rebellion  against 
the  Nation,  and  have  endeavored  to  obliterate  the  sacred  memories  of 
the  war,  and  to  overcome  its  inestimably  valuable  results  of  nation- 
ality, personal  freedom  and  individual  equality.  The  e(]ual,  steady 
and  complete  enforcement  of  the  laws  and  protection  of  all  our  citi- 
Kens  in  the  enjoyment  of  all  privileges  and  immunities  guaranteed  by 
the  Constitution,  are  the  first  duties  of  the  Nation.    The  danger  of  a 


-'k: 


rv. 

lUviuK  p«*rlsh«Ml 
io  in  the  Terri- 
fizenii  of  AnitT 
<»ption;  that  we 
rove  our  water 
I  to  private  per- 
of  the  Republic 
battle  are  undi 
1  victory — to  do 
ateful  privilege 

and  inlercoupse 
a  with  the  Con 
kreru,  the  Itepnb- 
of  the  rhinese 
f  that  pow«'r  to 
nt  of  8uch  just, 
lat  result, 
terized  the  early 
id  which  (guided 
'lect  hiu»  for  a 
III  in  his  i'areer 
B  udniiniBtration 
rteouB  discharge 
ion  between  the 

labitual  saoriflce 
le  lust  for  office 
tional  and  Btate 
n,  they  have  ob- 
erve  the  freedom 
nd  returns;  have 
gresR,  to  secure, 

in  the  House  of 
•e  and  fraud,  the 
»,  and  rescued  by 
ave,  by  methods 
ed  partisan  legis 
I  very  movements 
f  the  individual; 
rebellion  against 
cred  memories  of 
i-esults  of  nation- 
'he  e<iual,  steady 
)u  of  all  our  citi- 
es guaranteed  by 

The  danger  of  a 


TIIK  SEVENTH  REIMHLirAN  CONVKNTION.        'M' 

Holid  rtoutli  •  un  only  be  averted  by  the  faithful  performance  of  every 
promise  which  the  Nation  made  to  the  citiz-en.  The  executi(m  of  the 
laws  and  the  punishment  of  all  those  who  violate  them,  are  f  ■  y 
safe  methods  by  w  hich  an  enduring  peace  can  be  secured  and  .'null 
prosperity  established  throughout  the  Houth.  Whatev  r  ,••<»">'"**'"» 
the  Nation  nwikes,  tiw  Nation  must  perform;  and  the  Nattjn  cannot 
with  safety  reicgut  •  \i  \n  duty  to  the  Htates.  The  solid  South  must 
be  divided  by  the  peaceful  agencies  of  the  ballot,  and  all  opinions 
must  there  find  free  expression;  and  to  this  end  honest  voters  must 
be  protected  against  terrorlHin,  violence  or  fraud.  And  we  affirm  it 
lo  be  the  duty  and  the  purpose  of  the  Republican  party  .o  use  all 
legitimate  means  to  restore  all  the  Htates  of  this  I'nion  to  the  most 
perfect  harmony  which  may  he  priMti<able;  and  we  submit  to  the 
practical,  sensible  iK'ople  of  the  Tniled  States  to  say  whether  it  would 
not  be  daugerouH  to  the  dearest  interests  of  our  country,  at  this  time, 
to  surrender  the  administration  of  the  National  (Government  to  a 
party  which  seeks  to  overthrow  the  existing  policy  under  which  we  are 
so  prosperous,  and  thus  bring  distrust  and  confusion  where  there  is 
now  order,  confidence  and  hope. 

9.  The  Republican  party,  adhering  to  the  principles  affirmed  by 
its  last  National  Convention,  of  re8i»ect  for  the  Constitutional  rule 
covering  appointments  to  office,  adopts  the  declaration  of  President 
Hayes,  that  the  reform  of  the  Civil  Service  should  be  thorough,  rad- 
ii-ai  and  complete.  To  this  end  it  denmnds  the  co-operation  of  the 
T^gislative  with  the  Executive  Department  of  the  Government,  and 
that  Congress  shall  so  legislate  that  fitness,  ascertained  by  proper 
practical  tests,  shall  admit  to  the  public  service. 

There  was  no  debate  upon  this  pronouncement,  except  on  the 
last  resolution,  which  was  not  reported  by  the  Committee  on  Resolu- 
tions, but  was  added  by  the  Convention.  It  was  during  the  debate  on 
this  resolution  that  Webster  B'lanagan,  of  Texas,  made  he  '»  nious 
si)eech,  which  furnished  catch  phrases  for  the  spoilsineii  for  several 
years  thereafter.  He  said:  "Texas  has  had  enough  of  the  Civil  Ser- 
vice, Daring  the  last  four  years,  sir,  out  of  fourteen  hundred  officers 
appointed  by  the  President  of  the  Cnited  States,  one  hundred  and 
forty  represented  the  Repubii«"an  party.  We  are  not  here,  sir,  for 
the  purpose  of  providing  offices  for  the  Democracy.  There  is  one  plank 
in  the  Democratic  party  that  I  have  ever  admired,  and  that  is.  To  the 
victors  belong  the  spoils.'  After  we  have  won  the  race,  as  we  will, 
we  will  give  those  who  are  entitled  to  positions  office.  What  are  wo 
up  here  for?  I  mean  that  members  of  the  Republi'^an  party  are 
entitled  to  office,  and  If  we  are  victorious,  we  will  have  office." 

The  order  of  naming  candidates  for  the  Presidency  was  not 
reached  until  Saturday  afternoon,  the.  fourth  day  of  the  Convention. 


fpiHWi 


MH 


fllHTORYOFTHK  KKIMHMCAN  PARTY. 


"^        V 


roiiklftiK  liiid  Ix't'ii  <'1miii<>ii  to  pr«>H<>tit  C]niiit*H  iiniiie,  nnd  lie  did  it  in 
a  H)M><M'li  tliat,  in  tlic  iinnalM  of  Aiiicricaii  <'oiivvntioii  oratory,  Iuih  coiii- 
iiioiily  Ix'tMi  ruiilvt>d  hh  Hcroiid  only  to  InKcrHoll'H  nomination  of  Hluinc 
in  1H7((.  Tli(>  tirMt  part  of  tlic  h)h>4m-Ii  wan  cHpccially  Htirrin^,  and  iH 
giv«*n  licrowitli: 

And  when  aHlicd  wlwit  Htati    he  IuUIh  from, 

Our  Molc  reply  hIuiII  Ih', 
Uu  liailH  from  Appomatox  /     .. 

And  itH  famouH  apple  (rcc.  ,. 

In  obedicncv  to  inHtructionH  which  1  uhou'  i.  ■  "r  diiv  to  diMPe- 
Kard,  cxprcHHiut^  alno  my  own  tlnu  convictionH,  ;  i«e.  Mi  ''reMidcnt, 
in  behalf  of  the  State  of  New  York,  to  propoHe  a  noi;'!n.'>i:in  v>ith  which 
the  country  and  the  Uepiiblican  jM<f»v  can  Ki'undiy  win  Tltc  > 'lection 
before  U8  Ih  tl»e  AuHterlitz  of  Au^.-ricun  politi<'H.  It  will  decide,  for 
many  yearH,  whether  the  country  hIiuII  be  Republican  or  Cou^ock. 
The  Hupreme  need  of  the  hour  id  not  a  i  ;ukdidate  who  can  carry  Michi- 
gan. All  Kepubli<-an  candidateH  vuf  ic  that.  The  m*ed  Ih  not  of  a 
enndidate,  popular  in  the  territorieB,  i'tiwuse  the  terrltorieH  have  no 
v(..((.».  The  ne«>d  ih  of  u  candidate  who  can  carry  doubtful  states;  not 
iJu?  doubtful  Blates  of  the  North  alone,  bat  uIhc  doubtful  Btates  of  the 
Hoiith,  wliich  we  have  heard,  if  I  understood  u-ight,  ought  to  lake 
little  or  no  part  here,  because  tlie  s^'outh  has  notti'i; ;?  to  give,  but  every- 
thing to  receive.  The  nej'd  whit  Is  urj!i«<i  itself  Oii  the  conscience  and 
reason  of  the  Convention  is  of  ai  candidate  wlio  can  carry  doubtful 
states,  both  North  and  Houth.  And  believing  that  he,  more  surely 
than  any  other  man,  can  carry  New  York  against  any  opponent,  and 
(•an  carry  not  only  the  North,  but  si'veral  states  of  the  Bonth,  New 
York  is  for  Ulysses  H.  Grant. 

Never  defeated — in  peaie  or  in  war — his  name  is  the  most  illustri- 
ous borne  by  living  man. 

His  services  attest  his  greatness,  and  the  <-ountry — nay,  tlie  world 
— knows  them  by  heart.  His  fume  was  earned  not  alone  by  things 
written  and  said,  but  by  arduous  greatness  of  things  done;  and  {lerils 
and  emergenfies  will  search  in  vain  in  the  future,  as  they  have 
searclied  in  vain  in  the  past,  for  any  other  on  whom  the  Nation  leans 
with  such  confidence  and  trust.  Never  liaving  had  a  policy  to  enfon-i' 
against  the  Will  of  the  i>eople,  he  never  betrayed  a  cause  or  a  friend, 
and  the  people  will  never  desert  or  betray  him.  Standing  on  the 
highest  eminence  of  human  distinction,  modest,  tirm,  simfde,  and  self- 
poised,  having  tilled  all  lands  with  his  renown,  he  has  seen  not  only 
the  high  born  and  the  titled,  but  the  poor  and  the  lowly,  in  the  utter- 
most ends  of  the  earth,  rise  and  uncover  before  him.  He  has  studied 
the  needs  and  defects  of  many  systems  of  government;  and  he  has 
returned  a  better  American  than  ever,  witli  a  wealth  of  knowledge  and 
ex|M'rien<'e  added  to  the  hard  common  Hense  which  shone  so  conspicu- 


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auMe  or  a  friend, 
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Hiiiiple,  and  self- 
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THE  SEVENTH  REPUBLICAN  (CONVENTION. 


34J) 


\  ». 


uu8l>-  in  all  tbe  fierce  light  that  beat  upon  him  durinjj;  Hixteen  .yeai-8, 
the  most  trying,  the  most  portentous,  the  most  perilonis  in  the  Nation's 
history. 

Vilified  and  reviled,  ruthlessly  aspersed  by  unnumbered  persons, 
not  in  other  lands,  but  in  his  own,  assaults  upon  him  have  seasoned 
and  strengthened  his  hold  upon  the  public  heart,  ('ainmny's  ammu- 
nition has  all  been  exploded;  the  powder  has  all  been  burned  once — 
its  force  is  spent — and  the  name  of  Grant  will  glitter,  a  bright  and 
imperishable  star,  in  the  diadem  of  the  Republic,  when  those  who  have 
tried  to  tarnish  it  have  mouldered  in  forgotten  graves;  and  when 
their  memories  and  their  epitaphs  have  vanished  utterly. 

Never  elated  by  success,  never  depressed  by  adversity,  he  has 
ever,  in  peait  as  in  war,  shown  the  very  genius  of  common  sense.  The 
terms  he  presented  for  Lee's  surrender  foreshadowed  the  wisest 
prophecies  and  principles  of  true  reconstruction.  Victor  in  the 
greatest  war  of  modern  times,  he  quickly  signalized  his  aversion  to 
war  and  his  love  of  peace,  by  an  arbitration  of  international  disputes 
which  stands  the  wisest,  the  most  majestic  example  of  its  kind  in  the 
world's  diplomacy. 

When  inflation,  at  the  hight  of  its  popularity  and  frenzy,  had 
swept  both  Houses  of  Congress,  it  was  the  veto  of  Grant,  single  and 
alone,  which  overthrew  expansion  and  cleared  the  way  for  specie 
resumption.  To  him,  immeasurably  more  than  to  any  other  man,  is 
due  the  fact- that  every  paper  dollar  is  at  last  as  good  as  gold. 

James  A.  Garfield's  nomination  of  John  Sherman  was  also  a  fine 
piece  of  Convention  oratory,  though  some  of  Sherman's  friends  com- 
plained afterwards  that  it  was  delivered  in  such  a  way  as  to  make  the 
orator  more  conspicuous  than  the  man  whose  cause  he  was  advocat- 
ing. Mr.  Blaine's  name  was  presented  by  James  F.  Joy,  of  Michigan, 
and  supported  by  F.  M.  Pixley,  of  California,  and  William  P.  Frye,  of 
Maine.  Through  fe.  F.  Drake,  of  Minnesota,  the  name  of  William 
Windom  was  presented.  Frederick  Billings,  of  Vermont,  presented 
the  name  of  George  F.  Edmunds,  and  J.  B.  Cassoday,  of  Wisconsin, 
that  of  Elihu  B.  Washburne,  of  Illinois,  who  was  supported  by  Augus- 
tus Brandegee,  of  Connecticut,  as  the  only  man  who  could  surely 
carry  the  doubtful  Eastern  States.  Grant's  nomination  was  sup- 
imrted  by  William  O.  Bradley,  of  Kentucky,  and  Sherman's  by  R.  B. 
Elliott,  of  South  Carolina.  Balloting  did  not  commence  until  the 
fifth  day  of  the  Convention,  Monday,  June  7.  The  largest  number  of 
votes  cast  on  any  ballot  was  756;  necessary  to  a  choice  379.  There 
was  one  vote  each  for  tbe  persons  named  on  the  ballot  indicated: 
Third,  fourth  and  fifth,  Benjamin  Harrison,  of  Indiana;  eleventh, 
twelfth  and  thirteenth,  Rutherford  B.  Hayes,  of  Ohio;  thirteenth, 
George  W.  McCrary,  of  Indiana;  nineteenth,  twentieth,  twenty -first 


rlii 


.  II 


i 


"vi^-'*':i''^''!^H'y<''^''^iy^'''''"'1^'.  ^•"''■"■"'•^'"'^ 


360 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 


A 


and  twenty-second,  John  F.  Hartranft,  of  Pennsylvania;  thirtieth 
Philip  H.  Bheridan,  of  Ohio;  thirty-flrst,  Roscoe  CJonkling,  of  New 
York  and  Edmund  J.  Davis,  of  Texas.  Aside  from  these,  the  follow- 
ing is  a  record  of  the  thirty-six  ballots: 


r 
BALLOT.  ^ 

2 

o 

First 304 

Second  305 

Third   305 

Fourth  305 

Fifth 305 

Sixth  305 

Seventh   305 

Eighth   306 

Ninth 308 

Tenth 305 

Eleventh 305 

Twelfth .S04 

Thirteenth 305 

Fourteenth  ......  305 

Fifteenth, ;..  309 

Sixteenth 306 

Seventeenth 303 

Eighteenth  305 

Nineteenth 305 

Twentieth 308 

Twenty-first .  305 

Twenty-second  . .  305 

Twenty-third  ....  304 

Twenty-fouKth  ...  305 

Twenty  fifth 302 

Twenty  sixth 303 

Twenty-seventh  ..  306 

Twenty-eighth  ...  307 

Twenty-ninth  ....  805 

Thirtieth 306 

Thirty-first  308 

Thirty-second  . . .  ^0» 

Thirtythird 309 

Thirty-fourth  ....  312 

Thirty-fifth  313 

Thirty-sixth  306 


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THE  SEVENTH  REPUBLICAN  (^ONVENTIC).n.        351 

The  break  to  (laifleld  on  the  thirty-flftti  ballot  presaKed  his  nom- 
ination on  the  next  as  the  second  choice  of  the  Blaine  men,  unless  the 
(h'ant   leaders  could   throw  their  forces   for  some  other  candidate. 
But  they  were  not  inclined  to  do  this.      The  roll  call  for  the  thirty- 
sixth  ballot  had  hardly  commenced,  when  it  became  evident  that  the 
Blaine  and  scattering  vote  was  going  to  Oarfleld.      A  Grant  delegate 
rose,   amidst    the   excitement,   and   in    sonorous    voice    called   out: 
'*8teady-y-y-y,  all  along  the  line,"  the  Grant  forces  held  to  their  candi- 
date, and  the  General  had  two  more  votes  on  the  last  ballot  than  he 
did  on  the  first.      The 
management  of  the  last 
part  of  Grant's  canvass 
in  the  Convention  was 

not  good    politics.      It  ::.^i^^^^KMi^l^Hn^s%. 

was  hai'dly  prudent 
generalship,  but  it  was 
superb  discipline. 

After  the  result  of 
the  thirty-sixth  ballot 
was  announced,  the 
President  of  the  Con- 
vention suggested  that 
the  nomination  be  made 
unanimous.  Senator 
Conkling  said  that  he 
rose  to  make  a  motion 
to  that  effect,  but  the 
Chair  had  anticipated 
his  motion.  He,  how- 
ever, availed  himself  of  ' 
the  opportunity  to  con-  J^mbs  a.  qarfield. 
gratulate  the  Republican  party  of  the  United  States  upon  the  good 
nature  and  the  well-tempered  rivalry  which  had  distinguished  the 
aniwated  contest.  He  added':  "I  trust  the  zeal,  the  fervor,  and 
now  the  unanimity  seen  in  this  great  assemblage  will  be  transplanted 
to  the  field  of  the  final  conflict,  and  that  all  of  us  who  have  borne  a 
part  against  each  other,  will  be  found  with  equal  zteal  bearing  the 
banner— with  equal  zeal  carrying  the  lance  of  the  Republican  party 
into  the  ranks  of  the  enemy."  <leneral  Logan  supported  the  propo- 
sition to  make  the  nomination  unanimous  and  in  the  course  of  his 


m' 


f.itap.n^i'.'mniBfflijJ 


862  HISTORY  OP  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 

remarks,  Huid:  "Whatever  may  have  transpired  in  this  Convention 
that  may  have  momentarily  marred  the  feelings  of  any  one  here,  I 
hope  that,  in  our  eonclugion  it  will  pass  from  our  minds.  I,  sir, 
with  the  friends  of  I  think  one  of  the  grandest  men  that  graces  the 
face  of  the  earth,  stood  here  to  fight  a  friendly  battle  in  favor  of  his 
nomination ;  but,  sir^  this  Convention  has  i-hosen  another  leader.  The 
men  who  stood  by  Grant's  banners  will  be  seen  in  the  ffont  of  this 
contest  on  the  field.  We  will  go  forward  in  this  contest,  not  with 
sealed  lips,  not  with  bridled  tongues,  but  to  speak  the  truth  in  favor 
of  the  grandest  party  that  has  ever  been  organized  in  this  country; 
to  maintain  its  principles,  to  maintain  its  power,  to  preserve  its 
ascendancy;  and,  sir,  with  the  leader  you  have  selected,  my  judgment 
is  that  victory  will  perch  upon  your  banners."  Remarks  in  similar 
vein  were  made  by  men  who  had  been  supporters  of  other  candidates, 
and  the  nomination  was  then  made  unanimous. 

For  Vice-President  the  following  candidates  were  formally 
placed  in  nomination:  Chester  A.  Arthur,  of  New  York;  Elihu  B. 
Washburne,  of  Illinois;  Marshall  Jewell,  of  Connecticut;  Thomas 
Settle,  of  Florida;  Horace  Maynard,  of  Tennessee,  and  Edmund  J. 
Davis,  of  Texas.  Mr.  Conger  read  a  resolution,  adopted  by  the  Mich- 
igan Repul^lican  State  Convention :  "That  in  view  of  the  pure  charac- 
ter, strong  patriotism  and  eminent  services  rendered  our  State  and 
Nation  by  Senator  Thomas  W.  Ferry  during  his  long  legislative 
career,  both  in  State  and  National  councils,  we  hereby  respectfully 
recommend  and  urge  bis  name  to  the  National  Convention 
as  a  fit  candidate  for  the  nomination  for  Vice-President  by  the 
Republican  party."  Mr.  Conger  followed  the  reading  of  this  resolu- 
tion with  a  letter  from  Senator  Ferry,  declining  to  be  a  candidate,  and 
his  name  was  therefore  withdrawn.    The  vote  was  as  follows: 

Chester  A.  Arthur,  of  New  York 468 

Elihu  B.  Washburne,  of  Illinois 193 

Marshall  Jewell,  of  Connecticut 44 

Horace  Maynard,  of  Tennessee. ^ 30 

Blanche  K.  Bruce,  of  Mississippi 8     , 

James  L.  Alcorn,  of  Mississippi 4 

Edmund  J.  Davis,  of  Texas 2 

Thomas  Settle,  of  Florida 1 

Stewart  L.  Woodford,  of  New  York 1 

The  nomination  of  General  Arthur  was  made  unanimous,  and 
after  Committees  of  Notification  had  been  appointed,  the  longest,  and 
in  some  stages  of  its  proceedings,  the  most  heated  of  Republican 
National  Conventions,  closed  harmoniously. 


wnMlKWi" 


■WMMMnMii 


•      .ip 


iTY. 

this  Convention 

any  one  here,  I 

minds.      I,  »h', 

1  that  graces  thi; 

le  in  favor  of  hits 

)ther  leader.  The 

the  front  of  this 

contest,  not  with 

he  truth  in  favor 

I  in  this  country; 

,  to   preserve  its 

ted,  my  judgment 

smarks  in  similar 

other  candidates, 

s  were  formally 
w  York;  Elihu  B. 
necticut;  Thomas 
,  and  Edmund  J. 
•pted  by  the  Mich- 
f  the  pure  charac- 
red  our  State  and 
I  long  legislative 
ereby  respectfully 
ional  Convention 
President  by  the 
ling  of  this  resolu- 
)e  a  candidate,  and 
I  as  follows: 

468 

193 

44 

..)....     30 
..;....        8       . 

4 

; . .       2 

1 

1 

le  unanimous,  and 
?d,  the  longest,  and 
ited  of  Republican 


XXVII. 

THE  GARFIELD  AND  ARTHT'R  CAMPAIGN. 

The  Democratic  Convention  at  Cincinnati— De<larations  of  the  Plat- 
form-Nomination of  Hancock  "The  Superb"  on  the  Second 
Ballot-The  Tariff  a  Local  Issue— The  Greenba<k  Candidate  and 
Platform— Not  a  Bright  Prospect  for  the  Republicans— A  Change 
After  the  Mentor  Conference— General  Grant's  Good  Work  for 
the  Ticket— Result  of  the  October  Elections— The  Morey  Forgery 
—The  Campaign  Ends  With  a  Substantial  Republican  Triumph, 

The  Democratic  National  Convention  of  1880  opened  at  Cincin- 
nati, June  22,  entering  the  campaign  with  strong  hopes  of  winning  on 
account  of  the  feuds  that  existed  in  the  Republican  party.  The 
platform  adopted  had  a  few  high-sounding  generalizations,  togetlier 
with  the  following  definite  though  somewliat  incoherent  enuncia- 
tions of  principles  and  declarations: 

3.  Home  rule,  honest  money— consisting  of  gold  and  silver,  and 
paper  convertible  into  coin  on  demand;  the  strict  maintenance  of  the 
public  faith.  State  and  National  and  a  tariff  for  revenue  only.  The 
subordination  of  the  military  to  the  civil  power,  and  a  general  and 
thorough  reform  of  the  civil  service. 

4  The  right  to  a  free  ballot  is  the  right  preservative  of  all 
rights,  and  miist  and  shall  be  maintained  in  every  part  of  the  United 

States. 

5  The  existing  Administration  is  the  representative  of  con- 
spiracy only,  and  its  claim  of  right  to  surround  the  ballot  boxes  with 
troops  and  deputy  marshals,  to  intimidate  and  obstruct  the  electors, 
and  the  unprecedented  use  ^f  the  veto  to  maintain  its  corrupt  and 
despotic  power,  insult  the  people  and  imperil  their  institutions.  We 
execrate  the  course  of  this  Administration  in  making  places  m  the 
civil  service  a  reward  for  political  crime,  and  demand  a  reform  by 
statute  which  shall  make  it  forever  impossible  for  a  defeated  candi- 
date to  bribe  his  way  to  the  seat  of  the  usurper  by  billeting  villains 
upon  the  people.  ,     *  . 

6  The  great  fraud  of  187fi-'77,  by  which,  upon  the  false  count 
of  the  Electoral  vote  of  two  States,  the  candidate  defeated  at   the 


l-'« 


■'■.S:t4« 


364 


HIHTORY  OP  THE  REIM'HLICAN  PARTY. 


■■'-■■A 


_*v- ■■:■/«; 


polls  was  declared  to  be  the  President,  and,  for  the  flrst  time  in 
American  history  the  will  of  the  people  was  set  aside  under  a  threat 
of  military  violence,  struck  a  deadly  blow  at  our  system  of  representa- 
tive government;  the  Democratic  party,  to  preserve  the  country  from 
a  civil  war,  submitted  for  a  time,  in  the  tlrm  and  patriotic  faith  that 
the  (leople  would  pujiiBh  this  crime  in  188();  this  issue  precedes  and 
dwarfs  every  other;  it  imposes  a  more  sacred  duty  upon  the  people 
of  the  Union  than  ever  addressed  the  conscience  of  a  Nation  of  free 
men. 

The  platform  also  declared  against  sumptuary  laws;  m  favor  of 
the  separation  of  Church  and  Btate  for  the  good  of  each;  in  favor  of 
"free  ships  and  a  living  chance  for  American  commerce;"  against 
"Chinese  immigration,  except  for  travel,  education  and  foreign  com- 
merce, and  therein  carefully  guarded."  It  also  passed  a  eulogy  upon 
Hamuel  J.  Tilden,  assuring  him  of  "their  confidence  in  his  wisdom. 
])atriotiBm  and  integrity,  unshaken  by  the  assaults  of  a  common 
enemy,  and  they  further  assure  him  that  he  is  followed  into  the 
retirement  which  he  has  chosen  for  himself,  by  the  sympathy  and 
respect  of  his  fellow  citizens,  who  regard  him  as  one  who,  by  elevating 
the  standards  of  public  morality,  merits  the  lasting  gratitude  of  his 
country  and  his  party." 

Only  two  ballots  were  taken  for  the  nomination  for  the  Presi- 
dency, Gen.  Hancock  having  such  a  decided  lead  on  the  second  as  to 
speedily  bring  changes  enough  to  give  him  a  large  majority.  The 
ballots  were  as  follows : 

Second  as 
First.    Second.  Corrected 

Winfleld  8.  Hancock,  of  New  York 171  320  705 

Hamuel  J.  Randall,  of  Pennsylvania 128V^ 

Thomas  P.  Bayard,  of  Delaware 153  y.        113  '  2 

Henry  B.  Payne,  of  Ohio 81 

Allen  G.  Thurman,  of  Ohio 68V2  50   " 

Stephen  J.  Pield,  of  California 65  '  651/2 

William  R.  Morrison,  of  Illinois 62  , . .   *" 

Thomas  A.  Hendricks,  of  Indiana 50V^  31  3  ' 

Samuel  J.  Tilden,  of  New  York .38  6  i 

Horatio  Sevmour,  of  New  York 8  ... 

Scattering  31  22  ... 

Total :.. 7281/2        736  738 

Necessary  to  a  choice. 486  491  492 

Por  Vice-President  William  H.  English,  of  Indiana,  and  Richard 
M.  Bishop,  of  Ohio,  were  named^  but  during  the  first  ballot  the  name 

V 


yAD'^ 


TY. 

lie  first  time  in 
;  under  a  threat 
m  of  representa- 
lie  country  from 
riotic  faith  that 
ue  precedes  and 
upon  the  people 
a  Nation  of  free 

awn;  lu  favor  of 
iach;  in  favor  of 
imerce;"  against 
and  foreign  corn- 
ed a  eulogy  upon 
e  in  his  wisdom, 
ts  of  a  common 
)llowed  into  the 
e  sympathy  and 
who,  by  elevating 
;  gratitude  of  his 

[)n  for  the  Presi- 

the  second  as  to 

(  majority.      The 


THE  OAKPIELI)  AND  AUTHrU  (AMI'AKlN. 


OtMf 


Second  as 
Second.  Corrected 
320            705 
I28V2 
113                2 

'bo 

651/2 

•  •   • 

•  •  • 

•  •   ■ 

[31 
6 

S 
1 

22 

•   •   * 

736 
491 

738 
492 

liana,  and  Richard 
St  ballot  the  name 


of  Ex-CJovernor  Hishop  was  withdrawn,  and  Mr.  English  was  nomin- 
ated by  acclamation. 

(leneral  Hancock  was  one  of  the  best  of  the  Fnion  generals 
during  the  war,  and  <»f  his  military  career  (General  (Irant  said: 
"Han( ock  stands  the  most  conspicuous  figure  of  all  the  general  officers 
who  did  not  exercise  a  separate  command.  He  ciunmanded  a  corps 
longer  than  any  other  one,  and  his  name  was  never  mentioned  as 
having  committed  in  battle  a  blunder  for  which  he  was  responsible. 
He  was  a  umn  of  very  conspicuous  personal  appearance.  Tall,  well 
formed,  and,  at  the  time  of  which  I  now  write,  young  and  fresh 
looking,  he  preseuted  an  appearance  that  would  attract  the  attention 
of  an  army  as  he  passed.  His  genial  disposition  nmde  him  friends, 
and  his  courage  and  his  presence  with  his  command  in  the  thickest 
of  the  flght  won  him  the  confidence  of  the  troops  serving  under  him." 
To  a  reporter  in  search  of  adverse  criticism  during  the  Presidential 
canvass.  General  Sherman  said:  "If  you  will  sit  down  and  write  the 
best  thing  that  can  be  put  in  language  about  General  Hancock,  as 
an  officer  and  a  gentlenmn,  I  will  sign  it  without  hesitation."  On 
account  of  his  splendid  figure  and  bearing  he  had  been  called  "Han- 
cock the  Superb,"  and  he  was  at  this  time  the  most  popular  of 
Democratic  generals.  He  had  been  before  the  Democratic  Conven- 
tions of  1868  and  1872  as  a  candidate  for  the  nomination,  and  had 
made  a  fair  showing  in  each  case. 

Of  his  politics  he  said  in  a  letter  to  a  friend  in  1861 :  "My  politics 
are  of  a  practical  kind— the  integrity  of  the  country,  the  supreuuicy 
of  the  Federal  Government— an  honorable  peace  or  none  at  all."  In 
later  years,  like  Ge^ieral  Sherman,  he  was  '*a  soldier,  not  a  states- 
man," and  was  not  well  informed  on  the  political  issues  of  the  day. 
Hut  he  was  sufficiently  well  aware  of  that  fact  to  be  discreetly  silent 
during  most  of  the  campaign.  Revision  of  the  tariff  was  then  one 
of  the  main  questions  before  Congress  and  the  people.  In  one  of 
the  few  attempts  that  he  did  make  to  oxpress  his  views  on  pending 
issues,  he  referred  to  the  tariff  as  "a  local  issue"  which  he  had  once 
heard  discussed  in  Pennsylvania.  This  occasioned  much  ridicule 
during  the  campaign,  although,  in  some  of  its  phases  the  tariff  has 
come  a  great  deal  nearer  being  a  "local  issue"  than  the  theorists  on 
either  side  would  be  willing  to  admit. 

William  H.  English  was  a  shrewd  politician,  not  of  the  highest 
order,  who  was,  just  then,  at  the  head  of  the  party  in  Indiana.  His 
nomination  was  intended  to  carry  that  State,  which  was  always  doubt- 


■'i . 


:m\ 


INHTOUY  OF  TIIK  KKlM'Ili.ECAX  I'AKTY. 


fill,  fur  the  tick(*t,  but  on  acrdiint  of  the  pai't.v  U'luU  and  joaloiigicH 
(here,  it  Hcrnm  )M'obable  that  a  Htron^  <-andidat('  from  another  Htate 
would  have  been  a  j{reat«'r  help  to  the  party. 

The  Greenba<-k  Convention  uiet  in  (.'hicago,  June  \),  and  adopted 
a  platform  that  touched  upon  nearly  every  subject  that  was  before 
the  people.  The  utteranceB  that  were  moHt  diHtin(;tly  charafteristic 
of  the  party  were  the  following: 

The  rivil  (}overnment  should  guarante<'  the  Divine  right  of  every 
laborer  to  the  result  of  his  toil,  thus  enabling  the  producers  of  wealth 
to  provide  themselves  with  the  means  for  physical  <*omfort,  and 
facilities  for  mental,  and  social,  and  moral  culture;  and  we  condemn, 
as  unworthy  of  our  civilization,  the  barbarism  which  imposes  upon 
wealth-producers  a  state  of  drudgery  ait  the  price  of  a  bare  animal 
existence.  Notwithstanding  the  enormous  increase  of  productive 
power  by  the  universal  introduction  of  liibor-saving  machinery,  and 
the  discovery  of  new  agents  for  the  increaiie  of  wealth,  the  task  of  the 
laborer  is  scarcely  lightened,  the  hours  of  toil  are  but  little  shortened, 
and  few  producers  are  lifted  from  poverty  into  conifort  and  pecuni- 
ary independence.  The  associated  monopolies,  the  international 
syndicates,  and  other  income  classes  demand  dear  money,  cheap  labor, 
and  a  strong  Government,  and  hence  a  weak  people,  forjiorate 
control  of  the  volume  of  money  has  been  the  means  of  dividing  society 
into  hostile  classes,  of  an  unjust  distribution  of  the  products  of  labor 
and  of  building  up  monopolies  of  associated  capital,  endowed  with 
power  to  contisoate  private  property.  It  has  kept  money  scarce;  and 
the  scarcity  of  money  enforces  debt-trade  and  public  and  corporate 
loans;  debt  engenders  usury,  and  usury  ends  in  the  bankruptcy  of  the 
borrowers.  Other  results  are — deranged  markets,  uncertainty  in 
manufacturing  enterprises  and  agriculture,  precarious  and  intermit- 
tent employment  for  the  laborer,  industrial  war,  increasing  pauper- 
ism and  crime,  and  the  consequent  intimidation  and  disfranchisement 
of  the  producer  and  a  rapid  declension  into  corporate  feudalism. 
Therefore,  we  declare, 

1.  That  the  right  to  make  and  issue  money  is  a  sovereign  power, 
to  be  maintained  by  the  people  for  their  common  benefit.  The  dele- 
gation of  this  right  to  corporations  is  a  surrender  of  the  central 
attribute  of  sovereignty,  void  of  Constitutional  sanction,  and  con- 
ferring upon  a  subordinate  and  irresponsible  power  an  absolute 
dominion  over  industry  and  commerce.  All  money,  whether  metallic 
or  pai)er,  should  be  issued,  and  its  volume  controlled,  by  the  Govern- 
ment, and  not  by,  or  through,  banking  corporations:  and,  when  so 
issued,  should  be  a  full  legal  tender  for  all  debts,  public  and  private. 

2.  That  the  bonds  of  the  United  Btateg  should  not  be  refunded 
but  paid  as  rapidly  as  practicable,  according  to  contract.  To  enable 
the  Government  to  meet   these  obligations,  legal    tender    currency 


t-li 


''ill  '    ■■'•.■''^•i' ■i''  ■ 


MMH 


'^■'V 


TIIK  aAKKIKLh  AND  AUTlirU  CAMrAKJN. 


:<:>- 


UTY. 

(Ih  and  JouIoiihU'r 
oin  another  Htute 

nc  !),  and  adopted 
lliat  waH  before 
rtly  I'haracterUtic 


Ine  rl^lit  of  every 
oducerH  of  wealth 
ical   comfort,   and 
;  and  we  condemn, 
licb  impoHes  upon 
'  of  a  bare  animal 
'a»e  of  productive 
ng  machinery,  and 
1th,  the  task  of  the 
int  little  shortened, 
ontfort  and  pecuni- 
the    international 
money,  cheap  labor, 
people.     Corporate 
I  of  dividing  society 
e  products  of  labor 
tital,  endowed  with 
t  money  scarce;  and 
ubiic  and  corporate 
e  bankruptcy  of  the 
lets,  uncertainty  in 
trious  and  intermit- 
increasing  pauper- 
id  disfranchisement 
orporate  feudalism. 

i  a  sovereign  power, 
benefit.  The  dele- 
ader  of  the  central 
sanction,  and  con- 
power  an  absolute 
ey,  whether  metallic 
ilied,  by  the  Govern- 
tions:  and,  when  so 
,  public  and  private. 

iild  not  be  refunded 
•ontract.    To  enable 
a1    tender   currency 


Hhould  be  HiibMtitutcd  for  tlHMiotcH  of  the  National  banks,  the  National 
bunking  system  abolished,  and  the  unlimited  coinage  of  silver,  aH 
well  as  gold,  established  by  law.  •     .        . 

On  the  first  ballot  for  a  l*residential  candidate,  J.  H.  Weaver,  of 
Iowa,  had  a  decided  lead  over  six  other  aspirants,  and  he  was  tluii 
nominated  by  acclamation.  For  the  nomination  for  Vice-I'rcHJdi'nt 
on  the  only  ballot  taken,  Itenjamin  •)  <'Iiambers,  of  Texas,  had  4(Ki 
votes,  and  (iencral  A.  Af.  West,  of  MiHf<it*aippi,  lUl.  . .  v, 

The  Prohibition  party  met  in  rievcland,  .lune  IT,  and  nominated 
Neal  Dow,  of  Maine,  for  President,  and  Henry  A.  Thompson,  of  Ohio, 
for  Vice- J 'resident. 

There  was  also  an  Anti-Masonic  ticket  in  the  H>ld.  which  nomin- 
ated John  W.  I'helps,  of  Vermont,  for  President,  and  Hamuel  ('. 
Pomeroy,  of  Kansas,  for  Vice-President.  The  votes  for  this  ticket 
came  chiefly  from  Illinois,  Maine,  Michigan,  Missouri,  New  York. 
Rhode  Island  and  Wisconsin. 

During  the  campaign,  beyond  a  little  good-natured  ridicule  of 
Hancock's  ignorance  of  economic  and  political  atTairs,  the  Oenera! 
was  treated  with  the  utmost  consideration  by  the  Republicans,  who 
conducted  their  canvass  on  political  issues  and  not  on  personalities 
Their  main  subject  of  discussion  and  attack  was  furnished  by  the 
Democratic  Congress,  and  by  Southern  arrogance  and  greed.  Houth- 
ern  war  claims,  which  had  been  introduced  in  Congress  in  great 
numbers,  and  in  sufHcient  volume  to  swamp  the  Treasury,  were 
(minted  out  as  an  element  of  danger  in  case  the  Democrats  should 
obtain  possession  of  the  Executive,  as  well  as  the  liegislutive  branch 
of  the  Government.  The  Kolid  Houth,  made  so  by  fraud,  intimida* 
tion,  and  false  counting,  and  controlling  the  Democratic  party,  was 
held  up  as  a  constant  menace,  and  the  outrages  committed  on  colored 
and  white  Republicans  were  feelingly  portrayed  on  the  stump.  The 
Democrats  tried  to  ridicule  this  di>wn,  by  s})eaking  of  it  as  "waving 
the  bloody  shirt,"  but  the  arguments  derived  from  it  had  not  yet  lost 
their  force  'ipon  the  Northern  mind. 

The  Democrats,  on  the  other  hand,  made  many  bitter  personal 
attacks  on  the  Republican  candidates,  particularly  upon  General 
Garfield.  They  accused  him  of  disreputable  connection  with  the 
Credit  Mobilier,  and  the  figures  "329"  which,  it  was  said,  represented 
one  of  his  dividends  from  that  Association,  were  not  only  used  in 
campaign  speeches,  and  in  transparencies  doing  duty  in  torch-light 
parades,  but  they  were  chalked  up  on  dead  walls  and  on  sidewalks. 


-m 


—        %V    -.-•iHs 


868 


IIIHTORY  OF  THK  RKIMIIMCAN  PAKTY. 


^i 


He  wtiH  nrrUMMl  of  contiortion  wifh  the  WiiMliliiKton  Newer,  piiviiiK 
aiul  tiidevvalk  riiiKM  of  ii  iM'riml  eiKlit  or  ten  .vearM  earlier  than  thii* 
though  no  fraud  or  qnestionahle  intent  wuh  ever  Mhown  in  eonnee- 
tlon  with  this.  The  onl.v  effective  |iernonnl  attaek  on  him,  however 
was  in  the  wide  distribution  of  a  faeitimile  of  a  letter,  puriMirting  to 
rome  from  him  relating  to  t'hinese  immigration.  The  letter  waH 
flrHt  printed  in  a  paiM>r  called  Truth,  puMiHhed  in  New  York,  under 
date  of  Saturday,  October  '2:\,  1NH4).  It  waH  headed,  ''tlarfleld'ii  Politi- 
cal Death  Warrant,"  and  waH  cliaracteriKed  as  "HIh  InfamouH  I^etter 
Advocating  the  Increased  Immigration  of  ('hine8(>  Cheap  Ijabor." 
It  was  written  on  Houne  of  KepreHentativeM*  letter  head,  wan  marked 
"Personal  and  Confldential,"  was  addressed  to  II.  L.  More,v,  of  Lynn, 
Mass.,  and  read  as  follows: 

Y'ours  in  relation  to  the  Chinese  problem  came  duly  to  hand. 

I  take  it  that  the  question  of  employes  is  only  a  question  of 
private  and  corporate  economy,  and  individuals  or  companies  have  the 
right  to  buy  labor  where  they  can  get  it  ('heapest. 

We  have  a  treaty  with  the  Chinese  Government  which  should  be 
religiously  kept  until  its  provisions  are  abrogated  by  the  action  of 
the  General  Government,  ond  I  am  not  prepared  to  say  that  it  should 
be  abrogated  until  our  great  manufacturing  and  cor|M)rate  interests 
are  considered  in  the  matter  of  labor. 

This  let.ter  was  promptly  denounced  as  a  forgery.  It  was  after- 
wards proven  to  be  such,  and  one  of  the  authors  of  it  was  sentenced 
to  prison  for  eight  years.  But  it  was  so  late  in  the  campaign  when 
it  was  circulated  that  the  truth  could  not,  in  all  cases,  overtake  the 
lie,  and  it  cost  Garfield  the  popular  rote  of  California. 

In  1878,  when  the  Greenbackers  were  at  their  strongest,  a  com- 
bination between  them  and  the  Democrats  elected  a  Democratic 
Governor  in  Maine,  the  first  time  the  Republicans  in  that  State  had 
been  beaten  since  the  party  was  organised.  The  next  year  Governon 
Garcelon  and  his  councillors  counted  in  a  Democratic  Legislature,  by 
methods  more  suited  to  Louisiana  than  to  Maine,  and  in  contraveii 
tion  of  a  decision  of  the  Supreme  Court.  Notwithstanding  the  indig- 
nation caused  by  the  proceeding,  the  combination  elected  their 
candidate  for  Governor  in  1880,  though  by  only  169  majority.  This 
was  a  decided  setback  for  the  Republicans.  But  it  had  one  good 
effect  in  uniting  the  factions  and  setting  them  earnestly  to  work. 
Senator  Coakling  had,  before  this,  sulked  in  his  tent,  but  through  the 
influence  of  General  Grant,  he  was  induced  to  visit  General  Garfield 


linftwht  \itit,^^mmmimAm 


iTY. 


THE  OAKPIKLh  AND  AIlTHrU  CAMrAION. 


nm 


)ll    Ht>H-<*r,    |IUVill^ 

Mirlicr  than  thiH 
liowp  in  ronnec- 
»ii  lilm,  however 
r,  |Mir|M>rting  to 
The  letter  waH 
New  York,  under 
Onrfleld'B  Polltl- 
InfaniouH  I>»tter 
>  rheap  Ijabor." 
lead,  waM  marked 
More.v,  of  Lynn, 


duly  to  hand. 
Illy  a  question  of 
DUipanieH  have  the 

t  which  should  be 

by  the  action  of 

aa'y  that  it  should 

orporate  interests 


■ry.     It  was  after- 

f  it  was  sentenced 

he  campaign  when 

•ases,  overtake  the 

uia. 

•  strongest,  a  com- 

cted  a  Democratic 

in  that  Rtate  had 
lext  year  Oovernou 
itic  Legislature,  by 

and  in  contraven 
standing  the  indig- 
ition  elected  their 
W  majority.  This 
It  it  had  one  good 
earnestly  to  work, 
nt,  but  through  the 
it  General  Garfield 


at  Mentor,  Ohio,  and  afterwards  to  enter  heartily  Into  the  canvass, 
lie  and  General  Grant,  together,  made  a  stumping  tour  through  New 
York  Htate,  Grant  making  tlve-minute  speeches,  and  Tonkling 
addresses  of  considerable  length.  It  was  due  to  their  combined 
efforts,  doubtless,  that  New  York,  in  November  gave  the  Kepublican 
Electors  as  fair  a  majority  as  it  did,  perhaps  due  to  this  effort  that  it 
gave  them  any  majority  at  all.  Garfield  curried  every  Northern 
Htate  except  New  Jersey,  Nevada  and  California.  In  the  laiur  Htate 
one  of  the  Democratic  candidates  for  Elector  was  badly  scratched, 
on  account  of  personal  unpopularity,  so  that  Garfield  had  one  Elector 
from  that  Htate.  Hancock  had  the  Holid  Houih,  Including  all  the  old 
H«»ceded  and  Border  Htates.     The  Electoral  vote  was: 

Garfield  and  Arthur 214 

Hancock  and  English 155 

The  popular  vote  was  as  follows: 

Garfield  and  Arthur 4,454,410 

Hancock  and  English 4,444,»52 

Weaver  and  Chambers .•?08,578 

Dow  and  Thompson 9,770 

Phelps  and  Pomeroy 1,.'J92 

In  Maine,  the  vote  credited  to  Hancock  was  cast  on  a  Fusion 
ticket  of  Democrats  and  (Jreenhackers.  It  had  a  total  of  65,171,  of 
which  probably  two-thirds  was  cast  by  the  former  and  one-third  by 
the  latter.  In  Virginia  there  were  two  Hancock  tickets,  one  nom- 
inated by  the  "Funders"  and  the  other  by  the  "Readjnstit^rs,"  two 
factions  into  which  the  Democratic  party  was  divided  on  the  method 
of  adjusting  the  Htate  debt.  The  first  of  these  had  90,596  votes  and 
the  second,  31,559.      The  Kepublican  vote  in  the  Htate  was  88,511. 

During  the  Garfield-Arthur  Administration  Congress  was 
divided  politically  as  follows: 

Forty-seventh  Congress. 
Henate — Repnblicans,    37;    Democrats,    37;    American    1; 

Beadjuster,  1. 
Honse — Republicans,    152;    Democrats,    130;    Nationals,    9; 

Readjusters,  2. 

Forty-eighth  Congress.  ' 

Senate — Republicans,  40;  Democrats,  36. 
House — Republicans,  119;  Democrats,  200;  Independents,  4; 
Nationals.  2. 


I 


:i 


),)■ 


# 


360  HI8TOBY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 

Tlie  Michigan  voto  on  President  was  as  follows: 

Garftfld  and  Arthur 11^'^m 

Hancock  and  English i/^K 

Weaver  and  Chambers ^*'»»° 

Dow  and  Thompson ^^° 

PhelDS  and  ^omeroy 

The  Presidential  Electors  were:    At  Large-Charles   B    Peck, 
Samuel  M.  Stephenson.      By  I>istrict8-(1)   Edward  H.   Butler;   | 
Charles  T.  Mitchell;   (3)  David  R.  Cook;   (4)  Charles  D«^^«^t>«;  ^5) 
Aaron  B.  Turner;  (6)  Ira  P.  Bingham;  (7)  Watson  Beach;  (8)  William 
H.  Potter:  (9)  Samuel  A.  Browne. 

The  vote  of  the  State  for  Governor  in  1880  was: 

David  H.  Jerome,  Republican • JJ8,944 

Frederick  M.  Holloway,  Democrat. or  loj 

David  Woodman,  2d,  Greenback ^^il 

Isaac  W.  McKeever,  Prohibition ^.JJ* 

Cornelius  Quick,  Anti-Masonic -s^" 

The  Michigan  Congressmen  elected  were  all  Republicans,  and 
were  as  follows,  in  the  order  of  their  districts:  Henry  W.  I^rd, 
Edwin  Wilms,  Edward  S.  Lacey,  Jnlins  C.  B«""7«'  «^j;  .^v 
WeWier,  Oliver  L.  Spaulding,  Omar  D.  Conger,  Roswell  G.  Horr,  Jay 
\  Hubbell  Mr.  Conger  was  elected  to  the  United  States  Senate 
by  the  legislature  of  1881,  and  was  succeeded  by  John  T.  Rich. 

In  the  election  of  1882,  which  came  midway  in  this  Presidential 
period,  the  vote  for  Governor  was  as  follows: 

Josiah  W.  Begole,  Fusion J54,269 

David  H.  Jerome,  Republican k  JkI 

Daniel  P.  Sagendorph,  Prohibition o»»o* 

Waldo  May,  National ••      ^'""° 

Charles  C.  Foote,  Anti-Masonic *»*^ 

The  Congressional  elections  in  1882  were  quite  in  keeping  with 
the  revolution  which  gave  the  Governorship  to  the  Democrats,  six 
out  of  the  eleven  members  being  elected  by  Fusion  votes  «»  'oUo^s: 
(1)  W.  C.  Maybury:  (2)  N.  B.  Eldredge;  (4)  George  L.  Yaple;  (5)  Juhus 
Housemann,  (6)  idwin  B.  Winans;  (7)  E^ra  C.  Carlton  The  Repub- 
Ucan  members  werei  (3)  Edward  S.  Lacey;  (8)  Roswell  G.  Horr;  (9) 
Byron  MCutcheon;  (10   Herschel  H.  mtch;  (11)  Edward  Breitung. 


rY. 


185,190 

131,301 

34,895 

938 

312 

larles   B.   Peck, 

.  H.   Butler;  (?) 

Buncombe;  (5) 

ach;  (8)  William 


. .   178,944 

. .  137,671 

. .     35,122 

1,114 

220 

iepublicans,  and 
Henry  W.  liord, 
OW8,  George  W. 
veU  G.  Horr,  Jay 
sd  States  Senate 
jhn  T.  Rich, 
this  Presidential 

154,269 
149,697 

5,854 

2,006 
343 

»  in  keeping  with 
le  Democrats,  »ix 
votes,  as  follows: 
.  Yaple;  (5)  Julius 
ton.  The  Repub- 
swell  G.  Horr;  (9) 
Edward  Breitung. 


XXVIII. 

THE  GARFIELD  AND  ARTHUR  ADMINISTRATION. 

Blaine's  Purpose  in  Taking  the  State  Portfolio— A  Series  of  Unfor- 
tunate Appointments— Slights  ITpon  Mr.  (?onkling  and  His  Indig- 
nation Thereat— Resignation  of  the  New  York  Senators— 
Boutwell's  Statement  of  the  Aflfair— Successors  of  Senators 
Conkliug  and  Piatt— Assassination  of  President  Garfield— 
Guiteau's  letter  of  Explanation— Press  Lessons  Drawn  From 
the  Tragedy— ("hanges  Made  in  the  Cabinet  by  President  Arthur 
—His  Prudent  and  Successful  Administration— The  Question  of 
Civil  Service  Reform— The  Tariff  of  1883— Morrison's  Horizontal 
Reduction  Plan— Other  Important  Measures. 

If  President  Garfield  had  any  purpose  of  harmonizing  the 
factions  in  the  party,  and  to  "treat  all  stripes  alike,"  he  set  about  it 
in  a  very  awkward  way,  for  his  choice  of  Cabinet  officers,  and  some 
of  his  New  York  appointments,  made  soon  afterwards,  were  in  the 
highest  degree  offensive  to  the  ruling  faction  in  the  Republican  poli- 
tics of  the  Empire  State.     The  Cabinet  was  made  up  as  follows: 

Secretary  of  State— James  G.  Blaine,  of  Maine. 

Secretary  of  the  Treasury — William  Windom,  of  Minntaota. 

Secretary  of  War— Robert  T.  Lincoln,  of  Illinois. 

Secretary  of  the  Navy— William  H.  Hunt,  of  Louisiana. 

Secretary  of  the  Interior— Samuel  J.  Kirkwood,  of  Iowa. 

Postmaster  General— Thomas  L.  James,  of  New  York. 

Attorney  General— Wayne  MacVeagh,  of  Pennsylvania. 

Blaine's  appointment  was,  of  course,  distasteful  to  the  domin- 
ant wing  in  the  party  in  New  York.  Many  of  his  wisest  friends 
advised  him  not  to  take  the  portfolio,  among  them  Senator  Dawes, 
who  said,  at  a  later  period:  "I  warned  Mr.  Blaine  that  if  he  entered 
the  Cabinet  with  the  intent  or  hope  of  circumventing  his  rival,  it 
would  be  fatal  to  him  and  to  the  AdministraHon  of  Garfield,  and  I 


■J.l 

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862 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 


expr'e88ed  the  opinion  that  it  would  be  iiupoBsible  for  him  to  keep  the 
peace  if  he  took  the  office.  He  replied  with  fraukness,  and,  I  have 
no  doubt,  with  entire  sincerity,  that  it  would  be  hie  purpose,  if  he 
accepted  the  office,  to  ignore  all  past  differences,  and  so  deport  himself 
in  it  as  to  force  reconciliation.  He  also  said  that  he  could  not  agree 
with  me,  even  if  the  effect  should  prove  otherwise,  that  he  should  be 
debarred  from  the  gfeat  opportunity,  for  which  he  felt  himself  quali- 
fied, to  administer  the  Foreign  office  on  the  broad  and  grand  scale 
he  did  afterward  undertake,  but  was  not  permitted  to  perfect.  I 
fore^utv'  the  rocks,  all  too  plainly,  and  advised  him  to  remain  in  the 
Beniic.  But  he  determined  otherwise  and  accepted  the  position." 
Thai  Blaine  did  not  overestimate  his  qualifications  for  the  import- 
ant duties  of  Secretary  of  State,  was  shown  at  a  later  period,  by  his 
successful  and  brilliant  administration  of  the  same  Department  under 
President  Harrison.  But  that  he  underestimated  the  difficulties  of 
promoting  peace,  with  himself  in  the  Cabinet,  and  with  as  impulsive 
a  man  as  Garfield  in  the  Presidency,  is  equally  clear. 

But  this  appointment  was  not  as  offensive  to  Mr.  Conkling  and 
his  political  associates,  as  the  second  proffer  that  was  made  of  a 
Cabinet  position,  that  of  the  Treasury  irartfolio  to  Charles  J.  Folger, 
of  New  York.  .  This  offer  was  made,  not  only  without  consulting 
Senator  Coiikling,  but  against  his  recommendation  of  Levi  P.  Morton 
for  the  place.  Mr.  Folger  declined  the  offer,  but  that  did  not  miti- 
gate Mr.  Conkling's  wrath  at  the  slight  that  had  been  put  upon  him. 
It  became  known  soon  afterwards  that  the  New  York  postmaster, 
Thomas  L.  James,  was  to  be  appointed  Postmaster  General,  and  as 
there  was  no  likelihood  of  two  Cabinet  appointments  going  to  the 
same  State,  this  shut  out  the  Empire  State  from  the  Treasury  port- 
folio, which,  its  Senators  had  been  assured,  should  go  to  that  State. 
When  Senator  Piatt  heard  of  this  he  communicated  the  information 
to  Senator  Conkling  and  Vice-President  Arthur,  whom  he  found  at 
breakfast.  The  three  repaired  to  the  Riggs  House,  where  Garfield 
had  rooms,  to  which  they  were  admitted.  Conkling  broke  out  int(» 
an  unseemly  tirade,  which  he  continued  for  a  long  time,  charging 
Garfield,  who  was,  all  the  time  sitting  on  the  edge  of  the  bed,  with 
treachery  to  his  friends  in  New  York,  and  with  being  false  to  his 
party.  Both  Arthur  and  Piatt  subsequently  declared  that  for  invec- 
tive, sarcasm  and  impassioned  eloquence,  this  was  the  speech  of  his 
life. 


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llTY. 

him  to  keep  the 
less,  and,  I  have 
8  purpose,  if  he 
lo  deport  himself 
i  could  not  agree 
hat  he  should  be 
elt  himself  quali- 
and  grand  scale 
d  to  perfect.  I 
to  remain  in  the 
ed  the  position." 
I  for  the  import- 
:er  period,  by  his 
department  under 
the  difBcuIties  of 
mth  as  impulsive 
r. 

tfr.  Conkling  and 
t  was  made  of  a 
::?harles  J.  Polger, 
ithout  consulting 
of  Levi  P.  Morton 
that  did  not  miti- 
>en  put  upon  him. 
York  postmaster, 
r  General,  and  as 
ents  going  to  the 
he  Treasury  port- 
go  to  that  State, 
d  the  information 
rhom  he  found  at 
ie,  where  Qarfleld 
ng<  broke  out  into 
Dg  time,  charging 
s  of  the  bed,  with 
being  false  to  his 
red  that  for  invec- 
the  speech  of  his 


^~*»,»^j 


^^i5l 


GARFIELD  AND  ARTHUR  ADMINISTRATION.      303 

The  President,  after  this  made  a  number  of  appointments  in  New 
York  that  were  satisfactory  to  the  Vice-President  and  the  Senators 
from  that  State.  The  most  important  one  of  all,  that  of  Collector  of 
the  Port,  was  held  in  abeyance  until  March  23d,  when  the  I'resident 
nominated  William  H.  Robertson,  of  Westchester  County,  E.  A. 
Merritt,  the  incumbent  at  the  time,  being  appointed  Consul  General 
to  liondon. 

No  appointment  could  have  been  nmde  more  offensive  to  Conk- 
ling than  this.  There  was  no  objection  to  Robertson  on  the  score  of 
fitness  or  ability.  He 
had  served  his  District 
acceptably  in  the  State 
Senate  and  in  Congress. 
But  he  was  restless 
under  the  dictation  of 
Conkling  and  his  asso- 
ciates, was  the  leader 
of  the  anti-Grant  ele- 
ment in  the  New  York 
delegation,  and  was  the 
first  to  disregard  and 
repudiate  the  unit  rule 
in  the  Convention,  sup- 
porting Blaine  as  long 
as  there  was  any  chance 
for  him,  and  then  trans- 
ferring his  own  vote 
and  as  many  others  as 
he  could  to  Garfield. 
The  nomination  was 
sent     in     March     23d.  wili.iam  h.  robektson. 

Conkling  and  Piatt  did  their  utmost  to  defeat  its  confirmation,  by 
argument  and  by  appeals  to  Senatorial  courtesy,  but  without  prospect 
of  success.  While  this  wa»  pending,  on  the  5th  of  May,  the  Presi- 
dent, hearing  that  the  New  York  Senators  intended  to  secure  the 
confirmation .  of  the  other  New  York  appointments,  but  to  hang  up 
that  of  Robertson  till  December,  withdrew  the  others,  leaving  Rob- 
ertson to  stand  alone.  Vice-President  Arthur  and  the  New  York 
Senators  sent  a  letter  to  the  President  remonstrating  against  this, 
but  without  avail.      The  fight  had  now  become  so  bitter  that  a  com- 


"ssmmmmmmmmB 


304 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 


T'i.  "v  -•  ftj 


mfttee^of  five  unitual  friends  visited  Conkling  to  gee  if  a  reconcilia- 
tion could  not  be  effected.  Of  the  result,  Senator  Dawes,  chairman  of 
the  committee  of  conciliation,  afterwards  said:  "On  that  occasion  he 
surpassed  himself  in  all  those  elements  of  oratorical  i>ower,  for  which 
he  was  so  distinguished.  He  continued,  for  two  hours  and  a  half,  to 
play,  with  consummate  skill,  npon  all  the  strings  known  to  the 
orator,  and  through  aJl  the  notes,  from  the  lowest  to  the  highest, 
which  the  great  masters  command,  and  concluded  in  a  lofty  apos- 
trophe to  the  greatness  and  glory  of  the  Republican  party,  and  his 
own  devotion  to  its  highest  welfare,  'and,'  said  he,  *I  trust  that  the 
exigency  may  never  arise  when  I  shall  be  compelled  to  choose 
between  s6lf-respect  and  personal  honor  on  the  one  side,  and  the 
temporary  discomfiture  of  that  party  on  che  other;  but  if  that  time 
shall  ever  come,  I  shall  not  hesitate  in  the  choice,  and  I  now  say  to 
you,  and  through  you  to  those  whom  it  most  concerns,  that  I  have 
in  my  pocket  an  autograph  letter  from  this  President  who  is  now  for 
the  time  being  its  official  head,  which  I  pray  God  I  may  never  be  com- 
pelled in  self-defense,  to  make  public;  but  if  that  time  shall  ever 
come,  I  declare  to  you,  his  friends,  he  will  bite  the  dust.'  "  He  after- 
wards published  the  letter,  but  it  did  not  create  the  sensation  he 
anticipated.  It  was  an  appeal  for  collections  from  Government 
ofQcials  and  (clerks  for  campaign  expenses. 

On  the  16th  of  May  ( 'onkling  and  Piatt  resigned  their  seats  in 
the  Senate,  and  two  days  later  Robertson  was  confirmed,  with  very 
little  opposition. 

There  has  been  muth  discussion  as  to  the  part  that  Blaine  had 
in  this  nomination.  His  friends,  at  the  time,  said  that  he  had  noth- 
ing to  do  with  it,  and  knew  nothing  about  it  until  after  it  was  made. 
His  enemies  said  that  he  M'as  the  instigator  of  the  whole  mischief. 
Probably  there  is  no  one  else,  living  at  the  present  time,  so  well  fitted 
to  state  the  facts  ii|  the  case  as  George  S.  Bout  well,  of  Massachusetts. 
Mr.  Boutwell  was  in  President  Grant's  Cabinet,  was  one  of  his  four 
trusted  managers  at  the  Chicago  Convention,  and  was  {intimate  with 
Conkling,  without  ever  breaking  friendship  with  Blaine.  In  McClure's 
Magazine  for  January,  1900,  Mr.  Boutwell  gives  very .  interesting 
reminiscences  of  this  affair.  He  says  that,  following  the  visit  of 
General  Grant  and  Mr.  Conkling  to  Mentor,  in  the  fall  of  1880,  he  was 
informed  by  Mr.  (Conkling  that  he  had  not  been  alone  one  minute 
with  General  Garfield,  intending  by  that  cnre-taking,  to  avoid  the 
suggestion  that  his  visit  was  designed  to  afford  an  opportunity  for 


IPM 


if  a  recoin'ilia- 
e%,  chairman  of 
bat  occasion  he 
ower,  for  which 
9  and  a  half,  to 

linown  to  the 
to  the  highest, 
n  a  lofty  apos- 

party,  and  his 

I  trust  that  the,; 
>lled  to  choose 
>  side,  and  the 
)ut  if  that  time 
id  I  now  say  to 
■ns,  that  I  have 

who  is  now  for 
ly  never  be  com- 
time  shall  ever 
St.' "  He  after- 
he  sensation  he 
>m  Government 

d  their  seats  in 
rmed,  with  very 

that  Blaine  had 
bat  he  had  noth- 
ter  it  was  made, 
whole  mischief, 
me,  so  well  fitted 
f  Massachusetts. 
)  one  of  his  four 
as  intimate  with 
ne.  In  McClure's 
very .  interesting 
ing  the  visit  of 

II  of  1880,  he  was 
lone  one  minute 
ng,  to  avoid  the 
1  opportunity  for 


OARPIELP  AND  ARTHFK  ADMINIWTKATION.      .m 

eny  personal  or  party  arrangement.  It  was  the  wish  of  General 
Grant,  as  it  was  his  wish,  that  the  effort  which  they  were  then  making 
should  lie  treated  as  a  service  due  to  the  party,  and  to  the  country, 
and  that  General  Garfield  should  be  left  free  from  any  obligation  to 
them  whatever.    Mr.  Boutwell  continues  his  narrative  as  follows: 

After  the  election  and  after  Mr.  Blaine  became  Secretary  of  State, 
he  volunteered  to  sjieak  of  the  situation  of  the  party  in  New  York, 
and  of  Mr.  Conklings  standing  in  the  State.  Among  other  things, 
he  said  that  Mr.  Conkling  was  the  only  man  who  had  had  three 
elections  to  the  Senate,  and  that  Mr.  Conkling  and  his  friends  would 
be  considered  fairlv  in  the  appointments  that  might  be  made  in  the 
State.  When  in  conversation  with  Conkling,  I  mentioned  Blames 
remark,  he  said:  "Do  vou  believe  one  word  of  that?"  I  said,  "Yes,  I 
believe  Mr.  Blaine."  He  said  with  emphasis :  "I  don't."  Subsequent 
events  strengthened  Mr.  Conkling  in  his  opinion,  but  those  events 
did  not  change  my  opinion  of  Mr.  Blaine's  integrity  of  purpose  in  the 
conversations  of  which  I  have  spoken. 

My  knowledge  of  the  events,  which  seem  to  have  the  relation  of 
a  prelude  to  the  great  trag«?dy,  was  derived  from  three  persons,  Mr. 
Conkling,  Mr.  Blaine  and  Mr.  Marshall  Jewell.  At  the  request  of  the 
President,  Mr.  Conkling  called  upon  him  the  Sunday  preceding  the 
day  of  the  catastrophe.  The  President  gave  Mr.  Conkling  the  names 
of  persons  that  he  was  considering  favorably  for  certain  places.  To 
several  of  these  Mr.  Conkling  made  jobjections,  and  in  some  cases 
other  persons  were  named.  As  Mr.  Conkling  was  leaving  he  said: 
"Mr.  President,  what  do  you  propose  about  the  collectorship  of  New 
York?"  The  President  said:  "We  will  leave  that  for  another  time." 
These  statements  I  received  from  Mr.  Conkling. 

From  Mr.  Jewell  I  received  the  following  statement  as  coming 
from  the  President:  "When  the  New  York  nominations  were  sent 
to  the  Senate,  the  President  was  forthwith  in  the  receipt  of  letters 
and  dispatches  in  protest,  coupled  with  the  suggestion  that  every- 
thing had  been  surrendered  to  Conkling.  Without  delay,  and  with- 
out consultation  with  any  one,  the  President  nominated  Judge  Robert- 
son to  the  oflice  of  Collector  of  New  York.  Further,  the  Prebident 
said,  as  reported  by  Mr.  Jewell,  Mr.  Blaine  heard  of  the  nomination, 
and  he  came  in  very  pale  and  much  astonished. 

Prom  Mr.  Blaine  I  received  the  specific  statement  that  he  had  no 
knowledge  of  the  nomination  of  Judge  Robertson  until  it  had  been 
made. 

These  statements  are  reconcilable  with  each  other,  and  they 
place  the  responsibility  for  the  sudden  and  fatal  rupture  of  the  rela- 
tions between  Mr.  Conkling  and  the  President,  upon  the  President. 
Mr.  Conkling  could  npt  fail  to  regard  the  nomination  of  Robertson 
as  a  willful  and  premeditated  violation  of  the  pledge  given  at  the 


mmm 


w» ... 


366 


HIHTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 


;;y;;7^  .-^■.     ■  >'V" 


V 


Hunday  confcivuce.  It  was,  however,  only  un  inBtance  of  General 
Uarfleld'H  impulsive  and  iinrengoning  BubuiiBHiun  io  an  expresHion  of 
public  opinion,  without  waiting  for  evidence  of  the  nature  and  value 
of  that  opinion.  That  weakne^g  had  been  observed  bv  hig  agaociates 
in  the  Houge  of  RepregentatiAeg,  and  on  that  weaknegg  hig  admin- 
igtration  was  wrecked. 

When  iRenatorg  fonkling  and  Piatt  regigned  their  geatg  it  wag 
with  the  expectation  that  the  New  York  Tjegiglature,  then  in  geggion, 
would  immediately  re-elect  them.  In  thig  they  were  digappointed. 
They  had  taken  tlie  gtep  hagtily,  and  without  congulting  their  friendg. 
Even  Vice-President  Arthur  knew  nothing  of  it,  until  the  resignationg 
rea(*hed  him  in  hig  ofBcial  capacity  ag  pregiding  ofHcer  of  the  Benate. 
When  the  letters  of  regignation  reached  Governor  Cornell,  of  New 
York,  he  nngu(*ceggfully  sought  to  have  them  withdrawn.  On  the 
flrgt  ballot  in  the  Legiglature  Conkling  had  only  35  voteg  for  the  ghort 
term,  and  Piatt  2J>  for  the  long  term.  They  did  not  get  beyond  thig 
number  in  the  succeggive  ballotg,  while  from  75  to  79  were  necesgary 
to  a  choice.  The  Democratg  nominated  Francig  Kernan  for  the  long 
term,  and  John  C.  Jacobg  for  the  ghort  term.  The  Republicang,  who 
were  oppoged  to  (^onkling  and  Piatt,  made  no  regular  nominationg, 
but  gradually  concentrated  their  voteg  on  William  A.  Wheeler  and 
Chauncey  Mj  Depew,  but  the  highegt  vote  reached  by  the  former  wag 
50  and  by  the  latter  55.  Finally  the  Republicang  caucuged  and 
named  Warner  Miller  to  Bucceed  Mr.  Piatt  and  Elbridge  B.  Tjapham 
to  succeed  Mr.  Conkling.  On  the  forty-eighth  ballot  Mr.  Miller  was 
elected,  but  it  took  another  caucug,  and  geveral  more  ballotg  to  land 
Mr.  Lapham.  The  contest  lasted  from  May  31  to  July  22.  It  wag 
during  this  contest  that  the  names  "Stalwarts"  and  "Half  Breeds" 
came  into  use,  the  former  being  applied  at  firgt  to  the  Grant-Conkling 
wing  of  the  party,  and  the  latter  to  the  Garfield-Blaine  followerg 
The  failure  of  rp-election  concluded  Senator  Conkling's  political 
career,  but  Mr.  Piatt  was  soon  on  his  feet  again,  and  before  many 
years  was  the  most  influential  man  in  his  party  in  the  Empire  Statei 

While  the  election  of  Senatorg  in  New  York  wag  gtill  pending 
the  country  was  startled  at  news  of' the  assassination  of  President 
Garfield.  On  the  morning  of  July  2,  as  he  was  in  the  waiting  room 
of  the  Pennsylvania  Railroad  station  in  Washington,  whence  he  was 
to  start  with  his  (^abinet  on  a  tour  through  New  England,  Charles  J. 
Guiteau,  a  disappointed  ofHce-see|cer,  approached  him,  and  fired  two 
shots  at  him,  one  of  which  took  effect  in  the  back,  and  ultimately 


■I¥^" ' 


rv. 

ince  of  General 
m  expresHion  of 
Eiture  and  value 
y  his  a880(;iate8 
De88  his  admin- 
sir  8eat8  it  wuH 
then  in  session, 
re  disappointed, 
ng  their  friendB. 
the  resignations 
»r  of  the  Senate. 
Cornell,  of  New 
Irawn.      On  the 
tes  for  the  short 
get  beyond  this 
I  were  necessary 
nan  for  the  long 
tepnblicans,  who 
lar  nominations, 
A.  Wheeler  and 
r  the  fornijer  was 
Ds  caucused  and  . 
ridge  B.  Lapham 
t  Mr.  Miller  was 
e  ballots  to  land 
July  22.     It  was 
d  "Half  Breeds" 
e  Grant-Conkling 
Blaine  followers 
ikling's    political 
Eind  before  many 
he  Empire  Sta^ei 
uras  still  pending 
tion  of  President, 
the  waiting  room 
1,  whence  he  was 
igland,  Charles  J. 
im,  and  flred  two 
i,  and  ultimately 


GARFIELD  AND  ARTHUR  ADMINISTRATION.      !{67 

caused  his  death.  On  (Juiteau's  person,  after  iiis  arrest,  was  found 
a  letter  whith  said:  "The  President's  tragic  death  was  a  sad  neces- 
sity, but  it  will  unite  the  Republican  party  and  save  the  Republic. 
Life  is  a  flimsy  dream,  and  it  matters  little  when  one  goes;  a  human 
life  is  of  small  value.  During  the  war  thousands  of  brave  boys  went 
down  without  a  tear.  I  presume  that  the  President  was  a  Christian, 
and  that  he  will  be  happier  in  Paradise  than  here.  It  will  be  no  worse 
for  Mrs.  <Jarfleld,  dear  soul,  to  part  with  her  husband  this  way,  than 
by  natural  death  He  is  liable  to  go  at  any  time,  anyway.  I  had  no 
ill-will  toward  the  President.  His  death  was  a  political  necessity.  I 
am  a  lawyer,  a  theologian  and  a  politician.  I  am  a  Stalwart  of  the 
Stalwarts.  I  Mas  with  General  Grant,  and  the  rest  of  our  men  in 
New  York  during  the  canvass.  1  have  some  papers  for  the  press, 
which  I  shall  leave  with  Byron  Andrews,  and  his  company,  journal- 
ists, at  142(»  New  York  Avenue,  where  all  the  reporters  can  see  them." 
The  letter  was  signed  "Charles  Guiteau,"  and  was  addressed  "To  the 
White  House." 

Guiteau  s  declaration  that  he  was  a  Stalwart  of  the  Stalwarts, 
and  the  information  which  came  out  afterwards  that  he  had,  himself 
been  disappointed  in  office-seeking,  induced  many  to  think  that  there 
was  some  connection  between  him  and  the  President's  political 
opponents  In  New  York.  Nothing  could  have  been  further  from  the 
truth,  than  the  suspicion  that  there  was  any  direct  connection  of  this 
sort,  for,  although  the  Stalwarts  were  fighters  they  were  not  assas- 
sins. Some  of  the  leading  newspapers,  however,  found  a  logical,  if 
not  a  direct,  connection  between  the  political  quarrel  and  the  political 
assassination.  The  Springfield,  Mass.,  Republican  said:  "Guiteau 
is  a  miserable  ne'er  do  well,  who  shares  the  common  feeling  that  all 
the  offices  are  in  the  dispen«ation  of  the  President  of  the  United 
States,  and  that  he  has  a  claim  on  that  functionary  for  patronage. 
He  is  in  sympathy  with  Arthur  and  Conkling  in  the  struggle  over  the 
New  York  Custom  House.  His  wits  have  become  only  a  degree  more 
disordered  than  those  of  Conkling  himself,  and  being  a  much  weaker 
and  feebler  man,  his  vengeance  has  taken  the  direct  and  vulgar  form 
of  a  pistol  shot,  rather  than  the  more  refined  form  of  resigning  the 
seats  of  the  Republican  majority  in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States, 
and  demanding  a  vindication  from  the  State  of  New  York." 

The  New  York  papers  were  not  as  direct  as  this,  but  drew  lessons 
of  much  the  same  tenor.  The  Times  said:  "Though  the  murderer 
was  obviou(s.ly  of  unsound  mind,  it  is  impossible  to  ignore  the  causes 


868 


HISTORY  OP  THE  REIMIULICAN  PARTY 


i»v-'v;> 


;',:^i.':^$- 


which  l(>d  immediately  to  this  act;  which  dire<'ted  his  ill-reKulated 
will  to  final  aim.  He  was  a  disapirainted  oflicp  ••"«»ker,  and  he  linlitHl 
the  bitterneHB  or  his  personal  disappointiuent  with  the  paasionatc 
animosity  of  a  faction.  This  ri '■•^ntin^'at  was  intlanied  and  intensified 
by  the  assanlts  upon  the  President,  which  have  been  common  in  too 
many  circles  for  the  past  few  months.  Ortainly,  we  are  far  from 
holding  any  party  or  any  section  of  a  party  responsible  for  this  mur- 
derous act,  but  we  believe  it  our  duty  to  point  out  that  the  act  was 
an  exaggeraled  expression  of  a  sentiment  of  narrow  and  bitter 
hatred,  which  hns  been  only  too  freely  indulged.  It  is  not  too  much 
to  say,  in  the  first  place,  that  if  Mr.  (i^arfleld  had  not  been  the  chief  of 
a  service  in  which  ofHces  are  held  out  as  prizes  to  men  of  much  the 
same  merit,  and  much  the  same  career  as  this  murderer,  he  would 
not  have  been  exposed  to  this  attack."  The  New  York  Tribune  had 
this:  "President  Qarfleld  has  been  shot  down,  not  by  a  political 
faction,  but  by  the  spirit  which  a  political  faction  has  begotten  and 
nursed.  But  for  that  spirit,  there  was  hardly  a  man  in  this  country 
who  seemed;  at  sunrise  yesterday,  more  safe  from  murderous  assault. 
It  does  not  appear  that  the  assassin  of  yesterday  had  ever  been 
thought  a  lunatic  by  any  associate  or  acquaintance,  until  the  deadly 
shots  wen^  flred.  Was  he  'crazed  by  political  excitement'  then,  as 
many  say?  At  what  point,  if  ever,  did  the  madness  of  faction  become 
the  madness  of  irresponsibility?  Do  the  leaders  of  factions  ever 
intend  all  the  mischief  which  grows  from  the  wild  and  desperate  <!pirit 
which  they  create,  feed,  and  stimulate,  week  after  week?  Is  it  not 
their  constant  crime  against  self  government,  that,  by  kindling  such  u 
spirit,  they  (tend  weak  or  reckless  men  beyond  the  bounds  of  right,  or 
reason?  This  assassin,  it  seems,  was  not  ignorant  that  he  was  trying 
to  kill  one  President  and  make  another.  His  language  and  letters 
prove  that  l\e  knew  what  he  was  doing  only  too  well,  and  a  'Stalwart 
of  the  Stalwart^,'  his  passion  was  intense  enough  to  do  the  thing 
which  other  reckless  men  had  wished  were  done."  Instead  of  allay- 
ing factional  feeling,  this  tragic  event  seemed  for  tlie  time  to  inten- 
sify it. 

In  spite  of  treatment  by  the  most  eminent  surgeons  in  the  coun- 
try, and  the  aid  of  a  strong  constitution,  the  President  gradually 
weakened  under  the  effects  of  the  wound,  blood  poisoning  set  in,  and 
he  died  on  the  19th  of  September,  at  Elberon,  N.  J.,  where  he  had  been 
taken  in  the  hope  of  being  benefited  by  the  cool  air  of  the  seashore. 
The  time  between  the  fatal  shot  and  the  President's  death,  was   a 


mhmmi 


RTY. 

1  his  in-rcK"lat<>d 
cer,  and  he  linked 
h  the  paasionate 
ed  and  intensitled 
in  eoinnion  in  too 
,  we  are  far  from 
lible  for  this  mur- 

that  the  act  was 
irrow  and  bitter 
it  is  not  too  much 
t  been  the  chief  of 

men  of  much  the 
iirderer,  he  would 
York  Tribune  had 
lot   by  a  political 

has  begotten  and 
an  in  this  country 
nurderouB  aBsault. 
y  had  ever  been 
e,  until  the  deadly 
citement'  then,  as 
!  of  faction  become 
B  of  factions  ever 
nd  desperate  spirit 
T  week?   Is  it  not 

by  kindling  such  a 
bounds  of  right,  or 
that  he  was  trying 
agnage  and  letters 
ell,  and  a  'Stalwart 
;h  to  do  the  thing 
'  Instead  of  allay- 
•  the  time  to  inten- 

rgeons  in  the  coun- 
'resident  gradually 
oisoning  set  in,  and 
,  where  he  had  been 
ftir  of  the  seashore, 
ent's  death,  was   a 


GARFIELD  AND  AKTUlil  ADMINIHTRATION. 


m\t 


period  of  int«Mi»e  suiTering,  which  he  bore  with  a  patlen<e  and  heroism 
that  won  the  admiration  and  renewed  tlie  affections  of  the  people. 
Oii  the  27th  of  February  following,  the  two  Houses  of  Congress  held 
memorial  services,  to  which  the  heads  of  Departments,  Hupreme 
Court  Justices,  Ministers  of  Foreign  countries,  (lovernors  of  states, 
and  distinguished  officers  of  the  Army  and  Navy  were  invited.  In 
the  recollection  of  his  heroic  endurance  of  suffering  and  tragic  death, 
his  political  mistakes  were  forgotten,  and  the  eloquent  tribute  to  his 
memory  by  Secretary  Blaine,  who  was  the  orator  for  the  occasion 
met  with  a  hearty  response  from  the  people.  In  his  closing  para- 
graphs Mr.  Blaine  said: 

As  the  end  drew  near  his  early  craving  for  the  sea  returned.  The 
stately  mansion  of  power  had  been  to  him  the  wearisome  hospital  of 
pain,  and  he  begged  to  be  taken  from  its  prison  walls,  from  its  oppress 
ive,  stifling  air,  from  its  homelessness  and  its  hopelessness.  Gently, 
silently,  the  love  of  a  great  people  bore  the  pale  sufferer  to  the  longed- 
for  liealing  of  the  sea,  to  live  or  to  die,  as  God  should  will,  within 
sight  of  its  heaving  billows,  within  sound  of  its  manifold  voices 
With  wan,  fevered  face  tenderly  lifted  to  the  cooling  breeze,  he  looked 
out  wistfully  upon  the  ocean's  changing  wonders;  on  its  far  sails, 
whiteninc;  in  the  morning  light;  on  its  restless  waves,  rolling  shore- 
ward to  break  and  die  beneath  the  noonday  sun;  on  the  red  clouds  of 
evening,  arching  low  to  the  horisson;  on  tlie  serene  and  shining  path- 
way of  the  stars.  Let  us  think  that  his  dying  eyes  read  a  mystic 
meaning,  which  only  the  rapt  and  parting  soul  may  know.  Let  us 
believe  that,  in  the  silence  of  the  receding  world,  he  heard  the  great 
waves  breaking  on  a  further  shore,  and  felt  already  upon  his  wasted 
brow  the  breath  of  the  eternal  morning. 

The  trial  of  Guiteau  <'ommenced  in  November  and  lasted  about 
two  months.  It  was  often  interrupted  or  disturbed  by  disorderly 
conduct  and  scurrillous  remarks  by  the  prisoner,  often  giving  the 
impression  that  lie  was  simulating  insanity.  He  was  convicted  in 
January,  and  was  executed  in  Washington,  June  30,  1882.  An 
autopsy  showed  no  disease  of  the  brain. 

At  the  time  of  President  Garfield's  death  Vice-President  Arthur 
was  in  New  York,  and  he  immediately  took  the  oath  as  President 
before  Judge  Brady.  He  subsequently  renewed  the  oath  before 
the  Chief  Justice  of  the  Supreme  Court  at  Washington.  Before  his 
nomination  for  the  Vice-Presidency  but  little  was  known  of  General 
Arthur,  except  as  one  of  the  managers  of  one  wing  of  the  New  York 
Republit'ans.      His  capacity  for  the  statesmanlike  treatment  of  large 


iifiiiiiw iinnrii  tiiii^ 


3T0 


J41HTORY  OF  THE  HKITHLICAN  PAKTY. 


I 


V     'V 


public  iilTairH  hud  not  been  tested.  To  niun.v  people,  who  hud  tliouKht 
of  him  only  ui*  a  loral  polltirlan,  his  letter  urreptlnn  the  nomination 
came  ub  a  revelation.  HIb  treatment  of  the  public  lusueii  then  pend- 
ing, Indicated  a  Boundness  and  B«illdlt.v  of  thounht,  that  were  fully 
as  acceptable  m  those  of  the  more  brilliant  and  elTuHlve  (hirfleld 
After  hlB  wceimion  to  the  Presidency,  <leneral  Arthur  gained  very 
rapidly  In  public  confidence  and  favor;  and  before  hlB  lerm  closed  he 
was  regarded  as  among  the  most  prudent,  and  most  discreet,  as  well 

as  one  of  the  ablest  of  our  Presidents. 

The  changes  he  made 

,  In    the  Cabinet,  which 

he  inherited  from  Oar- 
field,    were    numerous, 
but    they    were    nmdi; 
with  deliberation.    Mr. 
Ulaine,    who,    as    the 
head    of    the  Cabinet, 
had,  during    President 
Clarfleld's  illness,  came 
nearer   the    possession 
of  Presidential  power, 
than  he  ever  did  before 
or  afterwards,  retain«Kl 
his  portfolio  till  Decem- 
ber 10,  1881,  when  he 
surrendered  it  to  Fred- 
erick T.  Frelinghuysen, 
of  New  Jersey.    Edwin 
1).    Morgan,    who    had 
been   nominated   an<l 
CHEMTBR  A.  ARTHUR.  confirmed  as  Secretary 

of  the  Treasury,  declined,  on  account  of  ill  health.  Charles  J.  Pplger. 
who  had  declined  the  position  under  Garfield,  was  appointed  ajd 
accepted.  He  afterwards  resigned  and  was  succeeded  in  1882  by 
Walter  Q.  Oresham,  and  he,  in  turn,  by  Hugh  McCuUoch.  In  April, 
1882,  William  E.  Chandler,  of  New  Hampshire,  was  appointed  Secre- 
tary of  the  Navy,  and  Henry  M.  Teller,  of  Colorado,  Secretary  of  the 
Interior.  Within  the  next  three  years  there  were  three  different 
incumbents  of  the  position  of  Postmaster  General,  Timothy  O.  Howe, 
of  Wisconsin,  who  succeeded  Thomas  L.  James;  Waiter  Q.  Gresham, 
of  Indiana,  and  Frank  Hatton,  of  Iowa. 


-mun  m  ■ 


m.'. 


I'Y. 

liM  had  thouKlit 
the  nomination 
BUfii  then  iifhd- 
that  were  fully 
Tuiiive  (Jarfleld 
mr  gained  ver.v 

I  term  closed  lie 
liB<reet,  as  well 

hangeH  he  made 
Cabinet,  which 
•rited  from  Gai*" 
vere  numerouH, 
ey  were  mad*; 
^liberation.  Mr. 
who,  as  the 
jf    the  Cabinet, 

II  ring    President 
d'B  illnesB,  came 

the  poBHession 
sidential  power. 
e  ever  did  before 
rwardfl,  retainf>d 
tfolio  till  Decem 
,  1881,  when  he 
dered  it  to  Fred- 
r.  Prelinghuysen, 
V  Jersey.  Edwin 
>rgan,    who    had 

nominated  ami 
aed  as  Secretary 
^harleB  J.  Polger, 
8  appointed  apd 
^ed  in  1882  by 
lUoch.  In  April, 
appointed  Secre- 

Secretary  of  the 
■e  three  different 
Mmothy  O.  Howe, 
titer  Q.  Gregham, 


GAUFIKI.l)  AND  AHTlll  11  ADMINIKTU.VTION.      :»7l 

A  number  of  imiwrtant  que«tionii  which  had  »»een  before  <'on- 
greBu,  in  one  form  or  another,  for  Home  years,  were  settled  during 
President  Arthurs  Administration.     An  improvement  In  the  (Mvil 
Service,  which  should    remove  minor    appointments    from  iM»liti<al 
influen«e.  was  agitated  as  i-arly  as  Grant's  first  term,  but  even  Grant, 
with  all  his  firmness,  though  favoring  a  progressive  movement  in 
that  direction,  c«»uld  not  nmke  much  headway  against  the  political 
influences  that  were  oi»|M»sed  to  the  niDvement.     In  1871  the  first 
Civil  Service  Law  passed,  and  under  it  President  Grant  appointed 
a  commission  to  ascertain  and  act  on  the  fltness  of  candidates  for 
appointive    ofllces.       Congress,    however,    gave    it    only    grudging 
support,  and  in  1874,  refused  to  make  any  appropriation,  whatever 
for  the  Commission.    The  I^w  remained  in  innocuous  desuetude  for 
several  yoars.    The  pe<»ple  and  the  Congressmen  were  not  yet  edu- 
cated up  to  it.     Besides  Grant,  Presidents  Hayes,  Garfield  in  his 
maugural,  and  Arthur,  all  urged  the  passage  of  a  law  making  the 
tenure  of  the  minor  appointments  indefiendent  of  partisan  changes 
in  the  I'residency,  and  both  parties  were  pledged  to  this  in  their 
platforms.    The  matter  finally  came  to  a  definite  result  in  January, 
1883,  when  a  Bill  prepared  by  the  Civil  Service  Reform  league,  and 
Introduced  by  Senator  George  H.  I'endleton,  of  Ohio,  became  a  liaw. 
It  repealed  the  main  provisions  of  the  Act  of  1871,  and  authorized  the 
appointment,  by  the  President,  of  three  Civil  Service  Commissioners, 
who  were  to  institute  competitive  examinations  open  to  all  persons 
desiring  to  enter  the  serviw  of  the  (Jovernmcnt.     It  provided  that 
the  clerks  in  the  Departments  at  Washington,  and  in  every  customs 
district  or  postofflce,  where  fifty  or  more  were  employed,  should  be 
arranged  in  classes,  and  that,  in  the  future,  only  persons  who  had 
passed  the  examinations  should  be  appointed  to  service  In  these 
ofBces,  or  promoted  from  a  lower  to  a  higher  grade,  preference  being 
given  according  to  rank  In  the  examinations.    It  also  provided  that 
no  official  should  be  removed  for  refusing  to  contribute  to  political 
funds.    It  made  any  Congressman  or  Government  official,  convicted 
of  soliciting  or    receiving    political    assessments  from  Government 
employes,  Hal  le  to  a  Une  of  |6,000,  or  imprisonment  not  more  than 
three  years.    It  forbade  persons  in  the  Government  service  to  use 
their  official  authority  or  influence  to  coerce  the  political  action  of 
anyone,  or  to  interfere  with  elections.    Dorman  B.  Eaton,  I^roy  D. 
Thoman  and   John  M.   Gregory  were  appointed  the   first   Coramis 
siouers. 


MMMMlMI 


'*?■ 


"! 


IIIKTOIIY  OFTIIK  KKITIlLirAN  I»AKTV. 


DiiriuK  tho  two  rcuiaiiiiiiK  .v«*tti'M  of  l>r«>Mid<>iit  Artliur'it  twriu  hv 
iipplied  the  law  to  15,773  pIuceH.  Clevrlttud  added  11,757  plaeeH  in 
liiB  flmt  term,  and  42.025  in  liia  Hecond,  whilt  HarriHun  increaMed  tli<! 
list  by  16,51)8  in  his  term,  maltinK  over  H5,(KH)  [i\h'^  'trought  under 
tlie  Act  during  the  flr^t  three  and  one-half  tt'rmu  of  it«  ^'xistenre. 

The  flrBt  general  reviiion  of  u.  tariff  imd^rtalcen  ulnre  the 
Morrill  Acts  of  the  war  |>eriod,  waH  luvulr  duriuK  thJN  AdminiHtra- 
tion.  An  Act  approved  May  15,  1882,  apiiohiM'd  the  following  TarilT 
(^onimiflsion,  ronsiitiug  of  prominent  manufactiirerg  and  otiiers:  .). 
L.  Hayes,  H.  W.  Oliver,  A.  M.  (larland,  Robert  I'.  I'orter,  J.  W.  H, 
Underwood,  A.  R.  Bateler  and  Duncan  F.  Kennon.  In  December 
following,  this  ComnUttee  brought  in  a  Hill,  together  with  a  lon^ 
report,  showing  very  industrioua  research  into  the  whole  subject. 
The  purpose  of  the  Bill  waa  thus  stated:  "In  the  performance  of  the 
duty  devolved  uiM>n  them,  all  the  members  of  the  ('onimission  have 
aimed,  and,  as  they  believe,  with  success,  to  divest  themselves  of 
political  bias,  sectional  prejudice  or  considerations  of  personal 
interest.  It  is  their  desire  that  their  recommendations  sliall  serve 
no  political  party,  class,  section  or  school  of  political  economy.'* 
Congress,  however,  did  not  reach  this  degree  of  impartiality.  The 
Senate  tacked  a  different  Tariff  Bill  to  a  House  Internal  Revenue 
Measure,  and  thus  the  whole  subje<'t  was  brought  before  a  Conference 
Committee,  which  turned  out  a  Bill  that  was  satisfactory  to  no  one. 
The  Commission  Bill  reduced  the  rates  of  duty  on  an  average  about 
20  per  cent.,  in  some  cases  as  much  as  50  per  cent.  The  average 
reduction  by  the  Conference  Bill  was  only  about  4  per  cent.,  and  in 
some  cases  there  was  an  actual  increase  over  the  war  tariff  rates. 
The  ConuuJssion  Bill  was  carefully  studied,  and  was  symmetrical  in 
its  character,  while  the  Conference  Bill  was  contradictory  in  its 
methods  and  incongruous  in  its  provisions.  Senator  John  Hhermau 
said  of  it  in  his  "Recollections:"  "If  the  Senate  Finance  Committei.' 
had  embodied  in  this  Bill  the  recommendations  of  the  Tariff  Com- 
mission, including  the  schedules,  without  amendment  or  change,  the 
tariff  would  have  been  settled  for  many  years.  Unfortunately,  ibis 
was  not  don^,  but  the  schedules  prescribing  the  rates  of  duty,  and 
their  classification,  were  so  radically  changed  by  the  Committee  that 
the  scheme  of  the  Tariff  Commission  was  practically  defeated.  Many 
persons,  wishing  to  advance  their  particular  industry,  appeared 
before  the  Committee,  and  succeeded  in  having  their  views  adopted." 

In  the  next  House,  which  had  a  large  Democratic  majority, 
William  R.  Morrison,  of  Illinois,  introduced  a  measure  which  gave  to 


i 


UTY. 

Xrtliur'M  term  h« 

n,7B7  placeB  In 
sun  increaHed  the 
Ml  Itrought  under 
itM  *'»i8tenee. 
'■taken    nUue    the 

tliifi  AdminiRtrti- 
e  followhlK  TaritT 
rs  and  others:    i 

I'orter,  J.  W.  H, 
►n.  In  I>acenjber 
ther  with  a  lon\i 
lie  wliole  subject . 
erfornianee  of  the 
CommisHion  have 
t^nt  themselveH  of 
innH  of  personal 
ationis  Mhall  serve 
oHtieal  economy." 
Impartiality.    The 

Internal  Revenue 
efore  a  Conference 
factory  to  no  one. 

an  average  about 
ent.  The  average 
I  per  cent.,  and  in 
s  war  tariff  rates, 
'as  symmetrical  in 
itradictory  in  its 
tor  John  Sherman 
i'inance  Committee 
jf  the  Tariff  Com- 
enti  or  change,  the 
Tnfortunately,  this 
rates  of  duty,  and 
he  Committee  that 
ly  defeated.  Many 
industry,  appeared 
sir  views  adopted." 
mocratic  majority, 
sure  which  gave  to 


OARFIEI.n  .\NI>  .\RTnrR  ADMINIHTR.VTION.      .173 

him  the  niclt-nanie  "Horlxontal  Hill."  It  proponed  to  make  a  horl- 
xontal  reduction  of  iiO  per  <ent.  on  the  dutii'H  levied  by  the  .Vet  of 
\HKi.  Hut  this  met  witli  little  favor,  for,  it  whm  argued,  if  the  Act 
of  \HK\  was  uneven,  irrational  and  contradictory  in  its  Hcli«Klules,  a 
uniform  reduction  of  20  iier  cent,  would  not  nuike  it  a  bit  less  so. 
Thirty-nine  Democrats  voted  with  the  Hepublicans  against  even 
giving  the  Hill  consideration.  After  it  liad  been  dis'UHsed  at  length 
:(7  Democrats  voted  vv^ith  the  Republicans  to  strike  out  the  enacting 
clause,  while  U  Democrats  refrained  from  voting.  The  motion  to 
strike  out  carried  by  158  to  inn,  and  that  was  the  end  of  tariff  agita- 
»l«»n  tor  the  Foriy-eighth  Congress. 

Tiie  Hituatioii  in  regard  to  the  ['residency  at  the  time  of  (}artield*s 
assassination  rtMtiinded  (Vtngress  that  legislation  was  needed  relating 
to  tlie  succesHiou  to  that  office.  The  .\ct  of  IIU'2,  which  was  still  in 
fon-e  in  1881,  provided  that  in  case  the  Vi«e-l*resident,  as  well  as  the 
President  dies,  is  removed  or  is  diiw|ualitled,  then  the  President  pro 
temiiore  of  the  Senate,  or,  after  him.  the  Speaker  of  the  House,  should 
assume  the  duties  of  the  ofllce  untii  the  disability  is  removed,  or  a 
President  elected.  At  this  time  there  was  no  Speaker  of  the  House, 
because  the  new  Congress  had  not  met.  Jt  had  been  the  custom,  on 
(be  last  day  of  the  sessions  of  the  Senate,  f»»r  the  Vice-i'resident  to 
retire,  so  that  the  Senate  might  elect  a  President  pr<»  tempore,  to  hold 
ofHce  during  the  recess,  but  this  had  been  neglected  ut  the  special 
session  of  the  Senate  in  May.  There  was  an  interval  of  some  weeks 
therefore,  in  which,  in  (-ase  of  President  Arthur's  death,  there  would 
have  been  no  provision  whatever  for  the  suci-ession.  On  the  second 
day  of  the  first  regular  session  of  the  Forty-seventh  Congress,  the 
Senate  ordered  its  Judiciary  Committee  to  inquire  whether  any 
further  legislation  was  necessary  in  respe<-t  to  the  Presidential  suc- 
cession, and  report  by  Bill,  or  otherwise.  Senator  Garland,  for  the 
Committee,  accordingly  reported  a  Bill  placing  the  succession  to  the 
Presidency  in  members  of  the  Cabinet,  in  an  order  named,  commenc- 
ing with  the  Secretary  of  State.  This  vas  in  1881,  and  it  is  a  curious 
comment  on  the  disposition  of  legislative  bodies  to  defer  matters 
when  the  immediate  exigency  has  passed,  that  no  measure  on  this 
subject  was  adopted  until  January,  188«,  when  a  law  based  on  Gar 
land's  plan  was  enacted. 

A  bill  restricting  Chinese  immigration,  in  accordance  with  the 
terms  of  the  Burlingame  treaty,  passed  both  Houses  of  the  Forty- 
seventh  Congress,  but  was  vetoed  by  President  Arthur.    An  effort 


m 


1' 


374  HISTORY  OF  TH E  UEI'IJBLIO AN  PA RTY. 

to  fLn  it  over  his  veto  failed,  wlien  another  Bill,  framed  so  as  to 
mec  •  his  objections,  passed  and  beeani*  a  law. 

(  Mder  the  Act  organizing  National  Banks,  the  charters  of  these 
associations  had  a  life  time  of  only  twenty  years.  Their  charters 
began  expiring  about  this  time  and  an  Act  passed  this  Congress  allow- 
ing them  to  reorganize  for  twenty  years  more.  The  first  Anti 
Polygamy  Act,  directed  especially  against  the  Mormons  in  Utah, 
also  passed  the  Forty-seventh  Congress,  by  a  non-partisan  vote. 

The  factional  spirit  which  had  been  fostered  by  the  incidents  of 
the  Chicago  Convention  and  by  the  events  that  followed  in  New  York, 
told  heavily  in  the  elections  of  188?.    In  Pennsylvania  for  nearly 
thirty  years,  there  have  been  two  factions  among  the  Republicans. 
They  have  generally  confined  the;.'  disputes  to  caucuses  and  conven- 
tions, and  afterwards  supported  the  nominations  therein  made,  but 
1882  woa  one  of  the  vears  when  they  couldn't  agree,  and  there  were 
two  Republican  candidates  for  Governor.    The  result  was  the  election 
of  Robert   M.  Pattison,  Democrat.    The  same  influences  defeated 
Henry  W.  Oliver,  the  Regular  Republican  nominee  for  the  United 
States   Senate,  though  they  did  not  elect   a   Democrat.    In  Massa- 
chusetts, up  to  that  time  reliably  Republican,  a  combination  of 
Greenbackers  and  Democrats  also  defeated  the  Republicans  for  Gov- 
ernor.   But  the  worst  break  was  in  New  York  State,  where  about 
200  000  "Half  Breed"  Republicans  stayed  away  from  the  polls,  because 
the'  candidate  was   supposed   to  represent  the   Administration,   to 
which  they  had  not  yet  become  reconciled.    The  result  was  to  give 
Grover  Cleveland  192,854  majority  for  Governor,  and  to  put  beyond 
question  his  nomination  as  the  next  Democratic  candidate  for  the 
Presidency. 


mm 


mtm 


tTY. 

framed  so  as  to 

:'harter8  of  these 
Their   charters 
B  Congress  allow- 
The  first   Anti 
»rmonH  in  Utah, 
irtisan  vote. 
'  the  incidents  of 
ived  in  New  York, 
vania  for  nearly 
the  Republicans, 
•uses  and  conven- 
herein  made,  but 
?,  and  there  were 
t  was  the  election 
fluences  defeated 
e  for  the  United 
ocrat.    In  Massa- 
i  combination  of 
publicans  for  Gov- 
■ate,  where  about 
the  polls,  because 
dministration,    to 
esult  was  to  give 
inA  to  put  beyond 
candidate  for  the 


•.f:^^'  ^'^^f ,^.*;-.r^^<' V .'": 


-j^[j4pii.;mt>:.*&£mAi:.u;^A^:^.^. 


XXIX. 

THE   EIGHTH  BEPUBLI(!AN  OONVENTIGN. 

Prominent  Men  in  Attendance  as  Delegates— Contest  Over  the  Tem- 
porary Chairman- An  Important  Change  in  the  Rules— Text  of 
the  Platform  Adopted— Blaine  and  Arthur  the  Leading  Candi- 
dates—Nomination of  the  Former— Analysis  of  the  Vote- 
General  I^gan  for  Vice-President— Opposition  to  the  Ticket 
Within  the  Party— The  Rise  and  Good  Fortune  of  Grover  Cleve- 
land—He Receives  the  Democratic  Nomination— A  Bitter 
Personal  Contest— Blaine'u  Western  Tour— His  Unfortunate 
Stay  in  New  York— Parson  Burchard's  Misfit  Speech— Success 
of  the  Democratic  Ticket. 

The  eighth  National  Convention  of  the  Republican  party  opened 
in  the  Exposition  Building,  Chicago,  June  3,  1884.  The  proceedings 
were  not  lacking  in  interest,  though  they  were  entirely  lacking  in  the 
strifes  and  excitements  of  four  years  earlier.  The  contest  was  recog- 
nized, at  the  outset,  a«  being  between  Artliur  and  Blaine,  though 
there  were,  as  usual,  a  few  favorite  sons  in  the  field.  The  personnel 
of  the  Convention  was  not  as  strong  as  some  that  have  been  held, 
although  it  included  the  two  next  Republican  Presidents,  Harrison 
and  McKinley,  and  a  third.  General  Alger,  who  was  a  leading  candi- 
date for  the  Republican  nomination,  four  years  later.  The  following 
were  among  the  leading  delegates:  Powell  Clayton  and  Logan  H 
Roots,  of  Arkansas;  Shelby  M.  Cullom,  of  Illinois;  Richard  W. 
Thompson  and  Benjamin  Harrison,  of  Indiana;  John  8.  Clarkson,  of 
Iowa;  Senator  Preston  B.  Plumb,  of  Kansas;  William  O.  Bradley, 
Walter  Evans  and  William  il  Goodloe,  of  Kentucky;  William  Pitt 
Kellogg,  P.  B.  S.  Pinchback,  and  A.  J.  Dumont,  of  I^ouisiana;  Georg«; 
F.  Hoar,  William  W.  Crapo,  John  D.  Long,  Henry  Cabot  Lodge  and 
Carroll  D.  WrigLt,  of  Massachusetts;  Cushman  K.  Davis,  of  Minne 
sota;  Blanche  K.  Bruce  and  John  R.  Lynch,  of  Mississippi;  R.  T.  Van- 
Horn,  John  B.  Henderson  and  (^hamicey  I.  Filley,  of  Missouri; 
William  McKinley,  Mark  A.  Hanna,  Benjamin  Eggleston  and  A.  L 


■Hi 


warn 


.TM)' 


Hi 


'■''-  '  '^-■-'....-  .-'■' 


37« 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 


Tonger,  of  Ohio;  H.  H.  Bingham  and  Oali:  ha  A.  Grow,  of  Pennsyl- 
vania; W.  P,  Brownlow  and  L.  C.  Houclc,  of  Tennessee. 

The  Michigan  delegation  was  as  follows:  At  Large — Roswell  G 
Horr,  William  F.  Swift,  Samuel  C.  Watson  and  Julius  C.  Burrows. 
By  Districts— (1)  Russell  A.  Alger,  William  8.  Morey;  (2)  W.  A 
Underwood,  Joseph  T.  Jacobs;  (3)  Edward  C.  Nichols,  William  H 
Powers;  (4)  8.  T.  Reed,  Josiah  Andrews;  (5)  George  W.  Webber, 
Henry  F.  Thomas;  (6)  M.  D.  Chatterton,  Joseph  E.  Sawyer;  (7)  John 
P.  Sanborn,  R.  R.  Noble;  (8)  W.  S.  Turck,  W.  E.  Watson;  (9)  M.  P. 
Gale,  Abel  Anderson;  (10)  H.  H.  Aplin,  George  W.  Bell;  (11)  Seth  O. 
Moffatt,  8amuel  M.  Stephenson. 

One  o^  the  sharpest  contests  of  the  Convention  was  over  thn 
comparatively  unimportant  office  of  temporary  Chairman.  Ever 
since  the  party  was  organized  it  had  been  the*  province  of  the  National 
Committee  to  name  that  official.  In  accordance  with  this  custom 
the  Committee  designated  for  the  place  Powell  Clayton,  a  one-armed 
Union  soldier  from  Arkansas,  then  the  leading  Republican  politician 
in  that  State.  The  friends  of  General  Arthur  antagonised  Clayton 
with  John  R.  Lynch,  a  colored  delegate  from  Mississippi,  Henry  Cabot 
Lodge,  of  Massachusetts,  making  this  nomination.  The  discussion 
of  this  question,  which  developed  more  heat  than  the  subject  at  all 
warranted,  was  participated  in  by  fourteen  different  members  of  the 
Convention,  and  the  roll  call  of  states  showed  424  votes  for  Lynch 
to  384  for  Clayton.  This  was  considered  a  triumph  for  President 
Arthur.  In  reality  it  was  simply  an  anti-B'laine  vote,  for  the  oppo- 
sition to  Blaine  never  united  on  Arthur.  Following  this,  8.  W. 
Hawkins,  of  Tennessee,  moved  a  suspension  of  the  rules,  and  the 
adoption  of  a  resolution  that,  ''as  the  sense  of  this  Convention,  every 
member  is  bound  in  honor  to  support  its  nominee,  whoever  that 
nominee  may  be;  and  that  no  man  should  hold  a  seat  here  who  is  not 
ready  to  so  agree.*,'  After  a  short  debate,  in  which  half  a  dozen 
members  participated,  the  resolution  was  withdrawn. 

The  Committee  on  Permanent  Organization  reported  the  name 
of  John  B.  Henderson,  of  Missouri,  for  President,  anci  Charles  W 
Clisbee,  of  Michigan,  for  Secretary.  Mr.  Henderson,  in  a  brief  speech, 
on  taking  the  chair,  praised  all  the  men  that  had  been  talked  of  ns 
possible  candidates,  and,  on  his  own  account,  added  ''the  grau^  old 
hero  of  Ktnesaw  Mountain  and  Atlanta*'  to  the  list. 

The  report  of  the  Committee  on  Rules  was  the  subject  of  a  long 
discussion.    One  of   the  propositions,  debated   nt  length,  and  with 


»*■ 


air 


HtHIMili 


^'ji£^lB^1r^\''' 


^Fi>;.ft^-^^'i-V.^%;':^' 


THE  EIGHTH  REPUBLICAN  CONVENTION. 


377 


ge — RoBwell  G 
as  C.  Borpowa. 
rey;  (2)   W.  A 
iB,  William  H 
;e  W.  Webber, 
iwyer;  (7)  Johc 
itson;  (9)  M.  P. 
ell;  (11)  Seth  O. 

1  waa  over  the 
hairinan.  Ever 
•  of  the  National 
ith  this  custom 
on,  a  one-armed 
blican  politician 
ionized  Clayton 
pi,  Henry  Cabot 

The  discagsion 
e  subject  at  all 
members  of  the 
rotes  for  Lynch 
h  for  President 
e,  for  the  oppo- 
ing  this,  8.  W. 
>  rules,  and  the 
onvention,  every. 
i,  whoever  that 

here  who  is  not 
eh  half  a  dozen 
I. 

K>rted  the  name 
and  Charles  W 
in  a  brief  speech, 
een  talked  of  n» 
I  "the  grau^  old 

mhject  of  a  long 
ength,  and  with 


great  earnestness,  was  that  the  district  representation  in  future  Con- 
ventions should  be  based  on  the  number  of  Republican  votes  cast  for 
Congressman  at  the  last  election,  instead  of  being  the  same  for  ail 
the  districts.  This  was  hotly  opposed  by  the  Southern  Republicans, 
who  insisted  that  their  representation  in  the  Convention  should  not 
be  reduced,  because  Southern  Democrats,  with  the  practical  conniv- 
ance of  the  National  Administration,  had  disfranchised  many  of  their 
voters.  The  proposition  was  finally  withdrawn.  It  has  been  brought 
up,  either  in  the  National  Committee  or  in  open  Convention,  in  every 
campaign  since  then,  even  to  that  of  1000,  and  has,  every  time,  been 
either  withdrawn  or  voted  down. 

The  only  rule  that  was  materially  changed  as  a  result  of  the  long 
discussion,  was  that  relating  to  the  duties  of  the  National  Commit- 
tee. As  finally  adopted  the  rule  read  as  follows:  "A  Republican 
National  Committee  shall  be  appointed,  to  consist  of  one  member 
from  each  State,  Territory  and  the  District  of  Columbia.  The  roll 
shall  be  called,  and  the  delegation  from  each  State,  Territory  and 
District  of  Columbia,  shall  uume,  through  its  Chairman,  a  person  to 
act  as  a  member  of  the  Committee  who  is  not  eligible  as  a  member  of 
the  Electoral  College.  Said  Committee  shall  issue  the  call  for  a 
meeting  of  the  National  Convention  six  months  at  least  before  the 
time  fixed  for  said  meeting;  and  each  Congressional  District  in  the 
United  States  shall  elect  its  delegates  to  the  National  Convention  in 
the  same  way  as  the  nomination  of  a  member  of  Congress  is  made  in 
said  District;  and  in  the  territories  the  delegates  to  the  Convention 
shall  be  elected  in  the  same  way  as  the  nomination  of  delegates  to 
Congress  is  made;  and  said  National  Convention  shall  prescribe  the 
mode  of  electing  delegates  for  the  District  of  Columbia.  An  alter- 
nate delegate  for  each  delegate  to  the  National  Convention,  to  act  in 
case  of  the  absence  of  the  delegate,  shall  be  elected  in  the  same  way 
and  at  the  same  time  as  the  delegate  is  elected.  Delegates-at-large 
for  each  State,  and  their  alternates,  shall  be  elected  by  State  Conven- 
tions in  their  respective  states." 

The  clause  providing  that  no  person  should  be  a  member  of  the 
Committee  who  was  not  eligible  as  a  member  of  the  Electoral  College 
was  intended  to  exclude  Federal  office-holders  from  the  Committee, 
and  was  adopted  on  account  of  the  Civil  Service  Act,  forbidding  such 
officers  to  solicit  or  receive  campaign  contributions  from  other  Fetl- 
eral  office-holders  or  Government  employes. 


m 


878 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 


■■\X- 


iW 


'  <':j'-- 


'^'■■^' 


^,:  t^u.. 


:-  m:' 


nl 


.•*■■ 


'\: 


is|'V,-V:^;r;._ 


'^he  report  of  the  Committee  on  Resolutionfi  was  made  on  the 
afternoon  of  the  third  day  of  the  Convention,  by  William  McKinley, 
of  Ohio,  Chairman  of  the  Committee.  It  was  adopted  without  amend- 
ment, and  without  debate,  and  was  as  follows: 

The  Republicans  of  the  United  States,  in  National  Convention 
astiembled,  renew  their  allegiance  to  the  principles  upon  which  they 
have  triumphed  in 'six  successive  elections,  and  congratulate  the 
American  people  on  the  attainment  of  so  many  results  in  legislation 
and  Administration  by  which  the  Republican  party,  has,  after  saving 
the  Union,  done  so  much  to  render  its  institutions  just,  equal  and 
beueflcent,  the  safeguards  of  liberty,  and  the  embodiments  of  the 
best  thought  and  highest  purposes  of  our  citizens. 

The  Republican  party  has  gained  its  strength  by  quick  and 
faithful  response  to  the  demands  of  the  people  for  the  freedom  and 
equality  of  all  men,  for  a  united  nation  assuring  the  rights  of  all  citi- 
Kens,  for  the  elevation  of  labor,  for  an  honest  currency,  for  purity  in 
legislation,  and  for  integrity  and  accountability  in  all  the  depart- 
ments of  the  government,  ami  it  accepts  anew  the  duty  of  leading  in 
the  work  of  progress  and  reform. 

We  lament  the  death  of  President  Garfletd,  whose  sound  states- 
manship, long  conspicuous  in  Congress,  gave  promise  of  a  strong 
and .  successful  Administration,  a  promise  fully  realised  daring  thi} 
short  period  of  his  office  as  President  of  the  United  States.  His  dis- 
tinguished ^success  in  war  and  in  peace,  have  endeared  him  to  the 
hearts  of  the  American  people. 

In  the  Administration  of  President  Arthur  we  recognize  a  wise, 
conservative  and  patriotic  policy,  under  which  the  country  has  been 
blessed  with  remarkable  prosperity,  and  we  believe  his  eminent 
services  are  entitled  to  and  will  receive  the  hearty  approval  of  every 
citizen. 

It  is  the  first  duty  of  a  good  Government  to  protect  the  rights 
and  promote  the  Interests  of  its  own  people.  The  largest  diversity 
of  industry  is  most  productive  of  general  prosperity  and  of  the 
comfort  and  independence  of  the  people.  We  therefore  demand  that 
the  imposition  of  duties  upon  foreign  imports  shall  be  made  not  for 
revenue  only,  but  that  in  raising  the  requisite  revenues  for  the  Gov- 
ernment, such  duties  shall  be  so  levied  as  to  afford  security  to  our 
diversified  industries  and  protection  to  the  rights  and  wages  of  the 
laborer,  to  the  end  that  active  and  intelligent  labor,  as  well  as  capital, 
may  have  its  just  reward  and  the  laboring  man  his  full  share  in  the 
national  prosperity. 

Against  the  so-called  economic  system  of  the  Democratic  party, 
which  would  degrade  our  labor  to  the  foreign  standard,  we  enter  our 
earnest  protest.  The  Democratic  party  has  failed  completely  to 
relieve  the  people  of  the  burden  of  unnecessary  taxation  by  a  wise 
reduction  of  the  surplus. 


ITY. 


THE  EIGHTH  REPUBLICAN  i^^ONVENTlON. 


370 


ras  made  on  the 
illiam  McKinley, 
without  amend- 


tonal  Convention 
upon  which  they 
ongratulate  the 
iltB  in  legislation 
has,  after  Baving 
just,  equal  and 
>odiments  of   the 

th  by  quick  and 
the  freedom  and 
rights  of  all  citi- 

ncy,  for  purity  in 
all  the  depart- 

luty  of  leading  in 

tose  sound  states- 
mise  of  a  strong 
lUixed  daring  thi; 
States.  His  dis- 
eared  him  to  the 

recognize  a  wise, 

country  has  been 

lieve    his  eminent 

approval  of  every 

protect  the  rights 
»  largest  diversity 
[>erity  and  of  the 
sfore  demand  that 
1  be  made  nojt  for 
mues  for  the  Oov- 
rd  security  to  our 
and  wages  of  the 
as  well  as  capital, 
B  full  share  in  the 

Democratic  party, 
lard,  we  enter  our 
iled  completely  to 
axation  by  a  wise 


The  Republican  party  pledges  itself  to  correct  the  inequalities 
of  the  tariff  and  to  reduce  the  surplus,  not  by  the  vicious  and  indis- 
criminate process  of  horisontal  reiduction,  but  by  such  methods  as 
will  relieve  the  taxpayer  without  injuring  the  laborer  or  the  great 
productive  industries  of  the  country. 

We  recognize  the  importance  of  sheep  husbandry  in  the  United 
States,  the  serious  depression  which  it  is  now  experiencing  and  the 
danger  threatening  ics  future  prosperity;  and  we,  therefore,  respect 
the  demands  of  the  representatives  of  this  important  agricultural 
interest  for  a  readjustment  of  duty  on  foreign  wool  in  order  that  such 
industry  shall  have  full  and  adequate  protection. 

We  have  always  recommended  the  best  money  known  to  the 
civilized  world,  and  we  urge  that  an  v'*ort  be  made  to  unite  all  coui- 
ntercial  nations  in  the  establishment  of  an  international  standard 
which  shall  fix  for  all  the  relative  value  of  gold  and  silver  coinage. 

The  regulation  of  commerce  with  foreign  nations  and  between 
the  states  is  one  of  the  most  im|H>rtant  prerogatives  of  the  general 
government  and  the  Republican  party  distinctly  announces  its  pur- 
pose to  support  such  legislation  as  will  fully  and  efficiently  carrj*  out 
the  Constitutional  power  of  (.'ongress  over  its  State  commerce. 

The  principle  of  public  regulation  of  railway  corporations  is  u 
wise  and  salutary  one  for  the  protection  of  all  classes  of  the  people: 
and  we  favor  legislation  that  shall  prevent  unjust  discrimination  and 
excessive  charges  for  transportation,  and  that  shall  secure  to  the 
people  and  to  the  railways  alike  the  fair  and  equal  protection  of  the 
laws. 

We  favor  the  establishment  of  a  National  Bureau  of  labor;  the 
enforcement  of  the  eight-hour  law,  and  a  wise  and  judicious  system  of 
general  education  by  adequate  appropriation  from  the  National 
revenues  wherever  the  same  is  needed.  We  believe  that  everywhere 
the  protection  to  a  citizen  of  American  birth  must  be  secured  to  citi- 
zens of  American  adoption;  and  we  favor  the  settlement  of  National 
differences  by  international  arbitration. 

The  Republican  party,-  having  its  birth  in  a  hatred  of  slave  labor 
and  in  a  desire  that  all  men  may  be  free  and  eqnal,  is  unalterably 
opposed  to  placing  our  workingmen  in  competition  with  any  form 
of  servile  labor,  whether  at  home  or  abroad.  In  this  spirit  we 
denounce  the  in^portation  of  contract  labor,  whether  from  Europe  or 
Asia,  as  an  offence  against  the  spirit  of  American  institutions,  and 
we  pledge  ourselves  to  sustain  the  present  law  restricting  Chinese 
immigration,  and  to  provide  such  further  legislation  as  is  necessary 
to  carry  out  its  purposes. 

Reform  of  the  civil  service,  auspiciously  begun  under  Republi- 
can Administration,  should  be  completed  by  further  extension  of  the 
reform  system,  already  established  by  law,  to  all  the  grades  of  the  ser- 
vice to  which  it  is  applicable.  The  spirit  and  purpose  of  the  reform 
should  be  observed  in  all  executive  appointments;  and  all  laws  nt 


380 


HISTORY  OP  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY 


'Sc* 


varitttfce  with  the  object  of  existing  reform  legislation  should  be 
repealed,  to  the  end  that  the  dangers  to  free  institutions  which  lurk 
in  power  of  official  patronage  may  be  wisely  and  effectively  avoided. 

The  public  lands  are  a  heritage  of  the  people  of  the  United  State*, 
and  should  be  reserved,  as  far  as  possible,  for  small  holdings  by 
actual  settlers.  We  are  opposed  to  the  acquisition  of  large  tracts  of 
these  lands  by  corporations  or  individuals,  especially  where  the  hold- 
ings are  in  the  hands  6i  non-resident  aliens.  And  we  will  endeavor  to 
obtain  such  legislation  as  will  tend  to  correct  this  evil.  We  demand 
of  Congress  the  speedy  forfeiture  of  all  land  grants  which  have 
lapsed  by  reason  of  noij-compliance  with  Acts  of  Incorporation,  In 
all  cases  where  there  has  been  no  attempt  in  good  faith  to  perform 
the  conditions  of  such  grants. 

The  grateful  thanks  of  the  American  people  are  due  to  the  Union 
soldiers  and  sailors  of  the  late  war.  And  the  Republican  party 
stands  pledged  to  suitable  pensions  for  all  who  were  disabled,  and 
for  the  widows  and  orphans  of  those  who  died  in  the  war.  The 
Republican  party  also  pledges  itself  to  the  repeal  of  the  limitation 
contained  in  the  Arrears  Act  df  1879,  so  that  all  invalid  soldiers  shall 
share  alike  and  their  pension  shall  begin  with  date  of  disability,  or 
discharge,  and  not  with  the  date  of  their  application. 

The  Republican  party  favors  a  policy  which  shall  keep  us  from 
entangling  alliances  with  foreign  nations,  and  which  shall  give  the 
right  to  expect  that  foreign  nations  shall  refrain  from  meddling  In 
American  affairs — ^the  policy  Which  seeks  peace  and  can  trade  with 
all  powers,  but  especially  with  those  of  the  Western  helnisphere. 

We  demand  the  restoration  of  our  Navy  to  its  old-time  strength 
and  efficiency,  that  it  may  in  any  sea  protect  the  rights  of  American 
citizens  and  the  interests  of  American  commerce;  and  we  call  upon 
Congress  to  remove  the  burdens  under  which  Americian  shipping  has 
been  depressed,  so  that  it  may  again  be  true  that  we  have  a  commer(« 
which  leaves  no  sea^unexplored,  and  a  Navy  which  takes  no  law  from 
superior  fotce. 

RESOLVED,  That  appointments  by  the  President  to  offices  in 
the  territories,  shoiild  be  made  from  the  bona  fide  citizens  and  resi- 
dents of  the  territpries  wherein  they  are  to  serve. 

RESOLVED,  That  it  is  the  duty  of  Congress  to  enact  such  laws 
as  shall  promptly  and  effectually  suppress  the  system  of  polygamy 
within  our  territories,  and  divorce  the  political  from  the  ecclesiasti- 
cal power  of  the  so-called  Mormon  Church;  and  that  the  laws  so 
enacted  should  be  rigidly  enforced  by  the  civil  authorities,  if  possible, 
and  by  the  military,  if  need  be. 

The  people  of  the  United  States  in  their  organized  capacity  con- 
stitute a  Nation  and  not  a  mere  confederacy  of  states.  The  National 
Oovernmeut  is  supreme  within  the  sphere  of  its  National  duties;  but 
the  States  have  reserved  rights  which  must  be  faithfully  maintained; 


UL. 


KMM 


I 
f 


JM 


TY. 

ition  Rhould  bt> 
ions  which  lurk 
sctively  avoided. 

e  United  States, 
all  holdings  by 
f  large  tracts  of 
where  the  hold- 
will  endeavor  to 
11.  We  demand 
tits  which  have 
ncorporation,  in 
Faith  to  perform 

lue  to  the  Union 
epnblican  party 
re  disabled,  and 
1  the  war.  The 
»f  the  limitation 
lid  Boldiers  shall 
of  disability,  or 

ill  keep  us  from 
h  shall  give  the 
•om  meddling  in 
I  can  trade  with 
lietnisphere. 

)ld-time  strength 
hts  of  American 
nd  we  call  upon 
pan  shipping  has 
have  a  commer(« 
ikes  no  law  from 

lent  to  offices  in 
•itiisens  and  resi- 

)  enact  such  laws 
temi  of  polygamy 
n  the  ecclesiasti- 
hat  the  laws  so 
rities,  if  possible, 

sed  capacity  con- 
>s.  The  National 
-ional  duties;  but 
Fully  maintained; 


THE  EIGHTH  REPUWLICAN  CONVENTION. 


UHl 


each  should  be  guarded  with  jealous  care  so  that  the  harmony  of  our 
system  of  government  may  be  preserved  and  the  Union  be  kept  invio- 
late. 

The  perpetuity  of  our  institutions  rests  upon  the  maintenance  of 
a  free  ballot,  an  honest  count  and  correct  returns. 

We  denounce  the  fraud  and  violence  practised  by  the  Democracy 
in  the  Southern  States,  by  which  the  will  of  the  voter  is  defeated, 
as  dangerous  to  the  preservation  of  free  institutions;  and  we  solemnly 
arraign  the  Democratic  party  as  being  the  guilty  recipient  of  the 
fruits  of  such  fraud  and  violence. 

We  extend  to  the  Republicans  of  the  South,  regardless  of  their 
former  partv  affiliations,  our  cordial  sympathy;  and  pledge  to  them 
our  most  eaVnest  efforts  to  promote  the  passage  of  such  legislation 
as  will  secure  to  every  citiaen,  of  whatever  race  and  color,  the  full 
and  complete  recognition,  possession,  and  exercise  of  all  civil  and 
political  rights. 

The  order  of  nominating  candidates  for  the  Presidency  was 
reached  on  the  evening  of  the  third  day.  The  nominating  speeches 
were  numerous,  several  of  them  long,  most  of  them  good,  but  none 
of  them  specially  striking.  Augustus  Brandegee,  of  Connecticut, 
was  the  first  to  speak,  placing  iii  nomination  General  Joseph  B.  Haw- 
ley,  of  that  State.  Shelby  M.  Cullom,  of  Illinois,  placed  General  John 
A.  Logan  in  nomination,  referring  in  eloquent  terms  to  his  brilliant 
military  service,  and  his  long  civil  career;  and- the  nomination  was 
supported  by  Benjamin  H.  Prentis,  of  Missouri. 

Judge  William  H.  West,  of  Ohio,  presented  the  name  of  James 
G.  Blaine,  and  the  nomination  was  supported  by  (^nshman  K.  Davis, 
of  Minnesota;  William  C.  Goodloe,  of  Kentucky;  Galusha  A.  Grow, 
of  Pennsylvania;  and,  strange  as  it  may  seem  in  view  of  the  events 
of  three  years  earlier,  by  Thomas  C  Piatt,  of  New  York. 

President  Arthur's  name  was  placed  before  the  Convention  by 
Martin  I.  Townsend,  of  New  York,  who  was  seconded  by  Henry  H. 
Bingham,  of  Pennsylvania;  John  R.  Lynch,  of  Mississippi;  Patrick 
H. Winston,  of  North  Carolinn,  and  P.  B.  S.  Pinchback,  of  Louisiana. 

J.  B.  Foraker,  of  Ohio,  and  William  H.  Holt,  of  Kentucky,  spoke 
for  John  Sherman,  while  John  D.  liOng,  of  Massachusetts,  and  George 
William  Curtis,  of  New  York,  performed  a  like  service  for  Senator 
George  P.  Edmunds,  of  Vermont.  This  brought  the  proceedings  up 
to  1:45  a.  m.,  in  tue  morning  of  the  sixth,  when  adjournment  was 
had  until  11  a.  m. 


,■1 


382  HISTORY  OP  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 

it  required  only  four  ballots  to  make  the  PreBidential  nomina 
tion,  the  record  being  as  follows: 

1st.     2d.      3d.      4th. 

James  G.  Blaine,  of  Maine 3341/2  349  376  541 

Chester  A.  Arthur,  of  New  York. 278      270  274  207 

George  P.  Edmunds,  of  Vermont.  93        95  69  41 

John  A.  Logan,  of  Illinois 68%    «1  53  7 

John  Sherman,  of  Ohio 30        28  25  ... 

Joseph  R.  Hawley,  of  Connecticut.  13        13  13  15           ^ 

Robert  T.  Lincoln,  of  Illinois 4          4  8  2 

William  T.  Sherman,  of  Missouri    2          2  2 

There  was  a  strong  feeling  among  Republicans  that  President 
Arthur  was  entitled  to  the  candidacy.     Every  Vice  President  pre- 
ceding him  who  had  succeeded  to  the  Presidency,  had  disappointed 
his  party  and  the  public,  but  President  Arthur  had  given  a  very 
satisfactory  administration.    It  had  been  entirely  free  from  scandals, 
except  those  connected  with  star  route  bids  for  the  Mail  Service,  and 
these  had  commenced  under  a  previous  administration,  to  be  broken 
up  under  his.    He  had  striven  to  allay  factional  quarrels,  his  conduct 
had  been  prudent  and  dignified,  and  his  State  papers  were  among 
the  most  thoughtful,  in  substance,  and  clear  in  expression,  of  any  in 
the  archives  of  the  Government.    Although  Blaine  was  still  the  popu- 
lar favorite  and  had  a  decided  lead  in  the  Convention,  he  had  not 
a  majority  at  the  start.    It  was  evident  that  a  combination  of  the 
,  votes  of  all  the  opposing  candidates  was  the  only  method  of  beating 
him.    But  to  the  theorists  who  supported  Edmunds,  Arthur  was  no 
more  acceptable  than  Blaine.    Besides  that,  Arthur  had  not  the  sup- 
port of  his  own  State.    Twenty  of  the  New  York  delegates  addressed 
a  message  to  the  Convention,  in  which  they  said:    ''Blaine  can  get 
more  votes  in  the  Convention  than  any  other  man,  and  can  carry 
the  State  triumphantly.    An  analysis  of  the  Republican  representa- 
tion in  the  National  Convention,  on  the  basis  of  the  Presidential  vote 
of  1880,  shows  that  from  President  Arthur's  own  State  a  decidlBd 
majority  of  the  delegates  to  the  Convention  are  opposed- to  hi»  nom- 
ination; that  the  overwhelming  preponderance  of  the  delegates  from 
the  districts  giving  Republican  majorities  is  for  Blaine;  that  twelve 
Republican  districts  and  four  Democratic  districts  are  for  Blaine; 
that  five  other  districts  send  Edmunds,  or  antl  Arthur  delegates, 
while  but  five  Republican  districts  send  delegates  for  Arthur,  the 
large  majority  of  his  support  coming  from  Democratic  districts;  that 


■„  .^4  i^-^£^'^*.^''fc  « 


'§Ummtiiiimm 


FY. 

dential  nominu 

W. 

4th. 

*75 

541 

274 

207 

69 

41 

53 

7 

25 

. . . 

13 

15 

8 

2 

2 

. . . 

I  that  President 
J  PreBident  pre- 
lad  disappointed 
id  given  a  very 
e  from  BcandalS: 
Mall  Service,  and 
on,  to  be  broken 
rel8,  his  conduft 
era  were  among 
i*B8ion,  of  any  in 
A%  still  the  popii- 
tion,  he  had  not 
nbination  of  the 
ethod  of  beating 
,  Arthur  wa«  no 
had  not  the  sup- 
egates  addressed 

"Blaine  can  get 
1,  and  can  carry 
lican  representn- 
Presidential  vote 

State  a  decidNi 
K)sed-  to  his  nom- 
te  delegates  from 
line;  that  twelve 
rare  for  Blaine; 
Arthur  delegates, 

for  Arthur,  the 
tic  districts;  that 


THE  B:1(»HTH  HP:PI  BUCAN  convention.         383 

in  the  Blaine  districts  there  is  an  aKgrt^Rate  of  «3,773  Republican 
majority,  against  17,456  Republican  majority  in  the  Arthur  districts. 
These  facts  and  figures  are  conclusive,  that  in  New  Yorit,  as  in  other 
States,  where  the  Electoral  votes  nmy  be  given  to  a  Republican  candi- 
date for  President,  the  direct  Republican  expression  is  in  favor  of 
James  «.  Blaine's  nomination;  indeed,  that  he  is  the  accepted  leader 
of  the  Republican  party  to  a  sure  victory." 

On  the  first  ballot  in  the  Convention  New  York  gave  Arthur  31 
votes,  Blaine  28,  and  Edmunds  12;  on  the  last  it  gave  Arthur  30  and 
Blaine  20.  Pennsyl- 
vania, on  the  first  bal-  ^ 
lot,  gave  Blaine  47,  and  f  ^ 
Arthur  11,  Edmunds 
and  Logan  each  1.  On 
the  last  it  gave  Blaine 
51,  and  Arthur  8.  The 
Michigan  votes  were  as 
follows:  First  ballot, 
Arthur,  2;  Blaine,  15; 
Edmunds,  7;  William 
T.  Sherman,  2.  Second, 
Arthur,  4;  Blaine,  15; 
Edmunds,  7;  General 
Sherman,  2.  Third,  Ar- 
thur, 4;  Blaine,  18;  Ed- 
munds, 3;  General 
Sherman,  1.  Fourth, 
Blaine,  26.  In  Illinois, 
on  the  first  ballot 
Blaine  had  3  votes,  and 

Arthur  1,  to  40  for  Lo-  '^™  ®-  blainb. 

gan,  and  in  Ohio  Blaine  had  21  votes  to  25  for  Sherman.  There  were 
comparatively  few  of  the  States  that  voted  solidly  for  any  one  candi- 
date. 

For  Vice  President  the  current  set  all  one  way,  General  Logan 
having  779  votes,  to  3  for  Walter  Q.  Gresham,  of  India;na,  and  1  for 
J.  B.  Foraker,  of  Ohio. 

Bliiine's  nomination,  however,  was  not  accepted  by  all  Repub- 
licans. June  7th,  tht  day  after  the  nomination  was  made,  the  New 
York  Times  said:    "The  Times  will  not  supi>ort  Mr.  Blaine  for  the 


■■m:SSssmsxs:^s^m^^iMii^e!ii&ii^iimi:'srw&/,:i!msssmii 


,!^iA^mJimW^»X,Ai^^-^f'STS0m^ 


884 


HlHTOllY  OP  THE  RKPUMLICAN  PAKTY. 


WH! 


Presidency.  It  will  advise  no  man  to  vote  for  him."  It  predicted  Iiih 
defeat,  and  furtlier  declared:  "That  defeat  will  be  the  salvation  of 
the  Repnblican  party.  It  will  arouse  its  torpid  con8<ience;  it  will  stir 
it  to  self-purifl cation;  it  will  depose  the  false  leaders  who  have 
fastened  themselres  upon  it;  it  will  send  the  rogues  to  the  background 
and  will  make  the  party  once  more  worthy  of  honor  and  of  power  in 
the  Republic  it  has  so  nobly  served."  The  New  York  Evening  Post 
and  the  Boston  Advertiser,  which  had,  before  that,  been  Republican, 
also  bolted  the  ticket,  as  did  also  the  Boston  Herald  and  the  Bpring 
field  Republican,  which  had  been  Independent,  with  Republican 
leanings. 

But  the  metropolitan  paper  which,  of  those  that  had  been  Repub- 
lican, was  the  bitterest  against  Blaine,  was  Harper's  Wwkly.    Its 
editor,  George   William  Curtis,  was   a  delegate  to  the   Convention. 
When  the  resolution  was  pending,  declaring  that  every  member  of  the 
Convention  was  bound  in  honor  to  support  the  nominee,  whoever  he 
might  be,  and  that  no  man  should  hold  a  seat  who  was  not  ready  to 
so  agree,  Mr.  Curtis,  in  a  burst  of  virtuous  indignation,  referred  to 
the  example  of  Joshua  R.  Giddings  in  leaving  the  Convention  in  1856, 
and  added:    "Well,  gentlemen,  he  yielded  to  persuasion,  and  took  his 
seat,  and  \)efore  that  Convention  proceeded  to  its  nomination,  by  a 
universal  roar    of    assent,  the    Republican    party  then    assembled 
declared,  without  one  word  of  doubt  or  dissent,  that  no  sound  should 
ever  be  heard  in  a  Republican  Convention  that  in  the  slightest  degre.' 
reflected  upon  the  honor,  or  upon  the  loyalty  of  the  men  who  took 
part  in  that  Convention."    After  the  nomination  for  President  was 
made,  instead  of  following  the  example  of  Mr.  Giddings  in  1856,  or 
pursuing  the  cour«e  taken  by  the  Silver  Republicans  at  St.  Louis  in 
1896,  in  leaving  the  Convention,  with  a  protest,  Mr.  Curtis  remained 
taking  part  in  the  rest  of  the  proceedings,  till  the  close.      It  was  not 
until  af  er  he  had  returned  to  New  York,  and  had  his  conscience  vac- 
cinated by  the  employers  who  were  paying  him  a  largp  salary,  that  he 
decided  whether  he  should  abide  by  the  ordinary  rules  of  political 
honor  or  not.    Having  come  to  the  determination,  he  was  one  of  the 
bitterest  and  most  unjust  of  Blaine's  assailants.    He  doubtless  injured 
Blaine  in  the  campaign,  but  himself  lost  caste  with  the  party  more 
rapidly  than  any  other  political  leader  of  that  generation. 

The  most  potent  factor  in  the  early  stages  of  the  campaign,  how- 
ever, was  an  organization,  called  at  first  "Independent  Republicans," 
and  afterwards  "Mugwumps."    This  association  was  organized  in 


saes 


mmm 


'  It  predicted  bin 
t*  the  BalvatioD  of 
idenoe;  It  will  »tlr 
eaders  who  have 
to  the  background 
r  and  of  power  in 
ork  Evening  PoHt 
,  been  Republican, 
Id  and  the  Spring 
with   Republican 

t  had  been  Reptlb- 
)er'8  Weekly.  Its 
a  the  Convention, 
ery  member  of  the 
uinee,  whoever  he 
I  was  not  ready  to 
lation,  referred  to 
'onvention  in  1856, 
i8ion,  and  took  hif) 

nomination,  by  a 
^  then  assembled 
It  no  sound  should 
he  slightest  degre*' 
the  men  who  took 
for  President  was 
ddings  in  1856,  or 
ms  at  St.  Louis  in 
p.  Curtis  remained 
close.  It  was  not 
his  conscience  vac- 
irge  salary,  that  he 
J  rules  of  political 

he  was  one  of  the 
e  doubtless  injured 
Ith  the  party  more 
leration. 

the  campaign,  how- 
dent  Republicans," 

was  organized  in 


mVE  '      mTH  UEIM  HLICAN  <X)NVENTIC)N. 


:tHn 


Hoston  In  J)»^  #**«er.  \m\,  and  on  May  12,  sent  a  circular  to  the  Repub- 
Moan  >  'OM*!  '  i^entlon  In  reference  to  the  character  of  the  men 
who  »►  AtA  b«  nouilnatcd.  Being  Ignored  by  the  Convention,  it  held 
a  mef  ofr  in  New  York,  June  16,  and  adopted  a  preamble,  declaring 
that  *iialiie  and  Ix)gan  were  nominated  -in  absolute  disregard  of  the 
n.fori»  sentiments  of  the  Natltm."  The  meeting  als«»  resolved:  'That 
it  is  our  convl<tion  that  the  country  will  be  better  served  by  opiMming 
these  nominations  than  by  supiM»rting  them;  and  that  we  IcMik  with 
solicitude  to  the  coming  nominations  by  the  Democratic  party;  they 
have  the  proiier  men;  we  hoi»e  they  will  put  them  before  the  people." 
This  was  intended  as  an  offer  of  Indeiiendent  Republican  support  to 
drover  Cleveland,  in  case  he  should  be  nominated,  and  was  so  under- 
stood at  the  Democratic  Convention  which  met  at  Chicago,  July  8, 

1884. 

That  Convention  was  called  to  order  by  the  Chairman  of  the 
National  Committee,  William  H.  Barnum.  of  Connecticut,  and  Rlchanl 

D.  Hubbard,  of  Texas,  was  made  temiwrary  (Chairman.  Without 
waiting  for  permanent  organization,  Tammany  Hall,  which  was  hostile 
to  Cleveland  on  account  of  his  course  while  Governor  of  New  York, 
made  an  effort  to  break  down  the  unit  rule,  In  order  to  divide  the  New 
York  delegation.  Tills  delegation  had  not, been  instructed  for  Cleve- 
land, but  had  been  instructed  to  vote  as  a  unit.  Tamnmny's  effort 
failed,  and  with  the  failure  went  much  of  Tammany's  chance  of  inau- 
encing  the  nomination.  William  F.  Vilas,  of  Wisconsin,  was  made 
permanent  President  of  the  Convention,  and  while  waiting  for  the 
report  of  the  Platform  Committee,  a  day  was  spent  in  naming  candi- 
dates for  the  Presidency,  the  following  being  formally  presented: 
Allen  G.  Thurman,  of  Ohio;  Thomas  P.  Bayard,  of  Delaware;  Joseph 

E.  McDonald,  of  Indiana;  John  G.  ('arlisle,  of  Kentucky;  Samuel  J. 
Randall,  of  Pennsylvania,  and  Grover  Cleveland,  of  New  York. 

The  platform  adopted  was  inordinately  long,  and  prefaced  its 
promises  of  what  the  Democrats  would  do  by  the  following  recapitula- 
tion of  the  Republican  sins  of  commission: 

The  Republican  party,  so  far  as  principle  is  concerned,  is  a  remin- 
iscence. In  practice  it  is  an  organization  for  enriching  those  who 
control  its  machinery.  The  frauds  and  jobbery  which  have  been 
brought  to  light  in  every  Department  of  the  Government,  are  sufficient 
to  have  called  for  reform  within  the  Republican  party;  yet  those  in 
authority,  made  reckless  by  long  possession  of  power,  have  succumbed 
to  its  corrupting  influence,  and  have  placed  in  nomination  a  ticket 


;ay«i!yMjytji^aii^<.^4!i«»*»ia>iig«»»!iaww&t^  - 


^-^  -i^'-i*&sfe«W=.i''*S*ff^-^'* 


iim 


HIHTOUY  OFTHK  KKITIILK'AN  PARTY. 


iigaiiitt  which  the  indeuondent  portion  of  th<>  purty  are  in  open  revolt. 
Therefore  a  chanfte  ii  demanded.     Huch  a  ehanRe  was  alilte  necei««ar.v 
in  lH7fl,  bnt  the  will  of  the  i)^«>ple  was  then  defeated  b.v  a  fratid  whirh 
♦•an    never   be   forgotten  or  4>ondoned.     Again    in    1880   the  change 
demanded  by  the  jMHiple  wa«  defeated  by  the  laviah  ute  of  nion<>y. 
contributed  by  unBcrupulous  contractora  and  Hhauieleaa  Jobliera,  who 
had  bargained  for  unlawful  proftts  (»r  high  offlre.    I^ie  Republican 
party  during  its  legal,  ItH  utt^len,  and  itH  bought  tenureii  of  {lower,  ban 
steadily  decayed  in  moral  «•  Saracter  and  political  capacity.    Ita  plat- 
form promiaea  are  now  a  list  of  ita  paat  failurea.     It  denianda  the 
reatoration  of  our  Navy — it  has  squandered  hundreds  of  millions  of 
dollars  to  create  a  Navy  that  does  not  exist.    It  calls  uiton  (^ongresH 
to  remove  the   burdens  under  which  American  shipping    has    lieen 
depressed — it  imimsed  and  has  continued  those  burdens.    It  professes 
a  policy  of  reserving  the  public  lands  for  small  holdings  by  actual 
settlers — It  has  given  away  the  people's  heritage,  till  now  n  few  rail- 
roads and  non-resident  aliens,  individual  and  corporate,  possess  a 
larger  area  than  that  of  all  our  farms  between  the  two  seas.    It  pro- 
fesses a  preference  for  free  institutions — it  organi7.ed  and  tried  to 
legalise  a  control  of  8tate  elections  by  Federal  troops.    It  professes 
a  desire  to  elevate  labor — it  has  subjugated  American  workingmen  to 
the  competition  of  convict  and  imported  contract  labor.    It  professes 
gratitude  to  all  who  were  disabled  or  died  in  the  war,  leaving  widows 
and  orphans — it  left  to  a  Democratic  House  of  Representatives  the 
first  effort  to  equalize  both  bounty  and  pensions.     It  proffers  a  pledge 
to  correct  the  irregplarities  of  tariff — it  created  and  has  continued 
them.    Its  own  Tariff  Commission  confess  the  needs  of  more  than 
twenty  per  cent,  reduction — its  Congress  gave  a  reduction  of  less  than 
four  per  cent.    It  professes  the  protection  of  American  manufacturers 
— it  has  subjected  them  to  an  increasing  flood  of  manufactured  goods 
and  a  hopeless  competition  with  manufacturing  nations,  not  one  of 
which  taxes  raw  materials.    It  professes   to   protect  all    American 
industries — it  has  impoverished  many  to  snbsidixe  a  few.    It  professes 
the  protection  of   American   labor — it   has   depleted   the   return  of 
American  agriculture,  an  industry  followed  by  half  of  our  people 
It  professes  the  equality  of  all  men  before  the  law,  attempting  to  fix 
the  status  of  eo]oi«d  citizens — the  Acts  of  its  Congress  were  overset 
by  the  decisions  of  its  Courts.    It  ''accepts  anew  the  duty  of  leading 
in  the  work  of  progress  and  reform" — its  caught  criminals  are  per- 
mitted to  escape  through  contrived  delays  or  actual  connivance  in  the 
prosecution.    Honeycombed  with  corruption,  outbreaking  exposures 
no  longer  shocit  Its  moral  sense.     Its  honest  members,  its  independent 
journals  no  longer  maintain  a  successful  contest  for  authority  in  its 
councils,  or  a  veto  upon  bad  nominations.    That  change  is  necessary 
is  proved  by  an  existing  surplus  of  more  than  |100,000,(K)0,  which  has 
yearly  been  collected  from  a  suffering  people.    Unnecessary  taxation 
is  unjust  taxation.    We  denounce  the  Republican  party  for  having 
failed  to  relieve  the  people  from  crushing  war  taxes,  which  have 


■■ 


^-■1 


TY. 

e  in  open  if  volt. 
I  alike  nereMHMry 
».v  a  fraud  which 
I8HU   the  chanKe 
li  use  of  niou«'yi 
eRM  JobberH,  who 
Xhe  Repuhlicuii 
•en  of  power,  haH 
paclt.v.     Its  plat- 
It  demandii  the 
]r  of  millionfi  of 
H  ii|K)n  <^on|{re(tH 
ppinft    ban    lieeii 
•n8.    It  profesgem 
IdinKH  bv  aetual 
I  now  H  few  rail- 
orate,  poHtieHs  a 
wo  seaH.    It  pro- 
sed and  tried  to 
ps.    It  profeBseit 
n  workln^men  to 
)or.    It  profeBseH 
',  leavlnK  widown 
iresentatives  the 
profferii  a  pledge 
id  has  continued 
ds  of  more  than 
otlon  of  leflB  than 
in  manufaoturens 
nufactured  goodft 
tions,  not  one  of 
»ct  all    American 
'ew.    It  profeBseK 
•d   the   return  of 
If  of  our  people 
attempting  to  fix 
resB  were  overHet 
e  duty  of  leading 
nmlnalB  are  per- 
corinivanoe  In  the 
eaklng  exposureH 
8,  its  independent 
r  authority  in  its 
ange  is  necessary 
0«),(M)0,  which  has 
ecessary  taxation 
party  for  having 
ixes,  which  have 


THE  EKJHTII  UEIMJHUCAN  CONVENTION.         387 

purulyzed  buiilneRR,  crippled  industry,  and  deprived  labor  of  employ, 
ment  and  of  Just  reward. 

One  ballot  for  a  PreHldential  iioniinec  was  taken  on  the  evening 
of  the  third  day,  with  the  following  result: 

Orover  Cleveland,  of  New  York •192 

Thomas  A.  Ilayaid,  of  Delaware 170            , 

Allen  O.  Thuriiian,  of  Ohio .' 88 

Hamuel  -J.  Randall,  of  Pennsylvania 78 

Joseph  E.  McDonald,  of  Indiana 56 

John  O.  Carlisle,  of  Kentucky 27 

Hcattering 9 

Total  number  of  votes 820 

Necessary  to  choice  under  two  thirds  rule 547 

An  adjournment  was  hud  over  night.  During  the  Interval  the 
Indiana  delegation  withdrew  Jiisepb  E.  McDonald  and  substituted 
Thomas  A.  Hendricks  as  their  candidate,  in  the  hope  that 
this  might  cause  a  stampede  to  the  latter.  But  the  hope  was  delusive, 
for  on  the  second  ballot,  Cleveland  had  68a;  Bayard,  81  Mj;  Hendricks, 
451/2;  Thurmun,  4;  McDonald,  4;  Randall,  4.  Hendricks  was  then 
nominated  fgr  Vice-President  by  acclamation. 

The  year  1884  wos  a  year  of  conventions.  Previous  to  the  gather- 
ing of  the  two  great  parties  two  different  organizations  had  nominated 
Oeneial  Benjamin  F.  Butler,  of  Massachusetts,  for  President.  The 
first  of  these  was  a  party  which  had  came  suddenly  into  existence, 
and  called  itself  the  Anti-Monopoly  party.  It  met  at  Chicago,  May 
14,  and  named  Butler  as  its  Presidential  nominee  by  a  vote  of  122,  to  7 
for  Allen  O.  Thurmaji,  of  Ohio,  and  1  for  Solon  Chase,  of  Maine,  one  of 
the  original  Greenbackers.  The  nomination  of  a  Vice-President  was 
left  to  be  decided  by  the  National  Committee,  acting  in  co-operation 
with  the  Greenbackers.  The  latter  held  their  Convention  at  Indian- 
apolis, May  28,  and  on  the  first  ballot  gave  General  Butler  322  votes, 
to  99  for  Jesse  Harper,  of  Illinois;  2  for  Solon  Chase,  of  Maine;  1  for 
Edward  P.  AUis,  of  Wisconsin,  and  1  for  David  Davis,  of  Illinois. 
General  Alanson  M.  West,  of  Mississippi,  was  nominated  for  Vice- 
President.  General  Butler  accepted  both  nominations,  and  issued  an 
address  to  his  constituents  which  really  formed  the  platform  of  the 
combination.  It  was  decidedly  Populistic  in  its  utterances,  and  was 
flavored  with  spicy  criticisms  of  both  the  old  parties. 

A  straight  Prohibition  Convention  was  held  at  Pittsburg,  Pa , 
July  23,  and  nominated  John  P.  St.  John,  of  Kansas,  for  President, 


a^^M-'^-?^'^#^^^5§-^"'#^^^^^*^-^*g'->-'''-i'-^^ 


388 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BEPl  BLICAN  PARTY. 


W 


witK  William  Daniel,  of  Maryland,  for  Vice.  There  was  also  an 
American  Prohibition  Convention  at  Chicago,  Jnne  19,  which  named 
Samuel  C.  Pomeroy,  of  Kansas,  for  President,  and  John  A.  Conant,  of 
Connecticut,  for  Vice  President.  To  complete  the  list,  an  Equal 
Rights  Convention  met  at  Han  Francisco,  September  20,  and  nom- 
inated Belva  A.  Lockwood,  the  first  woman  admitted  to  the  bar  in  the 
District  of  Columbi<  for  President,  and  Marietta  L.  Snow,  of  Cali- 
fornia, as  second  on  the  ticket.  With  fine  satire  on  their  chances  they 
adopted  the  following  as  the  first  clause  in   their  platform:    "We 

pledge  ourselves,  tf 
elected  to  power,  so  far 
as  in  us  lies,  to  do  equal 
and  exact  justice  to 
every  class  of  our  citi- 
zens, without  distinc- 
tion of  color,  sex  or 
nationality." 

x^t  the  opening  of  the 
campaign    there    were 
several  elements  of 
uncertainty.    Cleveland 
had  been  a  remarkable 
vote-getter    in    several 
local  campaigns.    Erie 
county,  in  which  Buf- 
falo was  situated,  was 
generally     Republican, 
yet    in    1863    he    was 
chosen   Assistant   Dis- 
trict Attorney  for  the 
tiBQVER  CLEVELAND.  County,  and  in  1870  he 

was  elected  Sheriff.  In  1881  he  Was  elected  Mayor  o^  Buffalo,  by  a 
combination  of  three  or  four  parties  or  sections  of  parties,  and  served 
with  great  acceptance  to  the  Reform  elements  in  the  City.  He  waa 
in  great  luck  in  1882  when  he  ran  for  Governor  of  New  York,  for 
while  his  own  vote  was  less  than  800  in  excess  of  the  Democratic 
vote  for  President  two  years  earlier,  disaffection  among  the  Repub- 
licans reduced  the  vote  of  that  party  213,000  below  its  last  Presi- 
dential vote.  The  Republicans  in  1883,  however,  rallied  and  again 
carried  the  State. 


■:l>'..;:ii:ii-22SSi£SiSaaS£-;:.J;",':a£&V;iiili::; 


tTY. 

»re  was   also  an 
19,  which  named 
»hn  A.  Conant,  of 
I    list,  an    Equal 
»er  20,  and  nom- 
to  the  bar  in  the 
L  Snow,  of  Cali- 
heir  i-hanceB  they 
platform:    "We 
ge  ourselveB,    tf 
i  to  power,  so  far 
18  lies,  to  do  equal 
^xact    justice    to 
class  of  our  citi- 
without    distinc- 
at   color,    sex    or 
lality." 

the  opening  of  the 
lign    there    were 
r  a  1  elements  of 
tainty.    Cleveland 
>een  a  remarkable 
fetter    in    several 
campaigns.     Erie 
;y,  in  which  Buf- 
wtM  situated,  was 
ally     Republican, 
in    1863    he    was 
in   Assistant   Dis- 
Attorney  for  the 
ty,  and  in  1870  he 
*r  of  Buffalo,  by  a 
)artiie8,  and  served 
the  City.    He  was 
of  New  York,  for 
of  the  Democratic 
among  the  Repub- 
low  its  last  Presi- 
rallied  and  again 


THE  EIGHTH  REPUBLICAN  CONVENTION. 


389 


Tammany  continued  to  oppose  (Cleveland  even  after  the  nomina- 
tion, while  the  Independent  Republican  organization  favored  him. 
In  the  end,  however,  by  the  personal  solicitation  of  Thomas  A.  Hend- 
ricks, Democratic  candidate  for  Vice-President,  Tammany  was 
brought  into  line  for  the  New  York  candidate,  while  the  Mugwumps 
could  not  be  brought  over  to  the  support  of  the  man  from  Maine. 
The  unknown  strength  of  the  third  and  fourth  parties  added  to  the 
uncertainty.  While  it  was  expected  that  Butler's  candidacy  would 
injure  the  Democrats,  it  was  very  certain  that  St.  John  would  draw 
most  from  the  Republicans. 

The  campaign  early  took  a  personal  turn.  All  the  old  stories 
against  Blaine,  whether  refuted  or  not,  were  revived.  As  to  Cleve- 
land, plausible  evidence  was  offered  that  he  had  shamefully  neglected 
and  maltreated  the  inother  of  his  illegitimate  child,  and  that,  during 
the  war  he  hired  a  substitute,  whom  he  afterwards  suffered  to  die  in 
the  poorhouse.  Cleveland,  himself,  made  no  explanation  or  denial 
of  these  affairs,  and  probably  the  statements  did  not  very  materially 
affect  his  vote.  He  was  not  running  on  the  moral  character  of  his 
early  life,  nor  on  his  patriotism  in  the  war  period,  but  on  the  official 
career  of  hip  later  years. 

Mr.  Blaine's  letter  of  acceptance  was  a  statesmanlike  document, 
and  in  an  extended  campaign  tour  which  he  made  through  the  Middle 
and  Western  States,  where  he  was  received  with  unbounded  enthus- 
iasm, his  masterly  addresses  helped  his  prospf^cts.  Indiana  and 
Pennsylvania  had  changed  the  time  for  holding  their  State  elections 
from  October  to  November,  so  that  they  no  longer  furnished  pointers 
as  to  the  general  result.  But  Ohio  was  still  an  October  State,  and 
gave  a  Republican  taajority.  On  the  whole,  when  Blaine  finished  his 
Western  tour,  the  prospects  looked  favorable  for  the  Republicans, 
and  he  was  inclined  to  go  directly  to  his  home  in  Maine.  In  an  evil 
hour  he  was  overpersuaded,  by  some  of  the  party  leaders,  to  remain 
in  New  York,  for  receptions,  and  a  banquet  at  Delnuonico's.  One  of 
the  leaders  remarked  to  another  that  if  they  could  secure  Blaine's 
presence  at  the  banquet  it  would  be  "worth  a  thousand  dollars  a 
plate,"  and  as  campaign  funds  were  running  low,  subscriptions  of  a 
thousand  each  were  in  demand. 

Two  unfortunate  results  followed  this  breaking  into  Mr.  Blaine's 
plans.  His  meeting  so  many  of  the  rich  men  and  corporate  property- 
owners  at  a  banquet  was  used  to  his  disadvantage  with  the  class  of 
restless  and  dissatisfied  men,  who  were  half  inclined  to  vote  the  Anti- 


■fyjK-i^r;>^iU-.'.i.[ 


,.j,<iyai;^if.. 


390 


HISTORY  OP  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 


Moifopoly  ticket  anyway.    The  second  result  was  worse  yet.    Mr. 
Blaine's  mother  was  a  Roman  Catholic.    His  father  was  a  Presbyter- 
ian, and  on  one  occasion,  when  running  for  a  local  office  he  found  that 
his  prospects  of  election  were  injured  by  the  charge  that  he  was  a 
Catholic  b 'cause  his  wife  was.     He,  therefore,  went  to  the  priest 
for  a  certificate  of  non-membership,  which  was  given  him.    It  ran  as 
follows:    "This  is  td^ certify  that  Ephraim  L.  Blaine  is  not  now,  and 
never  was,  a  member  of  the  Catholic  Church.    Furthermore,  in  my 
opinion,   he  is  not  fit  to   be  a   member  of  any  church."    James  G. 
Blaine  once  described  his  own  religion  as  "Christianity  tinctured 
with  the  Presbyterianism  of  the  Blalnes  and  the  Catholicism  of  the 
Gillespies."    On    another   occasion    he  said:     "I    would   not,  for  a 
thousand  presidencies,  speak  a  disrespectful  word  of  my  mother's 
religion."    Partly  on  account  of  his  broad.  Catholic  spirit  in  religion, 
and  partly  on  account  of  what  was  called  his  "jingoism",  in  his  rela- 
tions with  foreign  nations  during  the  ten  months  of  his  service  as 
Secretary  of  State  under  Garfield  and  Arthur,  he  was  popular  with 
Irishmen  and  Catholics,  many  of  whom  were  his  avowed  supporters. 
This  fact  cost  him  some  Protestant  votes.    But  in  order  to  reassure 
him  on  this  score,  a  delegation  of  Protestant  clergymen  called  upon 
him  at  the  Fifth  Avenue  Hotel  in  New  York,  to  tell  him  that  he  had 
their    unwavering   support.    It  was   during   this   interview  that  a 
"misfit  preacher  named  Burchard,"  let  go  his  alliterative  description 
of  the  Democracy  as  the  party  of  "Rum,  Romanism  and  Rebellion.'" 
Blaine  did  not  catch  the  words  at  the  time,  or  he  would  undoubtedly 
have  been  quick-witted  enough  to  resent,  or  at  least  to  repudiate,  the 
expression,  which  was  used  greatly  to  his  disadvantage  during  the 
short  remaining  time  of  the  campaign. 

In  the  election  New  York  turnt-d  the  scale  against  Blaine,  by 
giving  the  Cleveland  Electors  1,149  plurality  in  a  total  vote  of  1,167, 
169.  The  totW  EMectoral  vote  was,  for  Cleveland,  219;  Blaine,  182. 
Cleveland  had  the  votes  of  the  Solid  South,  together  with  those  of 
Connecticut,  New  York,  New  Jersey  and  Indiana.  Tbe  i>opular  vote 
is  given  as:  Democratic  electors,  4,874,986;  Republican  electors. 
4,861^981;  Butler  electors,  175,370;  Prohibition,  150,369.  Both  the 
Denu>cratic  and  Republican  electors,  however,  received  credit, 
through  fusion^  for  some  votes  that  properly  belonged  to  the  Green- 
back and  Anti-Monopoly  parties.  In  Iowa  the  fusion  was  between 
the  Greenbackers  and  Democrats,  and  the  whole  vote  is  credited  in 
the  Cleveland  column.     In  Wi8C<insin  it  was  between  the  Greenback- 


IMI 


%-J«^¥i.'Mr,^m  s-m^v'^^tT' 


#■ 


RTY. 

worse  yet.  Mr. 
was  a  Presbyter- 
Bce  he  found  that 
;e  that  he  was  n 
mt  to  the  priest 
n  him.  It  ran  as 
s  is  not  now,  and 
rthermore,  in  my 
iirch."  James  G. 
itianity  tinctured 
iatholicism  of  the 
ivould  not,  for  a 
I  of  my  mother's 
spirit  in  religion, 
oiftm".in  his  rela- 
of  his  service  as 
was  popular  with 
?^owed  supporters, 
order  to  reassure 
ymen  called  upon 
1  him  that  he  had 
interview  that  a 
rative  description 
n  and  Rebellion.'' 
rould  undoubtedly 
t  to  repudiate,  the 
mtage  during  the 

gainst  Blaine,  by 
»tal  vote  of  1,167, 

219;  Blaine,  182. 
her  with  those  of 

The  i>opular  vote 
publican  electors. 
50,369.      Both  the 

received  credit, 
iged  to  the  Oreen- 
sion  was  between 
rote  is  credited  in 
en  the  Greenback- 


THE  EIGHTH  REPUBLICAN  CONVENTION.         891 

era  and   Republicans,  and   the  vote  is  credited   to  B?^lne.    Similar 
fusions  were  made  in  a  few  other  states. 

Blaine's  defeat  by  such  a  narrow  margin  in  New  York  State  was 
a  great  disappointment  to  his  supporters.  It  required,  to  accomplish 
it,  the  combined  effects  of  Senator  Conkling's  personal  hostility  and 
political  influence,  the  Mugwumps,  the  Prohibition  vote,  which  was 
drawn  largely  from  the  Republicans,  and  Burchard's  bad  break.  The 
wrath  of  the  Republicans  expended  itself  chiefly  upon  the  Mugwumps, 
and  in  a  secondary  way  upon  the  Prohibitionists.  But  little  was 
said  about  Conkling's  hostility,  which  was  perfectly  natural,  con- 
sidering the  past  relations  of  the  two  men.  As  to  Burchard,  he  was 
regarded  as  a  mysterious  dispensation  of  Providence.  Before  the 
next  election  he  turned  Democrat,  but  never  had  the  opportunity  to 
do  the  party  of  his  second  choice  tho  ill  service  that  he  did  the  party 
of  his  first  choice.  Blaine  himself  took  his  defeat  philosophically, 
and  occupied  his  time  in  retirement  and  in  travel,  until  called  to  tlio 
head  of  Harrison's  Cabinet  in  1889. 

Congress,   during   Cleveland's   Administration,    was   composed 
politically,  as  follows: 

Forty-ninth  Congress. 

Senate— Republicans,  41;  Democrats,  34. 

House— Republicans,  140;  Democrats,  182;  Nationals,  2. 

Fiftieth  Congress. 
Senate— Republicans,  39;  Democrats,  37. 
House— Republicans,  151;  Democrats,  170. 

In  Michigan  the  campaign  was  one  of  the  hottest  and  closest  in 
the  history  of  the  party.    The  vote  on  President  was: 

Blaine  and  Logan 192,669 

Fusion,  Democratic,  Greenback  and  Anti-Mon- 
opoly     189,361 

Butler  and  West,  Straight  Greenback. .... 763 

St.  John  and  Daniel • 18,403 

The  Presidential  Electors  chosen  were:  At  Ijarge— Dwight 
Cutler,  Joseph  B.  Moore.  By  Districts— (1)  James  McMillan;  (2) 
William  S.  Wilcox;  (3)  George  H.  French;  (4)  J.  Eastman  Johnson; 
(5)  George  G.  Steketee;  (6)  Josephns  Smith;  (7)  George  W.  Jenks;  (8) 
Charles  W.  Wells;  (9)  Lorenzo  A.  Barker;  (10)  Seth  McLean;  (11) 
John  Duncan. 


MiMil 


mm 


■      %; 


392  HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 

^e  vote  for  Governor  was  as  follows: 

Russell  A.  Alger,  Republican 190,840 

Josiah  W.  Begole,  Fusion 186,887 

David  Preston,  Prohibition 22,207 

Scattering *1* 

Of  the  Congressional  delegation  elected  at  this  time,  seven  were 
Democrats,  as  follows:  (1)  William  C.  Maybury;  (2)  Nathaniel  B. 
Eldridge;  (5)  Charles  C.  Comstock;  (6)  Edwin  B.  Winans;  (7)  Ezra  C. 
Carlton;  (8)  Timothy  E.  Tarsney;  (10)  Spencer  O.  Fisher.  The  Repub^ 
licans  elected  were:  (3)  James  O'Donnell;  (4)  Julius  C.  Burrows;  (9) 
Byron  M.  Cutcheon;  (11)  Seth  C.  Moffatt.  , 

At  the  election  occurring  in  the  middle  of  President  Cleveland's 
term,  the  vote  of  Michigan  for  Governor  was: 

Cyrus  G.  Luce,  Republican 181,474 

George  L.  Yaple,  Fusion... 174,042 

Samuel  Dickie,  Prohibitionist 25,179 

Imperfect  and  Scattering IW 

The  Congressional  delegation  chosen  at  this  time  contained  six 
Republicans,  as  follows:  (2)  Edward  P.  Allen;  (3)  James  O'Donnell; 
(4)  Julius  e.  Burrows;  (6)  Mark  S.  Brewer;  (9)  Byron  M.  Cutcheon; 
(11)  Seth  C.  Moffatt.  There  were  also  thfse  Ave  Democrats:  (1) 
John  Loger  Chipman;  (5)  Melbourne  H.  Ford;  (7)  Justin  R.  Whiting; 
(8)  Timothy  E.  Tarsney;  (10)  Spencer  O.  Fisher.  Mr.  Moifatt  died 
December  22,  1887,  and  Henry  W.  Seymour  was  chosen  at  a  special 
election  in  February,  1888,  to  fill  the  vacancy. 


!S^S..X_.i.:: 


■-.  ,V^i^^i*tf-  ^'  '  •-^-■1 


f-l^.'A\*Ai^t- 


tTY. 


..  190,840 

..  186,887 

. .  22,207 

414 

time,  seven  were 
(2)  Nathaniel  B. 
aanB',  (7)  Ezra  C. 
her.  The  Bepub-^ 
O.  Burrows;  (9) 


Ident  Cleveland's 

..  181,474 

. .  174,042 

. .     25,179 

190 

me  contained  six 
James  O'Donnell; 
ron  M.  Cutcheon; 
Democrats:  (1) 
istin  B.  Whiting; 
Mr.  Moffatt  died 
tosen  at  a  special 


XXX. 

CLEVELAND'^  FIRST  ADMINISTRATION. 

His  Civil  Service  Attitude  Pleases  Neither  the  Partisans  Nor  the 
Reformers— Coolness  Between  the  President  and  Vice-President 
—Selection  of  the  Cabinet-Repeal  of  the  TenureofOfflce  Act- 
Clean  Sweep  of  the  Oftces-^leveland's  Pension  Vetoes— Order 
for  RestoriuK  the  Southern  Flags— Resentment  of  the  Grand 
Army  Posts— Rebuilding  the  Navy— The  Electoral  Count  and 
Presidential  Succession  Acts— The  Inter-State  Commerce  Meas- 
ure—The Newfoundland  and  Alaska  Fisheries— The  Presidents 
Extraordinary  Tariff  Message— The  Mills  Bill  and  General  Tariff 
Discussion. 

The  consideration  of  President  Cleveland's  Administration  natur 
ally  divides  itself  into  topics,  instead  of  suggesting  the  treatment  of 
events  in  their  chronological  order.    In  the  matter  of  civil  service 
reform  he  offended  both  classes  of  his  supporters,  the  Democratic 
partisans  and  the  Mugwump  non-partisans,  the  former  by  his  profes 
sions  and  by  the  dilatory  manner  in  which  he  made  changes  in  office, 
and  the  latter  by  the  clean  sweep,  which  he  did  make  when  he  once 
commenced.    He  had  been  accepted  as  a  candidate  by  many  of  the 
Democratic  party  rather  a*  a  necessity  than  from  any  liking  they 
had  to  him,  and  he  was  not  very  popular  with  the  mass  of  the  party. 
This  was  shown  on  the  day  of  his  inauguration,  when  the  cheers  for 
him  were  faint  compared  with  those  which  went  up  from  the  crowd 
when  Vice-President  Hendricks'  carriage  appeared.    It  was  to  this 
discrimination  in  the  applaui^  that  many  ascribed  the  coolness  toward 
the  Vict  President  which  Cleveland  showed  up  to  the  time  of  Mr. 
Hendricks'  dwith.    A  month  after  the  inauguration  Mr.  Hendricks 
called  upon  the  President,  and  on  returning  to  his  rooms  said:    "I 
hoped  that  Mr.  Cleveland  would  put  the  Democratic  party  in  power, 
ic   fact    as    well    as    in    name,    but    he    does    not    intend    to    do 
it."      About    the    same    time    a    Southern    Congressman    said 


394 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 


■*; 


'■^i^iit^'.: 


;;.iv^---    /:*■ 


to  Hoiae  of  his  Democratic  friends:  "Gentlemen,  we've  got  a  big 
elephant  on  our  hands.  I  fear  there  will  be  some  disappointment 
about  the  offices."  The  appointment  of  his  Cabinet  furnished  no  indi- 
cation of  a  purpose  to  follow  out  the  spirit  of  the  Civil  Service  law, 
as  none  of  the  gentlemen  composing  it,  named  below,  had  made  any 
record  on  this  subject.  December  6,  1887,  Don  M.  Dickinson,  of 
Detroit,  succeeded  Postmaster  General  Vilas. 

Secretary  of  State— Thomas  F.  Bayard,  of  Delaware. 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury— Daniel  Manning,  of  New  York. 
Secretary  of  War— William  C.  Endlcott,  of  Massachusetts. 
Secretary  of  the  Navy— William  C.  Whitney,  of  New  York. 
Secretary  of  the  Interior— Lucius  Q.  C.  Lamar,  of  Mississippi. 
Postmaster  General— William  F.  Vilas,  of  Wisconsin. 
Attorney  General— Augustus  H.  Garland,  of  Arkansas. 

Though  the  Cabinet  appointments  included  no  "reformers," 
Cleveland  understood  that  his  Mugwump  support  was  due  quite 
largely  to  the  stand  he  had  taken  on  the  evils  of  Congressional  pat- 
ronage, and  he  had  promised  to  abate  this  so  far  as  he  could.  Hf; 
was  better  situated  for  doing  this  than  any  previous  President,  for 
the  Pendleton  Law,  passed  during  the  last  Administration,  required 
that  15,000  9f  the  offices  should  be  filled  by  nonpartisan  tests,  and 
authorized  the  President  to  extend  this  method  of  appointment.  But 
in  attempting  to  make  good  his  promises,  he  encountered  the  opposi- 
tion of  almost  every  Democratic  leader,  and  finally  of  Congress.  His 
first  clash  with  the  Senate  was  over  a  removal  from  office,  that  of  G. 
M.  Duskin,  District  Attorney  for  the  Southern  District  of  Alabama. 
It  was  made  during  a  recess  of  Congress,  and  when  the  Senate  again 
convened  it  called  on  him  for  the  reasons  for  his  action,  and  for  the 
papers  in  the  case.  This  he  refused,  in  a  strong  message,  taking  the 
ground  that  for  his  acts  of  removal  and  suspension  he  was  responsi- 
ble to  the  people  itlone,  and  not  to  the  Senate,  and  that  the  papers 
in  the  Duskin  case  were  of  a  private  nature.  The  ^nate  receded 
from  its  position,  and  three  months  later  Congress  ^  repealed  tl^e 
Tenure-ofOffice  Act,  which  had  been  passed  twenty  years  earlier  to 
prevent  Andrew  Johnson  from  removing  Executive  officer's  after  they 
had  been  confirmed  by  the  Senate.  This  left  Mr.  Cleveland  with  no 
check  on  his  power  to  remove  from  office.  In  1886  Congress  refused 
to  make  any  appropriation  for  the  salaries  or  expenses  of  the  Civil 
Service  Commissioner  3,  and  the  I'resident  then  surrendered.  Within 
a  year  from  that  time  he  had  m^de  a  clean  sweep  of  nearly  all  the 


lasaBK:. 


ITY. 

weWe  got  a  big 
disappointment 
irnished  no  indi- 
ivil  Service  law, 
V,  had  made  any 
I.  Dickinson,  of 

ware. 

'  New  York. 

isachusetts. 

New  York. 

)f  Mississippi. 

iconsin. 

kansas. 

no  "reformers," 
:  was  due  quite 
ongressional  pat- 
is  he  could.  H<: 
lis  President,  for 
tration,  required 
rtisan  tests,  and 
[)pointment.  But 
itered  the  opposi- 
)f  Congress.  His 
ofBce,  that  of  O. 
rict  of  Alabama, 
the  Senate  again 
;tion,  and  for  the 
ssage,  taking  the 
he  was  responsi- 
i  that  the  papers 
s  ^nate  receded 
>ss  =  repealed  tl^e 
f  years  earlier  to 
officers  after  they 
lleveland  with  no 
Congress  refused 
>nses  of  the  Civil 
endered.  Within 
of  nearly  all  the 


CLEVELAND'S  FIU8T  ADMINISTRATION.  895 

Presidential  postmasters,  foreign  ministers,  collectors  of  internal 
revenue,  district  attorneys,  marshals,  territorial  judges  and  i)ension 
agents,  while  40,000  of  the  62,600  fourth-class  postmasters  lost  their 
positions.  In  the  course  of  another  year  he  had  added  a  large  number 
more,  bringing  up  to  about  80,000  the  list  of  Republican  office-holders 
who  had  been  replaced  by  Democrats.  Such  wholesale  changes 
greatly  impaired  the  service,  as  well  as  the  President's  reputation  for 
sincerity.  Although  the  members  of  the  Cabinet  had,  before  this, 
made  no  public  record  on  the  Civil  Service  reform  matter,  they  made 
records  fast  enough  now.  Daniel  Manning,  of  the  Treasury  Depart 
ment,  and  Postmaster  General  Vilas,  especially,  took  delight  in  the 
official  slaughter.  When  Cleveland  first  took  office  it  was  given  out 
that  only  those  Republicans  who  were  guilty  of  "offensive  partisan- 
ship" would  be  removed,  but  in  these  later  stages  the  fact  that  a 
man  was  a  Republican  at  all  was  enough  to  set  him  upon  the  order 
of  his  going. 

In  1887  the  President  made  another  effort  to  disprove  the  asser- 
tion that  he  was  "no  Democrat."  Senator  Gorman  was  then  making 
a  desperate  effort  to  retain  his  political  hold  on  the  State  of  Mary 
land,  and  was  using  methods  that  rivaled  those  in  Louisiana  and 
South  Carolina.  It  was  stated  on  Democratic  authority  that,  in  Bal 
timore,  election  after  election  was  carried  by  the  grossest  frauds; 
that  to  stop  a  ballot  in  an  important  ward  murder  was  recognized  uh 
a  political  service;  that  ballot  boxes  were  opened  and  votes  taken 
out,  and  that  in  one  ward  nineteen  men  with  criminal  records,  drew 
pay  from  the  City  for  doing  political  work  of  doubtful  or  criminal 
character.  The  President,  by  his  appointments,  gave  Mr.  Gorman 
all  the  aid  that  h^  could,  and  this,  following  his  weakening  on  the 
Civil  Service  matter,  effectually  alienated  the  great  mass  of  reform 
voters. 

President  Cleveland  aroused  the  bitterest  feeling  among  the 
soldiers  of  the  country  by  the  number  and  character  of  his  pension 
vetoes.  During  the  two  sessions  of  the  Forty-ninth  Congress  alone, 
he  vetoed  more  bills  than  all  the  other  Presidents  combined,  from 
Washington  down.  In  all  864  ineasures  which  passed  this  Congress 
failed  of  his  approval,  though  167  of  these  became  laws,  by  lapse  of 
time,  without  his  signature.  Of  the  whole  number  300  were  private 
pension  bills,  and  he  wrote  123  separate  vetoes  on  these.  He  often 
sat  far  into  the  night,  laboriously  writing  out,  with  his  own  hand, 
these  long  veto  messages.    Some  of  them  were  insulting,  and  some  of 


306 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REriTBUrAN  PARTY. 


,    .  (*'•» 


'••         •>.. 


frtJ^ 


thenT  were  marked  by  cheap  wit  at  the  expense  of  the  wound*  and 
Hufferlng  of  the  soldiers.    They  gave  the  impression  of  personal  hos- 
tility to  every  man  that  wore  the  blue,  and,  coupled  with  his  own 
record  during  the  war,  made  the  most  effective  of  campaign  docu- 
mients  when  he  came  before  the  people  for  rt-election.    He  pursued 
the  same  polity  in  the  Fiftieth  Congress,  and  further  intensified  the 
feeling  against   himielf  by   vetoing  the  Dependent   Pension   Bill 
Worst  of  all  .was  his  order,  given  in  1887,  through  Adjutant  General 
Drum,  to  return  to  the  various  Southern  States  the  Rebel  flags  cap- 
tured during  the  war.    The  order  could  not  be  carried  out,  for  H 
was  illega,],  as  the  flags  were  in  the  custody  of  the  Government,  and 
could  be  removed  only  under  authority  of  an  Act  of  Congress.      But 
before  this  fact  became  generally  known  there  was  abundant  time, 
for  popular  indignation  to  find  expression.    General  Butler  called 
the  order  "an  attempt  to  mutilate  the  archives."    General  Sherman 
wrote:    "Of  course  I  know  Drum,  the  Adjutant  General.    He  has  no 
sympathy  with  the  Army  which  fought.    He  was  a  non-combatant. 
He  never  captured  a  flag,  and  values  it  only  at  its  commercial  value. 
He  did  not  think  of  the  blood  and  torture  of  battle;  nor  can  Endicott, 
the   Secretary   of   War,  or    Mr.    Cleveland."    Grand    Army    Posts, 
throughout  the  North,  passed  resolutions  denouncing  the  order  in 
the  strongest  terms.-   After  a  time  it  was  formally  revoked,  but  the 
impression  of  a  want  of  patriotism  on  Cleveland's  part  remained. 
Two  incidents  illustrate  the  intensity  of  the  feeling  on  this  subject. 
A  number  of  Grand  Army  Posts  in  Western  Pennsylvania,  West 
,  Virginia  and  Ohio,  held  a  camp  fire  at  Wheeling.    A  banner  had  been 
suspended  over  the  street  on  their  line  of  march,  bearing  the  Presi- 
dent's portrait,  with  the  inscription,  "God  Bless  our  President,  Com- 
mander-in-Chief of  our  Army  and  Navy."    Most  of  the  posts,  with 
colors  folded  and  reversed,  marched  around  this,  although  in  order 
to  do  so,  they  ha*  to  go  through  the  gutters.    Again,  the  National 
Encampment  of  ihe  Grand  Army  was  held  at  St.  Louis,  and  the 
President  had  accepted  an  invitation  to  be  present.    After  the  flag 
incident  he  withdrew  the  acceptance,  because  he  thought  it  his  duly 
to  protect  the  dignity  of  the  people's  highest  oftlce,  adding:   "If  among 
the  membership  of  that  body  there  are  some,  as  certainly  seems  to  be 
the  case,  determined  to  denounce  me  and   my  ofBcial  acts   at  the 
National  Encampment,  I  believe  that  they  should  be  permitted  to  do 
so,  unrestrwned  by  my  presence  as  a  guest  of  their  organisation,  or 
as  a  guest  of  the  hospitable  city  in  which  their  meeting  is  held." 


tmmmmm^m&f^vt^'i 


ltftv»«ei&*cj»'.:!  .^ 


ITY. 

the  wound*  and 
of  personal  ho8- 
>d  with  hi«  own 
campaign  docu- 
on.  He  pursued 
>r  intenaifled  the 
It  Pension  Bill 
idjutant  General 
Rebel  flags  cap- 
rried  out,  for  it 
Government,  and 
Congress.  But 
i  abundant  time, 
al  Butler  called 
General  Sherman 
pral.  He  has  no 
I  non-combatant, 
ommercial  value, 
nor  can  Endicott, 
id  Army  Posts, 
ing  the  order  in 
revoked,  but  the 
i  part  remained. 
;  on  this  subject, 
lusylvania,  West 
banner  had  been 
earing  the  Presi- 
'  President,  Com- 
!  the  posts,  with 
Ithough  in  order 
Etin,  the  National 
.Louis,  and  the 
.  After  the  flag 
ought  it  his  duiy 
[ding:'  "If  among 
ainly  seems  to  be 
icial  acts  at  the 
e  permitted  to  do 
r  organisation,  or 
ting  is  held." 


CLEVELAND'S  FIRST  ADMINISTRATION. 


897 


President  Cleveland  was  very  fortunate  in  his  selection  of  a 
Secretary  of  the  Navy.    William  C.  Whitney  was  a  lawyer  of  high 
standing  in  New  York  City,  but  he  was  also  a  practical  man  of  affiUrs, 
and  he  soon  had  a  thorough  knowledge  of  the  business  of  his  depart- 
ment.   The  American  Navy  had  gone  to  decay  very  rapidly  after  the 
war,  and  in  1881  was  in  a  de<?idedly  unserviwable  condition.    Under 
the  Garfleld  Administration,  Secretary  Hunt  secured  the  appointment 
of  a  Naval  Advisory  Board  of  capable  and  ex|)erienced  men.    Then 
President  Arthur's  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  William  E.  Chandler,  of 
New  Hampshire,  dinned  into  the  ears  of  Congress  such  notes  of  alarm 
as  to  prepare  that  body  for  the  rehabilitation,  in  a  comprehensive 
way,  of  that  branch  of  our  service.    The  final  report  of  the  Advisory 
Board  recommended  that,  within  the  next  eight  years,  |30,000,000 
should   be  expended  on  the   Navy,  and  it  was  estimated   that  this 
would  construct  twenty-one  ironclads,  seventy  unarmored  cruisers, 
five  rams,  Ave  torpedo  gunboats,  and  twenty  torpedo  boats.      There 
was  objection  in  Congress  to  making  a  beginning  that  looked  to  so 
large  an  expenditure.    Some  even  declared  that  the  United  States 
did  not  need  a  large  Navy,  as  we  were  certain  to  have  no  more  civil 
war,  and  not  likely  to  be  engaged  in  any  foreign  war.    But  Secretary 
Chandler's  lonnsels  prevailed,  and  the  Forty-sixth  Congress  author- 
ised the  construction  of  three  unarmored  cruisers.    The  work  was 
continued  through  Secretary  Chandler's  term  of  offlw,  was  taken  up 
with  seal  by  Secretary  Whitney  and  continued  through  President 
Harrison's  Administration.      Up  to  the  time  of  the  meeting  of  Con 
gress  in  December,  1894,  forty-seven  vessels  were  either  in  commission 
or  under  construction,  including  the  battleships  Oregon,  Massachu 
setts,  Indiana  and  Iowa,  which  rendered  such  efflcient  service  four 
years  later  in  the  war  with  Spain. 

Although  the  Senate  was  of  one  stripe  in  politics  and  the  House 
another,  and  neither  was  in  full  accord  with  the  President,  three 
important  Acts,  of  a  non-partisan  character,  marked  this  Adminis- 
tration. Two  of  these,  though  non-partisan,  were  of  a  political 
nature;  the  Electoral  Count  Act  and  the  Presidential  Succession 
Act.  These,  as  passed,  were  practically  the  same  as  the  measures 
introduced  during  the  Arthur  Administration,  and  explained  in  some 
detail  in  a  previous  chanter  of  this  book.  The  first  of  the  two,, 
which  provides  for  settling  Electoral  count  disputes  within  the 
dtates,  and  requires  the  concurrent  action  of  both  Houses  of  Con- 
gress to  reject  an  Electoral  vote,  passed  the  Senate  without  division 


RBB 


fsm 


•.f 


i     »  ,    , 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 

and  tfie  HouHe  by  a  vote  of  141  to  100.  It  bocame  a  law  by  the  aigna- 
ture  of  the  President,  March  3, 1887.  The  Bccond  of  the  two  meaanrea 
pasaea  the  Preaidential  Bucceaaion  through  the  Cabinet,  instead  of 
making  the  Preaident  of  the  Senate  and  Speaker  of  the  House  eligi- 
ble to  that  office.  It  has  two  manifeat  advantagea  over  the  old  law 
of  Buoeeasion,  in  that  the  (Cabinet  ofltcea  are  never  entirely  vacant, 
and  the  Cabinet  is  miide  up  of  men  of  the  game  political  faith  aa  the 
PrcBident.  This  alBo  passed  the  Senate  without  diviaion,  and  the 
HouHe  by  a  vote  of  185  to  77.    It  waa  signed,  January  18, 1886. 

Another  inheritance  from  former  Congresses  was  the  Inter-State 
Commerce  Measure.  A  Bill  to  establish  an  Inter-State  Commerce 
Commission  was  first  introduced  in  the  Forty-sixth  Congress  in  1879>: 
but  it  failed  in  the  House.  It  was  reintroduced  in  the  Forty-seventh 
Congress,  when  many  facts  brought  out  by  an  investigation  of  the 
New  York  Railroads  in  1879  were  given  wide  publicity.  The  unre- 
strained power  of  railroads  to  make  such  charges  as  they  chose,  or, 
att  one  of  the  railroad  magnates  put  it,  to  charge  "as  much  as  the 
traffic  will  bear,"  was  the  cause  of  great  uncertainty  and  loss  to  busi- 
ness. In  many  articles  the  cost  of  transportation  had  such  an 
important  effect  upon  the  price  at  which  goods  could  be  sold  with 
any  chance  for  profit,  that  it  was  easy  for  the  railroads  to  enrich 
one  man  and  impoverish  another  in  the  same  line  of  business,  and 
this  power  often  led  to  corruption  of  the  railroad  officials  themselveM. 
It  was  shown  in  the  investigation  mentioned  that  the  milling  busi- 
ness of  certain  towns  in  Northern  New  York  waa  ruined  by  the  rail- 
roads granting  rates  which  were  more  favorable  to  Minneapolis  and 
other  Western  points.  The  merchants  of  New  York  complained  that 
discriminating  ratea  were  driving  trade  from  that  city  to  Baltimore. 
Where  there  were  competing  railroads  the  long  hauls  of  freight 
were  almost  invariably  lower  in  rate  per  mile  than  short  hauls.  Man- 
ufacturers in  Rochester,  New  York,  desiring  to  send  goods  to  San 
Francisco,  found  it  cheaper  to  ship  them  first  to  New  York  City,  the 
goods  going  through  Rochester  again  on  their  way  Westward.  Tl^e 
subject  was  agitated  at  every  session  of  Congress  till  the  last  of  the 
Forty-ninth  Congress,  when  a  Bill  passed  for  regulating  "freight  and 
passenger  rates,  and  appointing  an  Int^r-State  Commerce  Commis- 
sion. It  was  signed' February  4,  1887.  It  forbade  special  rates  to 
special  shippers,  and  provided  that  all  charges  for  the  transportation 
of  passengers  or  property  from  State  to  State,  or  from  this  to  a 
foreign  country  should  be  "just  aijd  reasonable."    It  forbade  rebates, 


TY. 

iw  by  the  •igna- 
be  two  measnrea 
tinet.  infltead  of 
the  Houie  eltgi- 
>ver  the  old  law 
entirely  vacant, 
ical  faith  as  the 
iviBion,  and  the 
r  18,  1886. 
8  the  Inter-Stat^ 
State  Gommerce 
^ongresR  in  1879^ 
lie  Forty-seventh 
istigation  of  the 
Icity.  The  unre- 
B  they  chose,  or, 
'as  much  as  the 
and  loss  to  busi- 
>n  had  such  an 
lid  be  Bold  with 
ilroads  to  enrich 
of  business,  and 
cials  themselves, 
the  milling  bnsi- 
lined  by  the  rail- 
Minneapolis  and 
complained  that 
ity  to  Baltimore. 
haulB  of  freight 
iiort  hauls.  Man- 
nd  goods  to  San 
w  York  City,  the 
Westward.  Tl^e 
ill  the  last  of  the 
iiting  freight  and 
mmerce  Gommis- 
>  special  rates  to 
tie  transportation 
r  from  this  to  a 
;  forbade  rebates, 


CLEVELAND'S  FIKST  AOMINIBTRATION. 


300 


drawbacks,  unjust  discriminations  and  nil  undue  or  unreasonable 
preferences,  and  re«iuired  that  freight  turllTs  ahould  be  conspicuously 
(tosted,  and  that  they  should,  In  no  case,  be  advanced  without  ten 
days'  previous  notice!  It  provided  for  the  ap|iolntment  of  a  Commis- 
sion of  Ave  members,  at  the  head  of  which,  for  some  years,  was 
Thomas  M.  Cooley,  of  Michigan,  an  admirable  selection  for  the  place. 
This  Commission  was  open  to  complaints  from  any  person  or  corpor- 
ation, and  was  required  to  investigate  all  charges  so  made.  It  had 
the  power  to  direct  railways  to  remedy  evils  complained  of,  und  'n 
case  of  refusal  to  comply  with  its  requirements,  It  might  bring  siiii 
In  the  United  States  Courts,  against  the  ofHcers  of  the  off^ ,  iiug 
road.  It  required  a  uniform  system  of  book-keeping  for  the  different 
roads,  with  annual  reports  of  their  business  and  financial  condition. 
It  prohibited  "pooling"  between  different  roads,  and  prohibited  any 
greater  compensation  for  a  shorter  haul  of  freight  or  passengers  than 
for  a  longer  haul  over  the  same  line,  and  in  the  same  direction 
though  the  Commissioners  were  empowered  to  suspend  the  operation 
of  this  clause  when  its  enforcement  was  likely  to  give  Canadian  rail- 
roads an  advantage  over  those  in  this  country,  or  to  throw  the  traffic 
into  the  hands  of  carriers  by  water.  This  Act,  with  occasional  modi- 
fications by  legislation  or  court  interpretations,  has  been  in  operation 
ever  since  its  first  enactment.  It  has  not  remedied  all  the  evils  com- 
plained of,  but  it  has  been  of  great  benefit  to  shippers. 

Much  excitement  was  occasioned  during  this  period  by  disputes 
over  the  Newfoundland  cod  and  mackerel  fisheries  and  the  Alaska 
seal  fisheries.  The  fishery  clause  of  the  Treaty  of  Washington  ceased 
to  be  operative  July  1, 1885,  and  as  nothing  else  had  been  substltutetl 
for  it,  the  Treaty  df  1818  again  became  in  force.  Under  this  treaty 
American  vessels  could  not  enter  Canadian  ports  for  bait,  nor  fish 
within  three  marine  miles  of  any  of  the  coasts,  bays  or  harbors  of  aiiy 
of  Her  Majesty's  dominions  in  North  America.  In  determining  these 
limits  England  measured  from  headland  to  headland  at  the  entrance 
of  bays  or  indents  of  the  coast,  thus  shuttiiig  the  Americans  out  of 
all  the  bays,  even  though  they  might  be  more  than  three  miles  from 
the  nearest  coast  line.  As  we  were  then  collecting  a  customs  duty 
on  Canadian  salt  fish,  the  Canadians  were  inclined  to  enforce  the 
harsh  provisions  of  this  treaty  with  the  utmost  rigor.  Several  of 
our  fishing  vessels  were  detained  in  Canadian  ports  and  for  some 
weeks  the  excitement  over  the  subjecjic  was  great.  In  May,  1886,  Con- 
gress gave  the  President  power  to  suspend  commercial   relations 


mmm 


400 


HIHTOHY  OF  THE  UEITBLirAN  PAHTY. 


-  ,*■-.       ., 


wifb  ranada.  and  later  a  Bill  wan  Introdmed  In  the  Hoiimo  making 
■nrli  HUHpenRion  absolntc  without  reference  to  the  President.  A  more 
moderate  meaaure  was  Anally  adopted,  whioh  provided  that  the  Prei- 
Ident,  on  belnjc  asaured  that  our  flshing  maRtera  or  rrewa  were  used 
in  t'anadian  iiorta  any  lean  favorably  than  the  maatera  or  trewa  of 
tradiuK  veaaela  from  the  moat  favored  nationa,  rould,  *'ln  hla  diacre- 
tion,  by  proclamation  to  that  effect,  deny  veaaela,  their  maatera  and 
crewa,  of  the  Itrltlah  dominlona  of  North  Amerhu.  any  entrance  Into 
the  waters,  iMirta  or  places  within  the  Ignited  Htatea."  The  President 
did  not  uae  thia  iwwer,  but  arranged  with  Oreat  Britain  for  a  joint 
(Commission  to  consider  the  whole  matter.  Thia  Commission  con- 
sisted of  Secretary  Bayard,  President  Angell,  of  Michigan  University, 
and  William  L.  Putnam,  of  Maine,  on  the  part  of  the  United  Htates, 
and  Joseph  Chamberlain,  81r  Charles  Tupper,  of  Canada,  and  the 
British  Minister  at  Washington,  Hlr  Lionel  West.  The  three  months' 
deliberations  of  the  Commission  resulted  in  an  arrangement  that  was 
aatiatactory  to  neither  <ountry.  and  it  was  rejected  by  the  Senate. 
Meantime  the  excitement  had  died  down,  and  the  matter  settled 
itaelf.  American  flahermen  became  acctistomed  to  carrying  their 
bait  and  provisions  from  home,  and  no  longer  cared  to  visit  the  Cana- 
dian  seaport  towns.  The  only  losers,  in  the  end,  were  those 
Canadians  who  were  making  part  of  their  living  by  selling  bait,  pro- 
visions and  marine  sundries  to  the  outside  fishermen. 

In  the  matter  of  the  A!aakan  seal  fisheries  the  British  considered 
themselves  the  aggrieve'^  parties.  In  order  to  prevent  poaching  and 
to  preserve  the  seals,  tho  United  States  set  up  the  claim  that  the 
Behring  Sea  was  a  closed  sea,  ond  a  number  of  British  vessels  were 
aeiaed  and  condemned,  their  skina  confiscated  and  their  masters 
fined.  The  release  of  the  vessels  was  demanded  by  the  British  Gov- 
ernment, and  ordered  by  President  Cleveland.  In  August,  1887,  cir- 
cular letters  were  sent  by  Secretary  Bayard  to  the  United  States 
Ministera  in  England,  France,  Germany,  Japan,  Russia  and  Sweden, 
asking  the  co-operation  of  those  countries  in  settling  pending  dis- 
putes, and  in  determining  the  beat  methods  of  regulating  the  aeal 
fisheries.  All  the  powers  appealed  to.  except  Sweden,-  assented  to 
the  conference,  but  it  was  not  until  1892,  during  President  Harri- 
son's Administration,  that  a  treaty  was  agreed  to,  referring  the  whole 
matter  to  seven  (Commissioners,  one  each  from  Canada,  Great  Britain, 
Sweden,  France  and  Italy,  and  two  from  the  United  States.  The 
Coromisaion  gave  the  following  decisions  on  pointa  aubmitted  to 


HI 


HTY. 

le  lloiiHo  iiiakinK 
'eHid<>nt.  A  inon» 
led  that  tlw  Pret- 
orewB  wen'  used 
iter«  or  crewB  of 
Id,  "in  his  disvre- 
hcir  inaRterH  and 
my  entranw  Into 
"  The  President 
iritain  for  a  joint 
ComnilsHlon  oon- 
blKan  University, 
he  United  Htates, 

(*anada,  and  the 
rhe  three  months' 
ngement  that  was 
!id  by  the  Senate. 
le  matter  settled 
to  carrying  their 
to  visit  the  Cana- 
end,  were  those 
'  selling  bait,  pro- 
en. 

British  considered 
rent  poaching  and 
lie  claim  that  the 
itish  vessels  were 
nd  their  masters 
Y  the  British  Gov- 
August,  1887,  cir- 
the  United  Btates 
issia  and  Sweden, 
tling  pending  dis- 
}guliiting  the  seal 
eden,  assented  to 

President  Harri- 
eferring  the  whole 
Ida,  Great  Britain, 
lited  States.  The 
Ints  submitted  to 


CLKVKLAXIVH  FIHHT  ADMINIHTHATION. 


401 


It:  (1)  By  the  Treaty  of  1H*J4  with  the  Inlted  Htates  and  by  that  of 
1HL»B  with  Ureat  Hrltnln,  HiiMHia  ubnndoned  the  right  ot  exeluslve 
jnilwlletlon  beyond  eannon  nliot  from  nhore,  and  never,  from  that 
day  till  the  lesslon  of  Alaska,  exereised  it.  (U)  Oreat  Britain  never 
reeognUed  Russlun  rialms  to  exj-lusive  Jurisdiction  outside  of  terri- 
torial waters.  (8)  In  the  Anglo  Hussian  Treaty  of  1825  the  term 
•I'aeifle  Ocean"  includ«'<i  Hehrlng  Hea.  {4)  At  the  cession  all  Russia's 
rights  iMSsed  to  the  United  Htates  without  impaltment  or  Increase. 
(5)  The  United  Htates  has  no  right  to  the  protection  of,  or  to  proi>- 
erty  in,  seals  outside  the  ordinary  three-mile  limit.  These  decisions, 
with  the  exception  of  point  f«)ur  were  all  against  the  contentions  of 
the  United  Htates.  The  Boanl  also  nmde  provision  for  a  joint  police 
of  Behring  Hea,  by  (heat  Itritain  and  the  United  Htates,  for  an  open 
and  clostHl  season,  and  for  the  licensing  of  sealing  vessels.  These 
latter  provisions  have  probably  deferred  for  many  years  the  final 
extinction  of  the  seal  in  these  waters. 

During  the  last  puit  of  Ulevelnnd's  flrst  term  revision  of  the 
tariff  occupied  much  ntt^ntlon.  Wm.  «.  Morrison,  of  Illfnols.  rein- 
troduced his  bill  for  a  horizontal  reduction  of  tariff  rates,  but  it  met 
with  a  worse  fate  axon  than  it  did  in  the  previous  Congress.  For 
this  time  It  Vas  refused  consideration  by  a  vote  of  157  to  140,  35  of 
the  former  being  Democrats.  But  at  the  opening  of  the  Fiftieth 
Congress,  December  «,  1887,  t'leveland  precipitated  the  discussion 
again  by  devoting  his  whole  message  to  the  tariff  question.  Ba 
spolce  of  the  large  and  increasing  surplus  in  the  Treasury  as  a  reason 
for  reducing  tariff  rates,  and  argued  at  some  length  the  industrial 
bearings  of  the  subject.  He  gave  large  space  to  the  tariff  on  wool, 
which  he  wanted  greatly  reduced  or  wholly  removed.  He  also  favored 
a  great  reduction  In  the  rates  on  all  other  raw  materials,  and  the 
removal  of  the  tariff  on  the  necessaries  of  life.  While  leaning  toward 
free  trade  In  practice,  he  discarded  the  theory  in  the  following 
passage,  which  furnished  one  much  quoted  sentence:  "Our  progress 
toward  a  wise  conclusion  will  not  be  improved  by  dwelling  upon  the 
theories  of  protection  and  free  trade.  This  savors  too  much  of  ban- 
dying epithets.  It  is  a  condition  which  confronts  us— not  a  theory. 
Relief  from  this  condition  may  involve  a  slight  reduction  of  the 
advantages  which  we  award  our  home  productions,  but  the  entire 
withdrawal  of  such  advantages  should  not  be  contemplated.  The 
question  of  free  trade  is  absolutely  irrelevant." 

The  immediate  effect  of  this  message  was  the  Introduction  of  the 
Mills  Bill,  reducing  tariff  rates.    This  Bill  was  so  named  from  Roger 


'mmmm 


!*•; 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 

Q.  AillB,  of  Texas,  who  was  Chairman  of  the  Ways  and  Means  Com- 
mittee of  the  House,  though  in  its  preparation  he  was  assisted  by  the 
other  Democratic  members  of  the  Comir?ittee:  William  L.  Scott,  of 
Pennsylvania;  Clifton  R.  Breckenridge,  of  Arkansas;  William  D. 
Bynum,  of  Indiana,  and  William  L.  Wilson,  of  West  Virginia.  These 
members  all  supported  the  Bill  with  speeches  on  the  floor  of  the 
House,  as  did  aJsd^  the  following  prominent  Democrats:  John  6. 
Carlisle,  of  Kentucky,  Speaker  of  the  House;  Samuel  S.  Cox,  of  Ohio; 
John  E.  Russell,  of  Massachusetts,  and  Charles  R.  Buckalew,  of 
Pennsylvania.  The  Bill  did  not  go  the  full  length  of  Cleveland's 
message  in  inclining  tov,ard  free  trade,  but  it  leaned  sufficiently  that 
way  to  meet  with  almost  solid  Republican  opposition.  The  leading 
speakers  against  it  were:  William  D.  Kelley,  of  Pennsylvania; 
William  McKinley,  of  Ohio;  Thomas  B.  Reed,  and  Charles  A.  Bou- 
telle,  of  Maine;  Julius  C.  Burrows,  of  Michigan,  and  Henry  O. 
Burleigh,  of  New  York.  The  Bill  passed  the  House  by  a  vote  of  162 
yeag,  of  which  one  was  Republican,  to  149  nays,  4  being  Democrats. 
In  the  senate  it  was  antagonized  by  a  measure  of  far  different  scope 
The  vriimate  result  of  the  long  agitation  was  that  no  tariff  legisla- 
tion ot  all  was  adopted  ai  this  session,  and  the  question  became  the 
leadiag  one  in  the  next  campaign. 


RTY. 


I  and  Means  Com- 
as assisted  by  the 
illiam  L.  Scott,  of 
nsas;  William  D. 
t  Virginia.  Tlies© 
I  the  floor  of  the 
locrats:  John  G. 
el  8.  Cox,  of  Ohio; 

B.  Backalew,  of 
th  of  Cleveland's 
>d  sufficiently  that 
tion.  The  leading 
of  Pennsylvania; 
1  Charles  A.  Bou- 
n,  and  Henry  Q. 
le  by  a  vote  of  162 

being  Democrats, 
far  different  scope 
,t  no  tariff  legisla- 
lestion  became  the 


XXXI. 

THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1888. 

A  New  Set  of  Candidates  for  the  Republican  Nomination— Blaine 
and  Sherman  the  Only  Old  Ones  Mentioned  and  Blaine  Posi- 
tively Withdraws— McKinley  Forbids  the  Use  of  His  Name- 
Sherman  Leads  Through  Six  Ballots— General  Alger,  of  Michi- 
gan, a  Strong  Possibility —The  Nomination  Finally  Goes  to 
Harrison— The  Text  of  the  Platform— The  Democrats  Renomin- 
ate Cleveland  by  Acclamation,  With  Thurman  Second  on  the 
Ticket— A  Quiet  Campaign— The  Murchison  Incident— The 
Republicans  Win. 

As  the  time  for  the  Republican  Convention  in  1888  approached 
a  new  set  of  candidates  appeared  in  the  field.    Only  two  of  the  men 
who  had  been  prominently  before  previous  conventions  were  at  all 
mentioned  in   connection  with   this,   Blaine  and  Sherman.      After 
President  Cleveland  issued  his  famous  tariff  message  and  the  Mills 
Bill  was  introduced,  Blaine,  who  was  then  in  Paris,  nade  a  reply  to 
the  message  in  an  interview  which  was  furnished  by  the  Associated 
Press  to  the  leading  papers  in  the  country.    It  was  received  with 
great  favor  and  created  a  strong  demand  for  his  nomination  for  the 
Presidency,  as  being  the  best  man  to  meet  the  issue  which  was  thus 
thrust  upon  the  people.    Mr.  Blaine  was  at  this  time  under  medical 
treatment  in  Paris  for  the  physical  ailments  which  afterward  ter- 
minated in  his  death,  and  was  morbidly  sensitive  as  to  the  condition 
of  his  health.    He  felt  himself  unable  to  endure  the  fatigues  and 
excitements  of  another  campaign.    Although  he  afterwards  recovered 
sufficiently  to  enter  again  into  the  activities  of  public  life,  his  inti- 
mate friends  knew  that  at  this  time  he  had  no  anticipation  of  being 
able  to  do  so.    He  wrote  two  letters  from  Paris,  declining,  in  posi- 
tive terms,  to  have  his  name  presented  as  a  candidate.    One  of  these, 
written  May  17  to  Whitelaw  Reid,  editor  of  the  New  York  Tribune 
was  very  emphatic  in  its  withdrawal. 


BSS 


gsss 


i:i.j:.t]iJw:"!P 


404 


HISTORY  OP  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 


^ 


-^^Notwithstanding  these  expressions  of  his  desire  there  was  a 
strong  sentiment,  when  delegates  gathered  for  the  Convention  at 
Chicago,  in  favor  of  putting  him  forward,  even  against  his  consent. 
The  temporary  President  of  the  Convention,  John  M.  Thnrston,  of 
Nebraska,  himself  a  strong  _  "sonal  friend  of  Blaine,  sought,  in  his 
opening  address,  to  check  this.  Having  in  mind  the  claim,  vigorously 
maintained  for  yea^s  by  General  Butler,  that  part  of  the  vote  cast 
for  Butler  in  New  York  City  was  counted  for  Cleveland,  thus  defeat- 
ing the  Republican  candidates,  Mr.  Thurston  said  that  he  "had 
hoped  that  1888  would  right  the  great  wrong  of  1884."  He  then  paiid 
a  high  tribute  to  the  worth  of  General  Logan:  "The  citizen  soldier, 
the  warrior  statesman,  the  Black  Eagle  of  Illinois,  who  had  be^n 
summoned  by  the  silent  messenger  to  report  to  his  old  commander 
beyond  the  river.'*  After  referring  further  to  General  Logan's 
place  on  the  ticket  of  1884,  he  continued: 

The  other,  that  gallant  leader,  the  chevalier  of  American  politics, 
the  glory  of  Republicanism  and  the  nightmare  of  Democracy,  our 
Henry  of  Navarre,  is  seeking  in  foreign  travel  the  long  needed  relax- 
ation and  rest  from  the  wearisome  burdens  of  public  life  and  service 
With  the  sublime  magnanimity  of  his  incomparable  greatness,  he  has 
denied  us  the  infinite  pleasure  of  supporting  him  in  this  Convention. 
Desiring  above  all  things  party  harmony  and  success,  he  has  stepped 
from  the  c^rt»  .  adder  of  his  own  laudable  ambition  that  some  other 
man  may  din  '  '  ver.    As  his  true  friends  we  cannot,  dare  not. 

commit  the  p  Ime  of  disobedience  to  his  expressed  will.    We 

cannot  place  hi.  ..  the  head  of  the  ticket,  but  we  will  make  him 
commander-in-chief  at  the  hiead  of  the  forces  in  the  field,  where  he 
will  be  invincible.  And  though  James  G.  Blaine  may  not  be  our 
President,  yet  he  remains  our  uncrowned  king,  wielding  the  baton  of 
acknowledged  leadership,  supreme  in  the  allegiance  of  his  devoted 
followers.  Honest  and  respected  by  all  honest  and  loyal  men,  the 
greatest  living  American,  and  the  worthy  object  of  our  undying  love. 

Mr.  Thurston's  reference  to  Blaine's  refusal  to  allow  himself  to 
be  nominated  was  received  with  cries  of  '*No!"  "No^*'  from  all  over 
the  hall,  but  his  declaration  that  the  Convention  dare  not  commit  the 
offence  of  going  contrary  to  Blaine's  expressed  wish  was  wildly 
applauded.  His  withdrawal  of  Blaine's  name  was,  however,  resented 
by  many  of  the  admirers  of  the  man  from  Maine,  who  claimed  that 
Thurston  had  no  right  to  assume  such  authority,  and  they  declared 
that  they  would  work  harder  than  ever  for  the  man  of  their  choice. 
Some  votes  were  cast  for  him  on  each  ballot,  reaching  48  on  the  fifth 
which  was  taken  on  a  Saturday.  On  Monday,  two  dispatches  were 
received  from  Mr.  Blaine,  addressed  to  Delegates  Boutelle  and  Man- 


BTY. 


THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1888. 


405 


sire  there  was  a 
ie  Convention  at 
ainBt  his  consent. 
1  M.  Thnrston,  of 
ine,  sought,  in  his 
i  claim,  vigorously 
t  of  the  vote  cast 
iland,  thus  defeat- 
aid  that  he  ''had 
;4."  He  then  paiid 
!he  citizen  soldier, 
ds,  who  had  been 
lis  old  commander 
General   Logan's 

American  politics, 
►f  Democracy,  our 
long  needed  relax- 
lic  life  and  service 
i  greatness,  he  has 
n  this  Convention. 
)ss,  he  has  stepped 
an  that  some  other 
;  cannot,  dare  not. 
zpressed  will.  We 
we  will  make  hii|i 
:he  field,  where  he 
e  may  not  be  our 
elding  the  baton  of 
nee  of  his  devoted 
md  loyal  men,  the 
t  our  undying  love. 

:o  allow  himself  to 
NoP  from  all  over 
areinot  commit  the 

wish  was  wildly 
,  however,  resented 
,  who  claimed  that 

and  they  declared 

lan  of  their  choice. 

ling  48  on  the  fifth 

vo  dispatches  were 

Boutelle  and  Man^ 


ley,  of  Maine.  The  first  said:  "Earn«?HtIy  request  all  friends  to 
respect  my  Paris  letter."  The  second  read  thus:  "I  think  I  have  the 
right  to  ask  ray  friends  to  respect  my  wishes,  and  refrain  from  voting 
for  me.  Please  make  this  and  former  dispatches  public."  This 
ended  the  talk  about  a  break  for  Blaine  as  the  final  result  of  the 
numerous  ballots,  though  fifteen  enthusiasts  voted  for  him  on  the 
seventh,  which  was  taken  after  these  dispatches  had  been  read. 

In  his  relation  to  the  Presidency  Mr.  Blaine  has  often  been  com- 
pared to  Henry  Clay.  The  comparison  might  be  extended  much 
further  than  to  this  single  matter  of  their  high  ambitions.  Both  had 
brilliant  careers  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  of  which  they  were 
elected  Speaker.  Both  served  in  the  Senate.  Both  made  reputations 
in  diplomacy.  Clay  as  a  Foreign  Minister,  and  Blaine  as  Secretary  of 
State.  Both  twice  sought  unsuccessfully,  the  Presidential  nomina- 
tion at  the  opening  of  campaigns  in  which  their  parties  were 
successful.  Both  obtained  the  nominations  in  years  when  their 
parties  met  defeat.  Clay,  in  1844,  lost  the  election  by  a  slender 
adverse  majority  in  New  York.  Blaine,  in  1884,  lost  the  election  by 
a  still  narrower  margin  in  the  same  State.  But  they  were  unlike  in 
this  respect,  Clay  never  had  the  opportunity  to  refuse  the  nomination 
in  a  campaign  in  which  his  party  was  in  the  ascendancy,  and  if  he 
had,  would  never  have  put  away  the  long-coveted  honor,  as  Blaine  did 
in  1888. 

The  other  candidate  who  had  before  this  been  a  prominent  candi- 
date for  the  Presidency  was  John  Sherman.  Mr.  Sherman  had  served 
with  distinction  in  the  House,  the  Senate  and  the  Cabinet.  He  was  for- 
mally placed  before  the  Conventions  of  1880  and  1884,  but  the  highest 
vote  lie  reached  at  feither  of  these  gatherings  was  120.  In  1888  he 
started  with  229,  rose  to  249  on  the  second,  and  for  the  first  six 
ballots  was  ahead  of  every  other  candidate.  But  when  the  break 
came  it  did  not  go  to  him,  and  he  failed  to  win.  He  appeared  as 
Ohio's  avowed  choice.  William  McKinley,  Jr.,  another  resident  of 
Ohio,  received  the  votes  of  a  few  delegates  from  other  states,  and 
one  of  the  stirring  incidents  of  the  Convention  was  a  short  speech 
from  Mr.  McKinley,  in  which  he  tried  to  take  himself  out  of  the  field. 
Evidently  having  in  mind  the  aspersions  cast,  in  1880,  upon  General 
Garfield,  who  was  sent  to  Chicago  to  help  nominate  Sherman  and 
afterwards  received  the  nomination  himself,  Mr.  McKinley  said: 

I  am  here,  as  one  of  the  chosen  representatives  of  my  State.  I 
am  here  by  a  resolution  of  the  Republican  party,  without  one  dissent- 


406 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 


'0 


^  '  - 1/- 


ing-^oiee,  commanding  me  to  cast  my  vote  for  John  Hherman,  and 
use  every  worthy  endeavor  for  hia  nomination.  I  accepted  the  trust 
because  my  heart  and  judgment  were  in  accord  with  the  letter  and 
spirit  and  purpose  of  that  resolution.  It  has  pleased  certain  dele- 
gates to  cast  their  votes  for  me.  1  am  not  insensible  to  the  honor 
they  would  do  me,  but  in  the  presence  of  the  duty  resting  upon  me  I 
cannot  remain  silent  with  honor.  I  cannot,  consistently  with  the 
credit  of  the  State, /whose  credentials  I  bear,  and  which  has  trusted 
me,  I  cannot  with  honorable  fidelity  to  John  Sherman,  who  trusted 
me  in  his  cause  with  his  confidence,  I  cannot  with  consistency  with 
my  own  views  of  personal  integrity,  consent,  or  seem  to  consent,  to 
permit  my  name  to  be  used  as  a  candidate  before  the  Convention.  I 
would  not  respect  myself  if  I  could  find  it  in  my  heart  to  do,  to  say, 
or  permit  to  be  done,  that  which  would  even  be  ground  for  anyone  to 
suspect  that  I  wavered  in  my  loyalty  to  Ohio,  or  my  devotion  to  the 
chief  of  her  choice,  and  the  chief  of  mine.  I  do  request,  I  demand, 
that  no  delegates,  who  would  not  cast  reflection  upon  me,  shall  cast 
a  ballot  for  me. 

Notwithstanding  this  appeal,  McKinley  continued  to  receive  a  few 
votes,  his  highest  number  being  on  the  seventh  ballot.  This  W8«»  emi- 
nently a  vote-as-you-please  Convention. 

Of  the  new  candidates  the  one  whose  chances,  at  the  outset, 
seemed  the  most  promising,  and  in  whom  Michigan  was  most  especi- 
ally interefsted,  ws^  General  Russell  A.  Alger.  At  the  Republican 
State  Convention,  held  in  Grand  Rapids,  May  8th,  the  following  dele 
gates  were  chosen  to  the  National  Convention :  At  Large— Robert  E. 
Frazer,  John  K.  Boies,  W.  Q.  Atwood  and  Thomas  B.  Dunstan.  By 
Districts— (1)  Henry  M.  DufBeld,  Charles  Wright;  (2)  Thomas  S. 
Applegate,  Josewh  T.  Jacobs;  (3)  D.  B.  Ainger,  William  H.  Withing- 
ton;  (4)  Theron  F^  Giddings,  A.  B.  Copley;  (5)  William  Alden  Smith. 
George  W.  Webber;  (6)  Charles  F.  Kimball,  Otis  Fuller;  (7)  A.  B. 
Avery,  W.  H.  Acker;  (8)  F.  C.  Stone,  N.  J.  Brown;  (9)  Newcomb 
McGrath,  E..B.  Martin;  (10)  F.  T.  Carrington,  D.  C.  Page;  (11)  H.  O. 
Young,  Thomas  T.  Bates. 

The  Convention  also  unanimously  adopted  the  following  declara- 
tion: "The  Republicans  of  Michigan,  desiring  only  the  success  of 
the  principles  and  candidates  of  the  great  party  that  saved  the  Union, 
and  renewing  their  pledges  of  loyal  fealty  to  both,  but  recognizing 
the  great  worth  and  strong  availability  of  their  generous  and  noble- 
hearted  fellow  citizen,  that  gallant  soldier  statesman  and  successful 
man  of  business,  General  Russell  A.  Alger,  do  hereby  unanimously 
and  earnestly  recommend  him  as  the  man  who  should  be  chosen  as 
the  standard-bearer  «f  the  part)?  in  the  great  contest  about  to  ensue, 


RTY. 

)hn  HhermaD,  and 
iccepted  the  trust 
ith  the  letter  and 
ased  certain  dele- 
lible  to  the  honor 
resting  upon  me  1 
ustently  with  the 
which  has  trusted 
man,  who  trusted 
I  consistency  with 
>em  to  consent,  to 
the  Convention.  I 
eart  to  do,  to  say, 
lund  for  anyone  to 
ny  devotion  to  t!be 
■equest,  I  demand, 
pon  me,  shall  cast 

ed  to  receive  a  few 
ot.    This  was  emi- 

:es,  at  the  outset, 
D  was  most  especi- 
A.t  the  Republican 
the  following  dele- 
t  Large — Robert  E. 
a  B.  Dunstan.  By 
It;  (2)  Thomas  B. 
illiam  H.  Withing< 
lliam  Alden  Smith. 
s  Fuller;  (7)  A.  R. 
jwn;  (9)  New  comb 
C.  Page;  (11)  H.  O. 

;  following  declara- 
nly  the  success  of 
at  saved  the  Union, 
th,  but  recognizing 
renerons  and  noble- 
man and  successful 
lereby  unanimously 
hould  be  chosen  as 
:est  about  to  ensue, 


THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1888. 


407 


and  who,  if  so  selected,  will  harmonize  and  unite  the  party  every 
where,  and    lead  the   Republican    hosts  to  certain  and  triumphant 
victory."    On  the  second  ballot  in  the  National  Convention  General 
Alger  was  next  to  Hherman  in  the  number  of  votes  received.    At  one 
time  the  indications,  and  some  promises  made  by  delegates  from  other 
states,  led  his  supporters  to  believe  that  the  tlnal  break  would  be  to 
him,  instead  of  to  Harrison;  in  this  they  were  disappointed,  but  the 
twenty-six  Michigan  delegates  stood  by  him  loyally  to  the  end.    After 
the  nomiqation  was  made,  the  General  sent  the  following  dispatch: 
"Please  convey  to  the 
delegates  who  have  so 
loyally    supported    my 
candidacy,  my  heartfelt 
thanks.     No   State  or 
man  will  give  the  gal- 
lant gentleman  who  has 
won  this  fight,  heartier 
support  than  Michigan 
and  myself."   The  read- 
ing  of  this  dispatch  in 
the  Convention  was  fol- 
lowed by  the  familiar 
cry,  already  heard  three 
or  four    times  at  the 
gathering:  "What's  the 
matter    with    Alger?" 
"He's  all  right." 

Two  of  the  otherinen 
who  received  votes  in 
this  Convention,  and 
both  of  whom  after- 
wards became  President,  were  regarded  with  interest  by  Michigan 
Republicans,  by  reason  of  the  addresses  they  made  at  the  annual 
banquet  of  the  Michigan  Club  in  the  February  preceding.  On  that 
occasion  General  Harrison  responded  to  the  toast,  "Washington,  the 
Republican,"  and  Major  McKinley  to  one  on  "Washington,  the  Ameri- 
can." Both  addresses  were  received  with  great  favor.  General 
Harrison  spoke  with  strong  emphasis  upon  the  duty  of  securing  a 
free  ballot  and  a  fair  count  of  the  votes  of  every  citizen.  South,  as 
well  as  North.    As  this  subject  was  again  beginning  to  come  to  the 


BBNJAMIN  HARRISON. 


lamiiiMi 


fi 


..  i   : 


-1! 


#, 


umii 


408 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLirAN  PARTY. 


fr«nt  in  Congreus,  General  Harrison's  clean  cut  utterames  on  thin 
occasion  were  very  reassuring  to  the  Republicans  during  the  cam- 
paign. 

The  proceedings  of  the  Ninth  National  Republican  Convention 
commenced  in  Chicago,  June  10,  1888,  with  the  reading  of  the  call 
and  the  designation  of  John  M.  Thurston,  of  Nebraska,  as  temporary 
Chairman.  The  first  day's  session  was  occupied  largely  with  routine 
business,  and  with  the  discussion  of  the  claims  of  contesting  delega- 
tions from  Virginia.  But  the  monotony  of  business  was  agreeably 
relieved  by  speeches  from  General  John  C.  Fremont,  the  first  Repub- 
lican nopinee  for  the  Presidency,  and  from  Frederick  Douglass,  the 
venerable  colored  orator. 

On  the  second  day  Maurice  M.  Estee,  of  California,  was  named 
permanent  Chairman,  and  spoke  very  briefly  as  he  assumed  the  duties 
of  the  position.  The  rest  of  the  day  was  occupied  with  a  discussion 
of  the  rules,  and  with  contested  delegate  disputes.  Only  two  essen 
tial  changes  were  made  in  the  rules.  One  established  those  of  the 
House  of  Representatives  in  Washington,  as  a  guide  to  the  order  of 
procedure.  The  other  provided  that  an  Executive  Committee,  con- 
sisting of  nine  members,  should  be  chosen  by  the  National  Commit- 
tee to  conduct  the  affairs  of  the  party. 

It  was  not  until  the  third  day  that  the  order  of  resolutions  was 
reached,  and  the  following  platform  was  then  received: 

The  Republicans  of  the  United  States,  assembled  by  their  dele 
gates  in  National  Convention,  pause  on  the  threshold  of  their  pro- 
ceedings to  honor  the  memory  of  their  first  great  leader,  the  immortal 
champion  of  liberty  and  the  rights  of  the  people— Abraham  Lincoln; 
and  to  cover  also  with  wreaths  of  imperishable  remembrance  and 
gratitude  the  heroic  names  of  our  later  leaders  who  have  more 
recently  beew  called  away  from  our  councils — Grant,  Garfield,  Arthur, 
Logan,  CoBkling.'  May  their  memories  be  faithfully  cherished.  We 
also  recall  with  our  greetings,  and  with  prayer  for  h^s  recovery,  the 
name  of  one  of  our  living  heroes,  whose  memory  will  be  treasured  in 
the  history  both  of  Republicans  and  of  the  Republic— the  name  of 
that  noble  soldier  and  favorite  child  of  victory,  Philip  H.  Sheridan. 

In  the  spirit  of  those  great  leaders,  and  of  our  own  devotion  to 
human  liberty,  and  with  that  hostility  to  all  forms  of  despotism  and 
oppression  which  is  the  fundamental  idea  of  the  Republican  party 
we  send  fraternal  congratulation  to  our  fellow-Americans  of  Brazil 
upon  their  great  Act  of  Emancipation,  which  completed  the  abolition 
of  slavery  throughout  thf  two  American  continents.    We  earnestly 


RTY. 

itteranoes  on  thin 
i  during  the  cam- 

bUcan  Convention 
?ndinf{  of  the  i-all 
bIvU,  as  temporary 
r^ely  with  routine 
contesting  delegn- 
i»B  was  agreeably 
t,  the  first  Repnb- 
rii'l<  Douglass,  the 

oruia,  was  named 
issumed  the  duties 
with  a  discussion 
Only  two  essen 
shed  those  of  the 
de  to  the  order  of 
e  Committee,  con- 
National  Commit- 

Df  resolutions  was 
ived: 

>led  by  their  dele- 
ihold  of  their  pro- 
ader,  the  immjortal 
Abraham  Lincoln; 
remembrance  and 
B  who  have  more 
t,  Garfield,  Arthur, 
ly  cherished.  We 
r  h^s  recovery,  the 
ill  be  treasured  iu 
blic — the  name  of 
hilip'H.  Sheridan. 

ir  own  devotion  to 
}  of  despotism  and 
Republican  party 
merieans  of  Brazil 
tleted  the  abolition 
its.    We  earnestly 


THE  CAMPMON  OF  1S88. 


400 


hope  that  we  may  soon  congratulate  our  fellowcitiwns  of  Irish  birth 
upon  the  peaceful  recovery  of  home  rule  f<»r  Ireland. 

We  reaffirm  our  unswerving  devotion  to  the  National  Constitution 
and  to  the  indissoluble  union  ot  the  Htates;  to  the  autonomy  reserved 
to  the  states  under  the  Const  it  utiim;  to  the  personal  rights  and  liber- 
ties of  citizens  in  all  the  states  and   territories  in   the    Union,  and 
especially  to  the  supreme  and  sovereign  right  of  every  lawful  citiasen 
rich  or  poor,  native  or  foreign  born,  white  or  black,  to  cast  one  free 
ballot  in  public  elections  and  to  liave  that  ballot  duly  counted.    We 
hold  the  free  and  honest  popular  ballot  and.the  just  and  etjual  repie 
seutation  of  all  the  iH»ople  to  be  the  foundations  of  our  republican 
Oovernment,  and  demand  efTective  legislation  to  secure  the  integrity 
and  purity  of  elections,  which  are  the  fountains  of  all  public  authority 
We  charge  that    the   present  Administration  and  the    Democratio 
majority  in  Congress  owe  their  txistenw  to  the  suppression  of  the 
ballot  by  a  criminal  nullification  of  the  Constitution  and  the  I^iws  of 
the  United  States. 

We  are  uncompromisingly  In  favor  of  the  American  system  of 
protection;  we  protest  against  its  destruction  as  proposed  by  the 
President  and  his  party.  They  serve  the  interests  of  Europe;  we  will 
support  the  interests  of  America.  We  accept  the  issue  and  confl 
dently  appeal  to  the  people  for  their  judgment.  The  protective- 
system  must  be  maintained.  Its  abandonment  has  always  been  fol- 
lowed by  general  disaster  to  all  interests,  except  those  of  the  usurer 
and  the  sheriff.  We  denounce  the  Mills  bill  as  destructive  to  the 
general  business,  the  labor  and  the  farming  interests  of  the  country, 
and  we  heartily  indorse  the  consistent  and  patriotic  action  of  the 
Republican  Representatives  iu  Congress  in  opposing  its  passage. 

We  condemn  the  proposition  of  the  Democratic  party  to  place 
wool  on  the  free  list,  and  we  insist  thai  the  duties  thereon  shall  be 
adjusted  and  maintained  so  as  to  furnish  full  and  adequate  protec- 
tion to  that  industry. 

The  Republican  party  would  effect  all  needed  reduction  of  the 
National  revenue  by  repealing  the  taxes  upon  tobacco,  which  are  an 
annoyance  and  burden  to  agriculture,  and  the  tax  upon  spirits  used 
in  the  arts  and  for  mechanical  purposes,  and  by  such  revision  of  the 
tariff  laws  as  will  tend  to  check  imports  of  such  articles  as  are 
produced  by  our  people,  the  production  of  which  gives  employment  to 
our  labor,  and  release  from  Import  duties  those  articles  of  foreign 
production  (except  luxuries)  the  like  of  which  cannot  be  produced  at 
home.  If  there  shall  still  remain  a  larger  revenue  than  is  requisite 
for  the  wants  of  the  Government,  we  favor  the  entire  repeal  of  inter- 
nal taxes  rather  than  the  surrender  of  any  part  of  our  protective 
system,  at  the  joint  behests  of  the  whisky  trusts  and  the  agents  of 
foreign  manufacturers. 

We  declare  our  hostility  to  the  introduction  into  this  country  of 
foreign  contract  labor  and  of  Chinese  labor,  alien  to  our  civilization 


^ifi'teiiififiiiiiiii 


■HMmmiNiB 


w 


1  iij«M«.'»ihrff*^.ji ""  •  t^ft^<iajtemf!^.v^fvi>»ggi4fe'#.-';JR^f:if !^ 


» ■;i^-t^--/)Mifti^i*fctfe( 


^^p,^^,^^^;^^^^^^^^. ,,.  n^  Kwiyy,-  -  .■-*j;n»»*fc*-..^ 


•#. 


m.r-'  '.r 


:->>■; 


410 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 


and  our  ConBtitution,  and  we  demand  the  rigid  enforcement  of  the 
existing  lawn  againsf  it,  and  favor  such  immediate  legiBlation  as  will 
exclude  such  labor  from  our  shores. 

We  declare  our  opposition  to  all  combinations  of  capital,  organ- 
ized in  trusts  or  otherwise,  to  control  arbitrarily  the  condition  of 
trade  among  our  citizens;  and  we  recommend  to  Congress  and  the 
State  legislatures,  in  their  respective  jurisdictions,  such  legislation 
as  will  prevent  the  execution  of  all  schemes  to  oppress  the  people  by 
undue  charges  on  their  supplies,  or  by  unjust  rates  for  the  trans- 
portation of  their  products  to  market.  We  approve  the  legislation 
by  Congress  to  prevent  alike  unjust  burdens  and  unfair  discrimina- 
tion between  the  States. 

We  reaffirm  the  policy  of  appropriating  the  public  lands  of  the 
United  States  to  be  homesteads  for  American  citizens  and  settlers, 
not  aliens,  which  the  Republican  Party  established  in  1862,  against 
the  persistent  opposition  of  the  Democrats  in  Congress,  and  which 
has  brought  our  great  Western  domain  into  such  magnificent  devel- 
opment. The  restoration  of  unearned  railroad  land  grants  to  the 
public  domain  for  the  use  of  actual  settlers,  which  was  begun  under 
the  administration  of  President  Arthur,  should  be  continued.  We 
deny  that  the  Democtratic  party  has  ever  restored  one  acre  to  the 
people,  but  declare  that  by  the  joint  action  of  the  Republicans  and 
Democrats  about  50,000,000  of  acres  of  unearned  lands  originally 
granted  for  the  construction  of  railroads  have  been  restored 
to  the  public  domain,  in  pursuance  of  the  conditions  inserted 
by  the  Republican  party  in  the  original  grants.  We  charge  the 
Democratic  Administration  with  failure  to  execute  the  laws  secur- 
ing to  settlers  title  to  their  homesteads,  and  with  using  appropria- 
tions made  for  that  purpose  to  harass  innocent  settlers  with  spies 
and  prosecutions  under  the  false  pretense  of  exposing  frauds  and 
vindicating  the  law. 

The  Governnient  by  Congress  of  the  territories  is  based  upon 
necessity  only,  to  the  end  that  they  may  become  states  in  the  Union; 
therefore,  whenever  the  conditions  of  population,  material  resources, 
public  intelligence  and  morality  are  such  as  to  insure  a  stable  local 
Government  ,thei\ein,  the  people  of  such  territories  should  be  per- 
mitted, a«  a  right  inherent  in  them,  the  right  to  form  for  themselves 
Constitutions  and  State  Governments,  and  be  adi^itted  into  the 
Union.  Pending  the  preparation  for  Statehood,  all  officers  thei;eof 
should  be  selected  from  the  bona  fide  residents  and  citizens  of  the 
Territory  wherein  they  are  to  serve. 

South  Dakota  should  of  right  be  immediately  admitted  as  a 
State  in  the  Union,  under  the  Constitution  framed  and  adopted  by 
her  people,  and  we  heartily  indorse  the  action  of  the  Republican 
Senate  in  twice  passing  bills  for  her  admission.  The  refusal  of  the 
Democratic  House  of  Representatives,  for  partisan  purposes,  to 
favorably  consider  these  bills,  is  a  willful  violation  of  the  sacred 


THE  TAMPA  ION  OP  1888. 


411 


Amerit-an  principle  of  local  self-governiuent,  and  merits  the  condeni 
nation  of  all  Just  men.  The  pendiuK  bills  in  the  Menate  for  Acts  to 
enable  the  people  of  Washington,  North  Dakota  and  Montana  Terri- 
tories to  form  Constitutions  and  establish  Htate  Governments  should 
be  passed  without  unnecessary  delay.  The  Uepublicau  party  pledges 
itself  to  do  all  in  its  |>ower  to  facilitate  the  admission  of  the  Terri- 
tories of  New  Mexico,  Wyoming,  Idaho  and  Arizona  to  the  enjoyment 
of  self-government  is  States,  such  of  them  as  are  now  qualifltHl,  as 
soon  as  possible,  and  the  others  as  soon  us  they  may  become  so. 

The  political  power  of  the  Mormon  Cbun'h  in  the  territories,  as 
exercised  in  the  past,  is  a  menace  to  free  institutions,  a  danger  no 
longer  to  be  suffered.  Therefore,  we  pledge  the  Republican  party  to 
appropriate  legislation  asserting  the  sovereignty  of  the  Nation  in  all 
territories  where  the  same  is  questioned,  and  in  furtherance  of  that 
end  to  place  upon  the  statute  books  legislation  stringent  enough  to 
divorce  the  political  from  the  ecclesiastical  iM)wer,  and  thus  stamp 
out  the  attendant  wickedness  of  polygamy. 

The  Republican  party  is  in  favor  of  the  use  of  both  gold  and 
silver  as  money,  and  condemns  *\\e  policy  of  the  Democratic  Admin- 
istration in  its  efforts  to  demonetize  silver. 

We  demand  the  reduction  of  letter  postage  to  one  cent  per 
onnce. 

In  a  Republic  like  ours,  where  the  citizen  is  the  sovereign  and  the 
official  the  servant,  where  no  power  is  exercised  except  by  the  will  of 
the  people,  it  is  important  that  the  sovereign — the  people — should 
possess  intelligence.  The  free  school  is  the  promoter  of  that  intelli- 
gence which  is  to  preserve  us  a  free  Nation;  therefore  the  State  or 
Nation,  or  both  combined,  should  support  free  institutions  of  learn- 
ing, sufficient  to  afford  every  child  growing  up  in  the  land  the  oppoj*- 
tunity  of  a  good  common  school  education. 

We  earnestly  recommend  that  prompt  action  be  taken  by  Con- 
gress in  the  enactment  of  such  legislation  as  will  best  secure  the 
rehabilitation  of  bur  American  merchant  marine,  and  we  protest 
against  the  passage  by  CongresH  of  a  free  ship  bill,  as  calculated  to 
work  injustice  to  labor,  by  lessening  the  wages  of  those  engaged  in 
preparing  materials  as  well  as  those  directly  employed  in  our  ship- 
yards. We  demand  appropriations  for  the  early  rebuilding  of  our 
navy;  for  the  construction  of  coast  fortillcations  and  modern  ordnance 
and  other  approved  modern  means  of  defence  for  the  protection  of 
our  defenceless  harbors  and  cities;  for  the  payment  of  just  pensions 
to  our  soldiers;  for  the  necessary  works  of  national  importance  in 
the  improvement  of  harbors  and  the  channels  of  internal,  coastwise 
and  foreign  commerce;  for  the  encouragement  of  the  shipping  inter- 
ests of  the  Atlantic,  Oulf  and  Pacific  States,  as  well  as  for  the  pay- 
ment of  the  maturing  public  debt.  This  policy  will  give  employment 
to  our  labor,  activity  to  our  various  industries,  increase  the  security 
of  our  country,  promote  trade,  open  new  and  direct  markets  for  our 


'^-. 


Mhii 


412 


HISTOKY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 


5  ,',.'.- 


produce,  and  cheapen  the  cost  of  transiiortation.  We  affirm  this  to 
be  far  better  for  our  country  than  the  Democratic  policy  of  loaning 
the  Oovernment'g  money  without  interest  to  "pet  banliB." 

The  conduct  of  foreign  affairM  by  the  present  Administration  hag 
been  distinguished  by  its  inefficiency  and  its  cowardice.  Having  with- 
drawn from  the  Henate  all  i)ending  treaties  elTected  by  Republican 
Administrations  for  the  removal  of  foreign  burdens  and  restrictions 
up<m  our  commerce,  and  for  its  extension  into  better  markets,  it  has 
neither  effected  nor  proposed  any  others  in  their  stead.  Professing 
adherence  to  the  Monroe  doctrine,  it  has  seen,  with  idle  complacency, 
the  extension  of  foreign  influence  in  Central  Anierica,  and  of  foreign 
trade  everywhere  among  our  neighbors.  It  has  refused  to  charter, 
sanction,  or  encourage  any  American  organization  for  constructing 
the  Nicaragua  Canal,  a  work  of  vital  importance  to  the  maintenance 
of  the  Monroe  doctrine,  and  of  our  National  influence  in  Central  and 
South  America;  and  necessary  for  the  development  of  trade  with 
our  Pacific  territory,  with  South  America,  and  with  the  islands  and 
further  coasts  of  the  Pacific  Ocean. 

We  arraign  the  present  Democratic  Administration  for  its  weak 
and  unpatriotic  treatment  of  the  fisheries  (]uestion,  and  its  pusillani- 
mous surrender  of  the  essential  privileges  to  which  our  fishing  vessels 
are  entitled  in  Canadian  ports  under  the  treaty  of  1818,  the  reciprocal 
maritime  legislation  of  1830  and  the  comity  of  nations,  and  which 
Canadian  fishing  vessels  receive  in  the  ports  of  the  United  States. 
We  condemn  the  policy  of  the  present  Administration  and  the  Demo- 
cratic majority  iq  Congress  toward  our  fisheries  as  unfriendly  and 
conspicuously*  unpatriotic,  and  as  tending  to  destroy  a  valuable 
national  industry  and  an  indispensable  resource  of  defence  against 
a  foreign  enemy.  The  name  of  American  applies  alike  to  all  citizens 
of  the  Republic  and  imposes  upon  all  alike  the  same  obligations  of 
obedience  to  the  laws.  At  tlie  same  time  that  citizenship  is  and  must 
be  the  panoply  and  safeguard  of  him  ^ho  wears  it,  and  protect  him, 
whether  high  or  low,  rich  or  poor,  in  all  his  civil  rights,  it  should 
and  must  afford  him  protection  at  home,  and  follow  and  protect  him 
abroad  in  whatever  land  he  may  be  on  a  lawful  errand. 

The  men  .who  abandoned  the  Republican  party  in  1884  and  con- 
tinue to  adhere  to  the  Democratic  party  have  deserted  not  only  the 
cause  of  honest  government,  of  sound  finance,  of  freedom,  of  purity  of 
the  ballot,  but  especially  have  deserted  the  cause  of  reform  in  the 
civil  service.  W'e  will  not  fail  to  keep  our  pledges  because  they  have 
broken  theirs,  or  because  their  candidate  has  broken  his:  We  there- 
fore repeat  our  declaration  of  1884,  to-wit:  "The  reform  of  the  Civil 
Service  auspiciously  begun  under  the  Republican  Administration 
should  be  completed  by  the  further  extension  of  the  reform  system 
already  established  by  law  to  all  the  grades  of  the  service  to  which 
it  is  applicable.  The  spirit  and  purpose  of  the  reform  should  be 
observed  in  all  Executive  appointments,  and  all  laws  at  variance 


RTY. 

^e  atUini  this  tu 
policy  of  loaning 

iminietration  ham 
ce.  Having  with- 
^  by  Republican 
)  and  reHtrictionfi 
>r  markets,  it  hafi 
tead.  Professing 
idle  complacency, 
la,  and  of  foreign 
fused  to  ctiarter, 
for  constructing 
the  maintenance 
ve  in  Central  and 
nt  of  trade  witli 
li  tlie  islands  and 

ition  for  its  weak 
and  its  pusillani- 
>ur  Ashing  vessels 
$18,  the  reciprocal 
itions,  and  which 
le  United  States, 
on  and  the  Demo- 
is  unfriendly  and 
stroy  a  valuable 
f  defence  against 
ike  to  all  citiisens 
me  obligations  of 
nship  is  and  must 
and  protect  him, 
rights,  it  should 
f  and  protect  him 
and. 

in  1884  and  cou- 
rted not  only  the 
edom,  of  purity  of 
of  reform  in  the 
because  they  have 
;n  his;  We  there- 
Bform  of  the  Civil 
a  Administration 
he  reform  system 
f  service  to  which 
reform  should  be 
laws  at  variance 


THE  CAMPAKJN  OF  1888. 


413 


with  the  object  of  existing  n'forrn  legislation  should  be  rei»ealed,  lo 
the  end  that  the  dangers  to  free  institutions  which  lurk  In  the  power 
of  official  patronage  may  be  wisely  and  elTe<'tually  avoided." 

The  gratitude  of  the  nation  to  the  defenders  of  tlie  I'nion  «unnot 
be  measured  by  laws.  The  legislation  of  Congress  should  conform 
to  the  pledge  made  by  a  loyal  people,  and  be  so  enlarged  and  extended 
as  to  provide  against  the  |»ossibillty  that  any  man  who  h(vnorabl.> 
wore  the  Federal  uniform  should  become  the  inmate  of  an  almshouse, 
or  dependent  uiKin  private  charity.  In  the  presence  of  an  <»verflowing 
Treasury  it  would  be  a  public  scandal  to  do  less  for  those  whose 
valorous  service  preserved  the  riovernment.  We  denounce  the  hostile 
spirit  of  President  Cleveland  In  his  numerous  veto«*s  of  measnres  for 
pension  relief,  and  the  a<tion  of  the  Democrat!*'  House  of  Kepreseu 
tatives  in  refusing  even  a  consideration  of  general  pension  legislation. 

In  supimrt  of  the  principles  luM-ewlth  enun<'lated,  we  invite  the 
co-operation  of  patriotic  men  of  all  parties,  and  especially  of  all  work- 
ingmen  whose  prosiierity  is  seriously  threatened  by  the  free-trade 
IKilicy  of  the  present  Administration.  The  first  con  'ern  of  all  good 
government  is  the  virtue  and  sobriety  of  the  people  and  the  purity  of 
their  homes.  The  Republican  party  cordially  sympathizes  with  all 
wise  and  well-directed  efforts  for  the  promotion  of  temperance  and 
morality. 

The  platform  was  read  by  William  McKinley,  Chairman  of  the 
Committee  on  Resolutions,  and  was  unanimously  adopted.  It  was 
followed  immediately  by  the  presentation  of  candidates,  of  whom 
there  was  a  larger  number  in  the  field,  and  for  whom  more  nominating; 
speeches  and  seconds  were  made  than  at  any  other  Convention  In 
the  history  of  the  party.  The  first  speech  naming  a  candidate  was 
by  Leonard  Swett  of  Illinois,  nominating  Walter  Q.  Oresham,  of 
Indiana,  who  was  supported  by  Cushman  K.  l>avis,  of  Minnesota. 
John  R.  Lynch,  of  Mississippi,  Mr.  Mc(.'all,  of  Massachusetts,  and 
John  B.  Rector,  of  Texas.  Ex-Governor  Porter,  of  Indiana,  presented 
the  name  of  the  "Soldier-Statesman,  General  Benjamin  Harrison," 
who  was  supported  by  Messrs.  Terrell,  of  Texas,  and  Gallinger,  of 
New  Hampshire.  Senator  Allison's  name  was  presented  by  Congress- 
man Hepburn,  of  Iowa,  and  was  seconded  by  Benjamin  A.  Bosworth, 
of  Rhode  Island.  Robert  E.  Frazer,  of  Detroit,  in  a  speech  of  great 
eloquence  and  power,  presented  the  name  of  General  Russell  A.  Alger, 
who  was  heartily  supported  by  Charles  J.  Noyes,  of  Massachusetts, 
Patrick  Egan,  of  Nebraska,  M.  M.  Estee,  of  California,  and  L.  F. 
Eggers,  of  Arizona.  Senator  Hiscock,  of  New  York,  nominated 
Chauncey  M.  Depew,  of  the  same  state,  who  was  supported  by  a  Min 
nesota  Granger  named  Hartley.    General  Hastings,  of  Pennsylvania, 


414 


HIHTORY  OP  THE  REI'UBLICAN  PARTY. 


■■n 


naitipd  John  Hhernian,  of  Ohio,  who  waa  aupported  by  Oovornor  J.  H. 
Foraker,  of  the  Hatiie  Htate,  and  by  the  diatinguiahed  colorHl  delegate, 
John  M.  liangiton,  of  Virginia.  Charlca  Emory  Hmith,  of  Philadel- 
phia, named  Mayor  Fitter,  of  the  Name  rity,  and  Senator  Hpooner,  of 
WiaconRin,  propoaed  Jeremiah  Ruali,  of  the  aanie  Htate. 

The  balloting  comnienoed  on  Friday,  June  22,  and  continued  till 
Monday,  June  26.  In  all  eight  baliolH  were  fnken  with  the  following 
reiult: 


1 
Benjamin  Harriaon,  (Ind.)..  80 

John  Hherman  (Ohio). 220 

Ruaaell  A.  Alger  (Mich.). ...  84 
Walter  Q.  Oreaham  (Ind.).. Ill 
Willinin  R.  AlliHon  (Iowa). .  72 
Chauncey  M.  I>ei)ew  (N.  Y.)  »» 

Jeremiah  Rusk  (Win.) 25 

Wm.  Walter  PhelpH  (N.  J.). .  25 

John  J.  Ingallg  (Kan.) 28 

E.  H.  Fitter  (Penn.) 24 

William  McKinley  (Ohio). . .     2 

James  O.  Rlaine  (Maine) 36 

Robert  T.  Lincoln  (III.) 3 

Scattering 


2 

»1 
249 
11« 
108 

76 


c^'-* 


Whole  number  of  votea.. 830     830    KJO    82«     827    KiH    ff^l     f^30 
NeceBBary  for  choice 416     416    416    415     414     4W>     Afd    416 

There  waa  only  one  ballot  for  Vice  President,  and  that  gave  B6* 
to  Levi  P.  Morton,  of  New  York;  119  to  William  Walter  Pli  Ips,  of 
New  Jersey;  103  to  William  O.  Bradley,  of  Kentucky;  1 1  to  Blancjue  K. 
Bruce,  of  Mississippi,  and  one  for  Walter  F.  Thomas,  of  Texas. 

Encouraged  by  their  success  in  1884,  and  ready  to  makt  ibe  Im'ne 
in  1888,  the  Democrats,  for  the  first  time  in  a  long  period  of  jioivr^, 
called  their  Convention  earlier  than  the  Republican,  it  met  ia  ff-L 
Louis,  June  7.  Its  duties  were  somewhat  perfunctory,  for  (Meveland's 
nomination  was  a  foregone  conclusion,  and  rieveland  had  made  the 
issue  for  the  campaign.  Before  the  Convention  met,  t>emocratic  Oon- 
ventions  in  every  State  in  the  Union  had  declared  in  his  fav<>c,  ami 
had  indorsed  his  position  on  the  tariff.  In  the  Convtatik-'-.  he  wan 
lauded  to  the  skies  by  Stephen  M.  White,  of  Californ  a.  to j;  j >».;'<  ry 
President;  Patrick  A.  Collins,  of  Massachusetts,  Perujt*ucitit  PtiJii 
dent;  and  by  Daniel  Dougherty,  the  "Silver-Tongue«i  Cri  toi"  of  PMI 
adelphio.  The  President  was  then  renominated  by  j  iclamAtton.  Only 
one  ballot  was  taken  for  Vice  President,  rnsr'ti.ig  in  ti>e  uomination 


KTY. 

by  OovMi'nor  .1.  B. 
I  eolorwi  dfU'Kate, 
mith,  of  Phlladel- 
>nutor  Hpoon«>i',  of 
itate. 

and  continued  till 
ivlth  the  following 

5        6  7  8 

la  231  278  64t 

24  244  231  118 

42  137  120  100 

87      01  91  69 

99      78  76  ... 


THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1888. 


41B 


u 

4S 

"V2 

40 

i?'. 

5 

:: 

"2 

•2 

27 
14 

4V!;. 

8?.l 
■Wt.ti 

83v) 
416 

and  that  gave  RS* 
Walter  Pi!  IpB,  of 
jr;  11  to  bJam-meii. 
laH,  of  Texftd. 
y  to  makt  tbe  hwae 
ig  period  of  7)?arf>, 
;an.    It  met  tc  fl-L 
jry,  for  Clevelaud'8 
land  had  made  the 
»t.  liemocratic  Oon- 
a  in  hia  far. 
Donv.ifttJ*?'-.  he  wa« 
liforn  a,  t<:;i!jii.r<rir 
Peruj»»uc'r(t  Prisi- 
e.i  '^ri  \»)."  of  PMI 
■  J  iclamAt'oM.  Cn!/ 
;  in  trie  uomination 


of  Allen  O.  Thurman,  of  Ohio,  by  «07  vote*,  to  104  for  Isaac  P.  Gray, 
of  Indiana,  and  31  for  .lohn  ('.  Black,  of  Illlnolii.  The  platform 
renewed  the  party's  old  de<'laration»  in  favttr  of  the  maintenance  of 
the  Union,  extension  of  Civil  Hervire  n'form,  rediutlon  of  taxu^Ion 
and  of  the  surplui,  the  admiHHion  of  VVaHhlngton.  Dakota,  M(mtana 
and  New  Mexico  an  MtatcH.  and  expreB8e<l  sympathy  for  the  »auHe  of 
home  rule  in  Ireland.    The  following  was  the  tariff  plank: 

"Our  establlMhed  domestic  indiiHtries  and  cnterpriHCH  should  not 
and  need  not  be  endangered  by  the  reduction  and  correction  of  the 
burdet'B    of     taxation. 
On  the  contrary,  a  fair 
and  careful  revision  of 
our  tax  laws,  with  due 
allowance  for  the  dif- 
ference between  the 
wages  of  American  and 
foreign  labor,  must  pro- 
mote  and  encourage 
every   branch   of   such 
industries    and    enter- 
'riges,  by  giving  them 
^^ y./     Mdurance  of  an  extend- 
i,^    '•«^*  ;^*i  jryr*    'arket  and  steady, 
M,  cv'/'tinuous    operations 

Xj.  tl».^  interests  of 
yj!' tm  labor,  which 
.^hi'iB^d  in  no  event  be 
i*irlGcted,  the  revision 
of  our  tax  laws,  con* 
tcmplated  by  the  Dem- 
o^ratic    party,    should 

promote  the  advantage  of  such  labor  by  cheapening  the  *ost  of  the 
necessaries  of  life  in  the  home  of  every  working  man,  and  at  the  same 
time  securing  to  him  steady  land  remunerative  employment.  Upon 
this  question  of  tariff  reform,  so  closely  coiicerning  every  phase  of 
our  national  life,  and  upon  every  question  involved  in  the  problem  of 
good  government,  the  Democratic  party  submits  its  principles  and 
professions  to  the  intelligent  suffrages  of  the  American  people." 

In  addition  to  the  nominations  of  the  two  leading  parties,  there 
were  two  Union  Labor  tickets,  both  nominated  at  Cincinnati,  May  IS. 


LEVI  P.  MORTON. 


MM 


.■■B...-.  yij>.^;.j--f-*V|-'j 


416 


HIB'fORY  OP  THE  REI'UBLICAN  PARTY. 


I 


■  fe- 


?./.  O:- 


TlTe  first  naiutd  Andrew  J.  Streatur,  of  Illinois,  for  President 
and  Charles  E.  Cunningham,  of  Arkansas,  for  Vire  President. 
The  -  second  was  Robert  H.  Cowdrey,  of  Illinois,  for  President, 
and  W.  H.  T.  Wakefield,  of  Kansas,  for  Vice.  The  Prohibition 
ists  voted  for  Clinton  B.  Fisk,  of  New  Jersej',  for  President,  and  John 
A.  Brooks,  of  Missouri,  for  Vice.  The  "American"  party  nominated 
James  I^angdon  Cifrtia,  of  New  York,  for  President,  and  James  R. 
Greer,  of  Tennessee,  for  Vice.  Kome  other  factious  went  through 
the  formality  of  making  nominations,  but  did  not  go  through  the 
formality  of  voting  for  them  in  sufficient  numbers  to  be  counted  as 
anything  but  '*scatterinf|." 

The  campaign  was  much  less  spirited  than  any  which  had  pre- 
ceded it  since  the  Republican  party  was  established.  There  was 
trickery  and  bribery  charged  in  Ohio  and  Indiana,  but  without  attract- 
ing  wide  attention.  The  only  real  sensation  of  the  campaign  was 
occasioned  by  the  "Morchison  letter,"  written  in  California,  and 
addressed  to  Lord  Back vi lie- West,  British  Minister  at  Washington. 
The  writer,  calling  himself  Charles  F.  Murchison,  a  voter  of  English 
birth,  a?d  still  considering  England  the  motherland,  asked  the  Minis 
ter's  advice  how  to  vote.    It  said : 

Many  English  citizens  have  for  years  refrained  from  being  natur- 
alized, as  -they  thought  no  good  could  accrue  from  the  act,  but  Mr. 
Cleveland's  Administration  has  been  so  favorable  and  friendly  toward 
England,  so  kind  in  not  enforcing  tae  Retaliatory  Act  passed  I  Con- 
gress, so  sound  on  the  Free  Trade  question,  and  so  hostile  to  the 
dynamite  schools  of  Ireland,  that,  by  the  hundreds — yes,  by  the 
thouts;inds — ^they  have  become  naturalized  for  the  express  purpose  of 
helping  to  elect  hitn  over  again,  the  one  above  all  American  politicians 
they  considered  their  own  and  their  country's  best  friend.  .  .  If 
Cleveland  was  pursuing  a  new  policy  toward  C&naua,  temporarily 
only,  and  fov  the.  sake  of  obtaining  popularity  and  continuation  of  his 
office  four  years  ^mure,  but  intends  to  cease  his  policy  when  his  re-elec- 
tion in  November  is  secured,  and  again  favor  England's  interests,  then 
I  should  have  no  further  doubt,  but  go  forward  and  Vote  for  him.  I 
know  of  no  one  better  able  to  direct  me,  sir,  and  I  most  respectfully 
ask  your  advice  in  the  matter.  .  .  As  you  are  the  fountain  head 
of  knowledge  on  the  question,  and  know  whether  Mr.  Cleveland's 
policy  is  temporary  only,  and  whether  he  will,  as  soon  as  he  secures 
another  term,  of  four  years  in  the  Presidency,  suspend  it  for  one  of 
friendship  and  free  tr^  'e,  I  apply  to  you,  privately  and  confidentially, 
for  information  which  shall  in  turn  be  treated  as  entirely  secret. 
Such  information  would  put  me  at  rest  myself,  and  if  favorable  to 
Mr.  Cleveland,  would  enable  me,  on  my  owr  responsibility,  to  assure 


!^ 


^^^^ 


MWiiiliii!! 


I 


RTY. 

lis,  for  President 
Vice  President. 
B,  for  President, 
The  Prohibition- 
resident,  and  John 
'  party  nominated 
'nt,  and  James  R. 
us  went  through 
>t  go  through  the 
I  to  be  counted  as 

ny  which  had  pfre- 
shed.  There  was 
ut  without  attract 
the  campaign  was 
in  California,  and 
er  at  Washington, 
a  voter  of  English 
d,  asked  the  Minis 

I  from  being  natur- 
n  the  act,  but  Mr. 
lUd  friendly  toward 
A^ct  passed  I  Con- 
l  so  hostile  to  the 
Ireds— yes,  by  the 
express  purpose  of 
merican  politicians 
jt  friend.     .  If 

&naua,  temporarily 
continuation  of  his 
cy  when  his  re-elec- 
nd's  interests,  then 
nd  Vote  for  him.  I 
I  most  respectfVilly 
;  the  fountain  head 
er  Mr.  Cleveland's 
soon  as  he  secures 
spend  it  for  one  of 
'  and  confidentially, 
as  entirely  secret, 
and  if  favorable  to 
tnsibility,  to  assure 


THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1888.  417 

many  of  my  countrymen  that  they  would  do  England  a  service  by 
voting  for  Cleveland,  and  against  the  Republican  system  of  tariff. 

It  was  aflBrmed  afterwards  that  there  was  no  such  person  as 
Murchison,  and  that  the  letter  was  a  Republican  trap,  set  to  secure 
campaign  material.  The  British  Minister  very  innocently  fell  into 
the  trap,  for  he  wrote  in  reply: 

I  am  in  receipt  of  your  letter,  and  beg  to  say  that  I  appreciate 
the  diflBculty  in  which  you  find  yourself,  in  en  sting  your  vote.  You 
are  probably  aware  that  any  political  party  w  ich  o-ienly  favored  the 
mother  country  at  the  present  moment,  would  lose  popularity,  and 
that  the  party  in  power  is  fully  aware  of  the  fact.  The  party,  how- 
ever, is,  I  believe,  still  desirous  of  maintaining  friendly  relations  with 
Great  Britain,  and  still  desirous  of  settling  all  questions  with  Canada 
which  have  been,  unfortunately,  reopened  since  the  retraction  of  the 
treaty  by  the  Republican  majority  in  the  Senate,  and  by  the  Presi- 
dent's message  to  which  you  allude.  All  allowances  must,  therefore, 
be  made  for  the  political  situation  as  regards  the  Presidential  election 
thus  created.  It  is,  however,  impossible  to  predict  the  course  which 
President  Cleveland  may  pursue  in  the  matter  of  retaliation  should 
he  be  re-elected;  but  there  is  every  reason  to  believe  that,  while 
upholding  the  position  he  has  taken,  he  will  manifest  a  spirit  of  con- 
ciliation in  dealing  with  the   question  involved  in   his  message. 

In  spite  of  the  diplomatic  impropriety  of  Mr.  West's  action,  Cleve- 
land was  inclined  to  ignore  the  matter,  until  a  member  of  the  Cabinet 
showed  him  a  letter  from  a  member  of  the  Democratic  National  Com- 
mittee saying:  "Does  the  President  know  that  the  Irish  vote  is  slipping 
out  of  our  hands  through  diplomatic  shilly-shallying?  See  Lamont  at 
once.  Something  must  be  done  at  once."  Then  he  acted.  He  asked  for 
the  recall  of  Minister  West,  and  when  this  was  refused,  gave  him  his 
passports.  The  British  Government  resented  this,  and  sent  no  one 
to  take  Mr.  West's  place  tillthe  close  of  Cleveland's  Administration. 

In  the  election  which  followed  the  Democrats  carried  the  Solid 
South,  with  Connecticut  and  New  Jersey,  giving  Cleveland  and  Thur- 
man  168  Electoral  votes,  while  Harrison  and  Morton  had  233. 

The  popular  vote  for  President  was  as  follows: 

Harrison  and  Morton,  Republican 5,441,989 

Cleveland  and  Thucman,  Democratic 5,538,464 

Pisk  and  Brooks,  Prohibition 250,299 

Streator  and  Cunningham,  Union  I^abor 147,045 

Cowdrey  and  Wakefield,  Union  Labor 2,668 

Curtis  and  Greer,  American 1,591 

Scattering.. 6,053 


!    " 


Bhlll.'liMi'HJgM»'-»V>J'J'i*!)W>!BW,jWJMI!^^ 


'^(¥.^^1^ 


418  HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 

"^The  totals  given  on  the  popular  vote  vary  some  in  different  statis- 
tical publications.  The  above  aggregate  is  computed  from  the 
highest  vote  given  an  Elector  in  each  State.  During  Harrison's 
Administration  Congress  was  divided  politically  as  foUovvS: 

Fifty-flrst  Congress. 
Senate — Republicans,  47;  Democrats,  37. 
House— Republicans,  169;  Democrats,  161. 

Fifty-second  Congress. 
Senate— Republicans,  47;  Democrats,  39;  Farmers'  Alliance,  2. 
House— Republicans,  88;  Democrats,  235;  Alliance,  9. 

In  the  Fifty-first  Congress  the  Republican  vote,  given  above,  was 
afterwards  increased  as  the  result  of  decisions  on  contested  election 
cases. 

The  vote  of  Michigan  for  President  was  as  follows: 

Harrison  and  Morton 236,387 

Cleveland  and  Thurman 213,469 

Fisk  and  Brooks 20,945 

Streator  and  Cunningham *>555 

The  Presidential  Electors  chosen  were  as  follows:  At  Large — 
RuBsell  A.  Alger,  Isaac  Cappon  By  Districts -(1)  Edward  Burk;  (2) 
Junius  E.  Beal;  (3)  Richmond  Kingman;  (4)  Joseph  W.  French;  (5)  Don 
J.  Leathers;  (6)  James  M.  Turner;  (7)  John  S.  Thomson;  (8)  Elliott 
F.  Grabill;  (9)  Wellington  W.  Cummer;  (10)  Henry  P.  Merrill;  (11) 
Perry  Hannah. 

The  vote  for  "Governor,  at  the  same  election  was  as  follows: 

Cyrus  G.  Luce,  Republican 233,595 

Wellington  R.  Burt,  Democratic 216,450 

Amherst  B.  Cheney,  Prohibition 20,342 

WMIdman  Mills,  Union  Labor 4»388 

Imperfect  and  Scattering 17 

The  Congressional  delegation  wa^:  "il  Republican  except  the 
members  from  the  First  and  Seventh  Districts  and  was  as  follows 
in  the  order  of  the  Districts:  (1)  J.  Logan  Chipman;  (2)  Edward  P. 
Allen;  (3)  James  6'Donnell;  (4)  Julius  C.  Burrows;  (5)  Charles  E 
Belknap;  (6)  Mark  8.  Brewer;  (7)  Justin  R.  Whiting;  (8)  Aaron  T.  Biiss; 
(9)  Byron  M.  Cutcheon;  (10)  Frank  W.  Wheeler;  (11)  Samuel  M.  Steph- 
enson. ,' 


rm^- 


RTl. 

in  different  statis- 
tiputed    from    the 
taring   HarriBon'H 
f ollovv  8 : 


ers'  Alliam-e,  2. 
nee,  9. 

,  given  above,  was 
contested  election 


...  236,387 

...  213,469 

. . .  20,945 

. . .  4,555 

ows:  At  Large — 
Edward  Burk;  (2) 
tV.  French;  (5)  Don 
lomson;  (8)  Elliott 
ry  P.  Merrill;  (11) 

as  as  follows: 

....  233,595 

....  216,450 

. . . .  20,342 

.....  4,388 

..J.  17 

iblioan  except  the 
nd  was  as  follows 
lan;  (2)  Edward  P. 
wb;  (5)  Charles  E 
;(8)  Aaron  T.  Bliss; 
I)  Samuel  M.  Steph- 


iiiiMMiimiqM*n 


XXXII. 
PRESIDENT  HARRISON'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

A  Close  House  in  Congress— Prospect  of  Little  I^egislation— The 
Device  of  Speaker  Reed— A  Small  Majority  Made  Effective- 
Obstructive  Tactics  Baffled— The  Silver  Question  Made  Promi- 
nent-Passage of  the  Sherman  Silver  Act— The  Republicans  Not 
in  Control  on  This  Subject— The  Bargain  Under  Which  the 
Passage  of  the  McKinley  Tariff  Act  Became  Possible— Effects  of 
That  Act  on  Trade— The  Political  Whirlwind  of  1890. 

The  Fifty-first  Congress  had  not  been  long  in  session  when  it 
began  to  appear  as  if  no  important  legislation  could  be  accomplished 
on  account  of  the  closeness  of  the  House.  The  Republicans  had  there 
a  majority  of  only  eight,  and  could  not  often  have  enough  of  those 
present  to  constitute  a  quorum.  The  Democrats,  by  refraining  from 
voting,  could  generally  break  a  quorum,  and  by  dilatory  motions 
could  harass  the  Republicans.  But  the  new  Speaker,  Thomas  B.  Reed, 
of  Maine,  was  equal  to  the  emergency.  He  was  a  man  of  strong  will, 
ready  wit,  great  resourcefulness,  and  utterly  fearless.  He  facilitated 
business  by  refusing  to  entertain  dilatory  motions,  and  established  the 
practice  of  counting  a  quorum,  even  when  the  roll  call  did  not  show 
one  present.  The  House  had  power  to  compel  the  attendance  of  a 
member,  but  no  power  to  make  him  vote,  after  it  had  secured  his 
attendance.  Speaker  Reed  took  the  ground  that  if  a  member  was 
visible  on  the  floor  of  the  House,  he  was  present,  whether  he  voted  or 
not,  and  on  a  number  of  occasions  ordered  the  Clerk,  in  order  to  make 
up  a  quorum,  to  record  as  present  certain  non-voting  members  whom 
he  saw  in  the  Hall.  This  "cotmting  a  quorum,"  as  it  was  called,  was 
bitterly  denounced  by  the  Democrats,  who  gave  to  the  Speaker  the 
title  of  "Czar  Reed."  Then  they  began  to  use  various  devices  to 
escape  being  counted,  hiding  behind  the  seats,  or  making  for  the  doors 

On  one  occasion  Representative  Kilgore,  of  Texas,  made  himself 
famous  by  kicking  down  a  door  which  he  found  locked  at  one  of  the 
exits.    Mr.  Reed  was  sustained  in  his  course  by  the  Republicans,  as 


i 


I 


it 


M 


:;.;JA -:!.■" 

.'".■^i'A> 

o..      " 

;.-*•'•: 

■-♦:.!i>:'i; 

■■■^_;.-  --.  ■  ■■,"-      .,.:; 

;.'  ;:7^^:^  ■ 


•■.'i/s: 


420 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 


W^l  as  by  that  broad  conunon  sense  and  sense  of  justice  which 
requires  that,  in  a  parliamentary  body,  the  majority  shall,  at  least, 
have  the  means  of  bringing  a  measure  to  a  vote.  The  Speaker,  not 
wishing  to  depend  upon  his  individual  rulings,  devised  a  system  of 
rules  to  enable  the  majority,  which  was  always  held  responsible  for 
legislation,  to  exercise  more  control  under  the  proceedings  than  was 
possible  under  the  old  rules.  These  rules,  after  a  long  contest,  were 
adopted  by  a  party  vote  of  161  to  144,  with  23  members  not  voting 
Their  main  principles  have  been  applied  in  the  House  ever  since,  even 
Speaker  Crisp  taking  advantage  of  them  in  the  next  House,  which 
bad  nearly  a  three-fourths  Democratic  majority. 

With  the  new  methods  of  facilitating  business,  this  Congress 
transacted  more  business  that  was  of  serious  moment  than  almost 
any  other  Congress  since  the  war.  The  first  of  the  important  meas- 
ures to  pass,  though  not  the  first  to  be  introduced,  was  the  Coinage 
Act  of  July  14,  1890,  commonly  called  the  Sherman  Silver  Act.  The 
Bland- Allison  Act  of  1878  had  not  accomplished  the  purpose  designed, 
of  getting  silver  into  circulation  in  any  large  amount,  nor  of  bringing 
it  to  par  with  gold.  On  the  contrary  the  white  metal  had  suffered  a 
material  decline  in  value.  In  1877,  the  average  value  of  the  silver 
contained  in  a  standard  dollar  was  .92958.  In  1878,  the  year  in  which 
the  Bland- Allison  Bill  passed,  it  was  .89222.  In  1889  it  had  fallen  to 
.72325.  Not  only  did  the  compulsory  purchase  of  12,000,000  worth  of 
bullion  a  month  not  bring  silver  to  par  with  gold,  but  the  silver  dollars 
themselves  would  not  circulate  to  any  great  extent.  The  Govern- 
ment had  purchased,  under  the  Bland-Allison  Act  12,136  tons  of  silver 
at  a  cost  of  1.308,199,262,  and  had  coined  out  of  this  378,166,793 
standard  silver  dollars,  at  a  mintage  cost  of  |5,000,000.  These  dollars 
were  legal  tender  for  most  purposes,  and  the  Government,  at  one  time 
took  pains  to  get  them  into  use  by  shipping  them  to  remote  points 
yet  not  more  than  one-eighth  of  them  found  their  way  into  circula- 
tion. The  Government  might  have  saved  the  cost  of  minting  by  stor- 
ing the  bullion,  and  issuing  certificates  against  it.    I 

Still  the  cry  was  for  more  silver,  coupled  with  the  demand  for 
the  free  coinage  of  that  metal.  Upon  this  subject  the  President  said 
in  his  first  annual  message  to  Congress  December  3,  1889:  "The  Act 
of  February  28, 1878,  requiring  the  purchase  by  the  Treasury  of  f2,000,- 
000  of  silver  bullion  each  month,  to  be  coi  dd  into  silver  dollars,  ha« 
been  observed  by  the  Department,  but  neither  the  present  Secretary, 
nor  any  of  his  predecessors,  has  deemed  it  safe  to  exercise  the  discre- 


MMMM 


IMIIIIMIIilllH,^ 


%'i. , 


AHTY. 

e  of  justice  which 
•ity  shall,  at  least, 

The  Speaker,  not 
evised  a  system  of 
eld  responsible  for 
)ceeding8  than  was 

Jong  contest,  were 
lembers  not  voting 
ase  ever  since,  even 
next  House,  which 

less,  this  Congress 
oment  than  almost 
he  important  meas- 
id,  was  the  Coinage 
m  Silver  Act.    The 
J  purpose  designed, 
ant,  nor  of  bringing 
letal  had  suffered  a 
value  of  the  silver 
8,  the  year  in  which 
L889  it  had  fallen  to 
12,000,000  worth  of 
»ut  the  silver  dollars 
ctent.    The  Govern- 
12,136  tons  of  silver 
of  this   378,166,793 
),000.    These  dollars 
rnment,  at  one  time 
m  to  remote  points 
ir  way  into  circula- 
t  of  minting  by  stor- 
t.  -i 

rith  the  demand  for 
t  the  President  said 
r  3,  1889:  "The  Act 
e  Treasury  of  |2,000,- 
to  silver  dollars,  ha<« 
le  present  Secretary, 
)  exercise  the  discre- 


PRESIDENT  HARRISON'S  ADMINISTRATION.        421 

lion  given  by  law  to  increase  the  monthly  purchase  to  f 4,000,000.    He 
further  said  he  thought  it  was  clear  that  "if  we  should  make  the  coin 
age  of  silver  at  the  present  ratio  free,  we  must  expect  that  the  differ- 
ence in  the  bullion  value  of  the  gold  and  silver  dollars  will  be  taken 
bccount  of  in  commercial  transactions;"  in  other  words,  that  gold 
would  disappear,  and  that  business  wouio  be  conducted  on  the  basis 
of  the  bullion  value  of  the  depreciated  silver  dollar.    However,  he 
favored  the  use  of  silver  in  the  currency,  and  approved  a  plan,  sub- 
mitted by  Secretary  Windom,  providing  for  the  issue  of  notes  against 
the  deposits  of  American  silver  bullion  at  the  market  price  of  bullion 
on  the  day  of  deposit.    These  notes  were  to  be  redeemed,  either  in 
gold  or  silver  bullion,  at  its  then  market  value,  at  the  option  of  the 
Government,  or  in    silver  dollars  at   the  option  of   the  holder.    It 
would  seem  as  if  this  measure  was  likely  to  produce  a  currency  of 
fluctuating  and  uncertain  value,  but  the  experiment  contained  in  it 
was  never  tried.    As  a  substitute  for  this,  E.  H.  Conger,  of  Iowa, 
introduced  a  bill  providing  for  the  purchase  of  |4,500,000  worth  of 
silver  bullion  a  month,  and  the  issue  of  Treasury  notes  against  it; 
providihg  also  for  free  coinage  when  the  market  price  of  silver  reached 
fl.OO  for  3711/4  grains  of  the  pure  metal.    This  Bill  passed  the  House 
but  in  the  Senate  a  clause  was  inserted  providing  for  the  free  and 
unlimited  coinage  of  silver.    This  was  done,  June  17,  1890-,  on  motion 
of  Senator  Plumb,  of  Kansas,  by  an  affirmative  vote  of  29  Democrats 
and  14  Republicans,  to  a  negptive  vote  of  22  Republicans  and  2  Demo- 
crats.   The  House,  by  a  vote  of  152  to  135,  rejected  the  free  coinage 
amendment,  and  the  Bill  went  to  a  Committee  of  Conference.    A  com- 
promise   measure    was    the    result,    it    repealed    the    Bland-Alli- 
son Act,  and  directed  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  to  purchase 
-1,500,000    ounces    of    silver    each    month,    at    the    market    price, 
and   to  issue  in   payment  for  it   Treasury  notes,  these  notes  to   be 
a  legal  tender  for  all  debts,  public  and  private,  except  where  other- 
wise provided  in  the  contract,  the  notes  to  be  redeemable  in  gold  or 
silver  coin,  at  the  option  of  the  Secretary.    After  the  legal  tender 
clause  was  one  which  read:   ^'It  being  the  established  policy  of  the 
United  States  to  maintain  the  two  metals  on  a  parity  with  each  other, 
upon  the  pipesent  legal  ratio,  or  such  ratio  as  may  be  provided  by  law." 
The  Act  also  provided  for  the  actual  coinage  of  2,000,000  silver  dollars 
a  mouth  up  to  July  1,  1891.    After  that  date  no  dollars  were  to  be 
coined,  but  the  bullion  purchased  was  to  be  held  in  the  form  of  fine 
silver  bars. 


f.\ ' 


1 1 iiiiiiiiiiiiiiii'r"'*"""'"'—'"'""'*"™''""'" '"'""""* 


M:- 


"Hi' 


422 


HIBTORX  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 


'  This  Bill  passed  the  Senate  by  a  vote  of  39  to  20,  and  the  House 
by  a  vote  of  122  to  90,  the  yeaa  in  both  Houses  beinj?  all  Republican 
except  one  Independent,  and  the  nays  all  Democratic.  Under  this  Act 
28,298,455  silver  dollars  were  coined,  and  up  to  April  1,  1891,  |89,602, 
198  in  Treasury  notes  had  been  issued  to  pay  for  bullion  deposited 
and  of  this  sum  177,605,000  was  in  circulation.  November  1, 1891,  the 
total  of  silver  dolfars  coined,  and  in  existence  in  the  United  States 
under  all  the  Acts,  was  $409,475,368,  of  which  |347,339,907  was  in  the 
Treasury,  and  only  |62,136,461  was  in  circulation. 

The  54.000,000  ounces  of  silver  bullion  which,  under  this  Act, 

the  Treasury  was  required  to  purchase,  represented  just  about  the 

output  of  the  mines  in  this,  country  in  1890.    It  was  thought  that  by 

furnishing  so  large  a  sure  cash  customer  for  the  whole  American 

product  of  the  white  metal,  its  market  price  would  very  materially 

appreciate,    perhaps    come   even   to   par   with    gold.    This   result 

did  not  follow,  for  though  there  was  a  temporary  appreciation,  a  rapid 

decline  followed.    In  1889,  the  year  preceding  the  passage  of  the 

Sherman  Act,  the  average  value  of  a  silver  dollar,  as  compared  with 

gold,  was  .72325.    In  1890,  during  about  half  of  which  that  law  was 

in  operation,  it  was  .80927.    In  1891  it  was  .76416;  the  next  year  .67401, 

and  in  1893,  the  year  of  the  panic,  and  of  the  repeal  of  the  Sherman 

Act,  it  was  .60351.    The  year  following  that,  1894,  it  fell  to  .49097  and 

since  then  it  has  had  some  fluctuations,  the  lowest  average  being  in 

1898,  when  it  was  .45640. 

Although  the  Republicans  were  in  a  numerical  majority  in  both 
Houses  of  the  Fifty-flrst  Congress,  and  in  the  Senate  of  the  Fifty- 
second,  they  could  not  control  that  majority  on  all  questions.  The 
admission  of  N6i*th  and  South  Dakota  and  Washington  as  States,  in 
time  to  be  represented  in  the  Fifty-flrst  Congress,  and  of  Montana 
and  Idaho  in  time  for  representation  in  the  Fifty-second,  seemed  to 
give  them  control  of  the  Senate  for  a  long  time  to  come.  But  it 
turned  out  that  upon  the  silver  question,  the  Senators  from  those 
States,  as  well  as  those  from  Colorado  and  Nevaida,  and  Senator 
Plumb,  of  Kansas,  were  as  much  against  the  majority  of  the  Repub- 
licans as  were  the  Democrats  themselves.  Whatever  legislation  was 
accomplished,  therefore,  was  necessarily  the  result  of  compromise,  if 
not  of  bargain.  Of  the  passage  of  this  Act,  Senator  Sherman  says  in 
his  "Recollections  of  Forty  Years:"  "The  situation  at  that  time  was 
critical.  A  large  majority  of  the  Senate  favored  free  silver,  and  it 
was  feared  that  the  small  majority  in  the  other  House  might  yield 


mmm 


ARTY. 

2G,  and  the  House 
nnff  all  Republican 
Ic.  Under  this  Act 
ril  1,  1891, 189,602, 
•  bullion  deposited 
tvember  1, 1891,  the 

the  United  States 
',339,907  was  in  the 

;h,  under  this  Act, 
ited  just  about  the 
iras  thought  that  by 
lie  whole  American 
nld  very  materially 
gold.  This  result 
ppreciation,  a  rapid 
the  passage  of  the 
•,  as  compared  with 
which  that  law  was 
the  next  year  .67401, 
teal  of  the  Sherman 
it  fell  to  .49097  and 
»st  average  being  in 

jal  majority  in  both 
^nate  of  the  Fifty- 
all  questions.  The 
lington  as  States,  in 
>ss,  and  of  Montana 
ty-second,  seemed  to 
le  to  come.  But  it 
^nators  from  those 
evaida,  and  Senator 
jority  of  the  Repub- 
:ever  legislation  was 
lit  of  compromise,  if 
itor  Sherman  says  in 
ion  at  that  time  was 
(d  free  silver,  and  it 
r  House  might  yield 


PRESIDENT  HARRISON'S  Al>MlNISTRATION.        423 

and  agree  to  it.  The  silence  of  the  i»resident  on  the  matter  gave  rise 
to  an  apprehension  that,  if  a  free  coinage  Bill  should  pass  both 
Houses,  he  would  not  feel  at  liberty  to  veto  it.  Some  action  had  to  be 
taken  to  prevent  a  return  to  free  silver  coinage,  and  the  measure 
evolved  was  the  best  attainable.  1  voted  for  it,  but  the  day  it  became 
a  law  1  was  ready  to  repeal  it,  if  repeal  could  be  had  without  substi- 
tuting in  its  place  absolute  free  coinage."  In  a  speech  in  the  Senate 
in  1896,  Mr.  Teller,  of  Colorado,  one  of  the  silver  Senators  in  1890, 
took  issue  with  Mr.  Sherman  on  the  reason  for  passing  the  Bill. 
He  said  the  rea)  reason  was  that  the  free  coinage  men  in  the  Senate 
would  not  permit  any  tariff  bill  to  pass  without  some  concession  to 
silver. 

Tariff   revision   shared  with   the   Silver   question  the   greatest 
amount  of  public  attention  during  President  Harrison's  Administra- 
tion.   The  Republicans,  in  their  National  platform,  were  pledged  to 
this,  and  the  interests  of  the  country  demanded  it.    The  war  tariff 
had  produced  a  larger  income  than  the  country  needed.    The  Act  of 
1883  did  not  greatly  help  in  that  respect,  and  besides  that,  was  unequal 
in  the  operation  of  its  protective  features.    The  Ways  and   Means 
Committee  of  the  House  undertook  the  preparation  of  a  measure 
which   should  at  the  sanie  time   reduce  the  revenue,  and  afford 
increased  protection  to  American  industries.    Fortunately  it  had  for 
Chairman  a  man  who  was  singularly  well  equipped  for  the  work  of 
preparing  such  a  measure.    William  McKinley,  of  Ohio,  had  been 
thirteen  years  on  the  Ways  and  Means  Committee  and  had  made  a 
special  study  of  the  subject.    He  mjade  his  first  tariff  speech  in  18Y8, 
when  the  Wood  Bill  was  under  discussion,  and  it  was  regarded  as 
one  of  the  best  speeches  delivered  on  that  measure.    When  the  Bill 
which  resulted  in  the  Act  of  1883  was  before  the  House,  his  part  in 
securing  its  passage  was  so  conspicuous  that  J.  W.  D.  Kelley,  the 
veteran  protectionist  of  that  body,  said  that  McKinley  had  "distanced 
all  of  his  colleagues  in   mastering  the  details  of  the  tariff."      He 
resented  the  course  taken  by  the  promoters  of  the  Mills  Bill  in  1888, 
in  considering  the  measure  Jn  secret,  without  even  permitting  the 
minority  of  the  Committee,  which  was  to  report  it,  to  be  present. 
When  that  Bill  was  printed  and  ready  for  inspection,  he  prepared,  in 
a  very  short  time,  a  masterly  report  against  it.    The  Mills  Bill  was 
framed  according  to  preconceived  notions,  not  only  without  the  benefit 
of  such  suggestions  as  the  minority  of  the  Ways  and  Means  Commit- 
tee could  have  given,   but  without  adequate   information   from  the 


) 


■"-rMtMMniiriinii 


!iini.iii,m«iiniwii 


424 


HI8TOKY  OP  THE  REPUHLirAN  PARTY. 


'^; 


■  '■^'i-  i 


m^: 


ffreat  nmnufacturiiiK  and  <'oiiiiiiercial  intereiitti  tiint  were  involved. 
The  majority  of  the  <*oniniittee  even  went  bo  far  as  to  rebuff  leadinft 
manufacturern  of  the  country,  who  nought  iufonnntion  as  to  the  con- 
tentB  of  the  Hill,  and  who  desired  to  be  heard  in  reference  to  itH 
details. 

The  McKinley  Hill  was  framed  after  a  far  different  method.  All 
previoua  acts  were  carefully  Btudii>d.  Manufacturers,  jobbers, 
shippers  and  importers  were  given  at>ntive  hearings,  their  evidence 
making  a  valuable  contribution  to  economic  literature.  After  the 
most  careful  preparation,  following  .consultation  with  a  great  variety 
of  interests,  the  measure  was  sifted  through  a  long  debate  in  the 
House,  in  which  the  majority  of  the  Committee  which  framed  it  were 
ready  with  the  fullest  explanationt  of  details.  Its  preparation  and 
consideration  occupied  almost  the  whole  of  the  first  session  of  the 
Fifty-first  Congress.  As  it  passed  the  House  it  contained  no  reci- 
procity feature.  This  was  added  in  the  Henate  after  a  plan  outlined 
by  Secretary  Blaine,  and  was  as  follows: 

With  a  view  to  secure  reciprocal  trade  with  countries  producing 
the  following  articles,  and  for  this  purpose,  on  and  after  the  Ist  day 
of  January,  1892,  whenever  and  so  often  as  the  President  shall  be 
satisfied  that  the  Government  of  any  country  producing  and  export 
ing  sugars^  molasff^es,  coffee,  tea  and  hides,  raw  and  nncured,  or  any 
of  such  articles,  imposes  duties  or  other  exactions  ui)on  the  agricul 
tural  or  other  products  of  the  United  States,  which,  in  view  of  the 
free  introduction  of  such  sugar,  molasses,  coffee,  tea  and  hides  into 
the  United  States,  he  may  deem  to  be  reciprocally  unequal  and  unrea- 
sonable, he  shall  have  the  power,  and  it  shall  be  his  duty,  to  suspend, 
by  proclamation  to  that  effect,  the  provisions  of  this  Act  relating  to 
the  free  introduction  of  such  sugar,  molasses,  coffee,  tea  and  hides, 
the  production  of  such  country,  for  such  time  as  he  shall  deem  just; 
and  in  snch  case,  and  during  such  suspension,  duties  shall  be  levied, 
collected  and  paid  upon  sugar,  molasses,  coffee,  tea  and  hides,  the 
product  of,  <or  exported  from,  such  designated  country  as  follows. 
The  rates  of  dpty  in  snch  cases  are  then  given,  being  from  seven-tenths 
cent  to  two  cents  a  pound  on  sugar;  four  cents  a  gallon  on  molasses; 
ten  cents  a  pound  on  tea,  and  one  and  one-half  cents  a  pound  on  hides. 

The  Bill  passed  the  House  May  21,  by  a  vote  of  164  yeas,  all  Re- 
publicans, to  142  nays,  consisting  of  140  Democrats,  1  Republican  and 
1  Independent.  The  reciprocity  clause  was  not  added  in  the  Senate 
till  September  9,  when  it  received  the  vote  of  38  Republicans,  to  27 
Democrats  and  2  Republicans  against  it.  The  Hill,  as  thus  amended, 
and  with  some  other  modifications,  passed  the  Senate  l^y  a  strictly 


ARTY. 

lit  w»*re  involved. 
I  to  rebuff  leadioK 
Hon  as  to  the  eon- 
n  reference  to  its 

rent  method.  AH 
Lf'turem,  jobbers, 
igs,  their  evidence 
aturo.  After  the 
Ith  a  great  varie*y 
)ng  debate  in  the 
Ich  framed  it  were 
8  preparation  and 
rst  session  of  the 
contained  no  reci- 
er  a  plan  outlined 

)untrie8  producing 
1  after  the  1st  day 
President  shall  be 
lueing  and  export 
id  uncured,  or  any 
)  u|)on  the  agricul- 
ich,  in  view  of  the 
tea  and  hides  into 
unequal  and  unrea- 
s  duty,  to  suspend, 
bis  Act  relating  to 
fee,  tea  and  hides, 
le  shall  deem  just; 
ies  shall  be  levied, 
tea  and  hides,  the 
ountry  as  follows. 
pf  from  seven-tenths 
rallon  on  molasses; 
8  a  pound  on  hides. 

of  164  yeas,  all  Re- 
»,  1  Republican  and 
dded  in  the  Senate 
Republicans,  to  27 
1,  as  thus  amended, 
enate  l^y  a  strictly 


PRESIDENT  HARRISON'S  ADMINISTRATION.        425 

partisan  vote  of  40  to  29.  After  refusal  of  the  House  to  concur  in  the 
Senate  amendments,  the  Bill  went  to  a  Committee  of  Conference, 
which  endorsed  most  of  •'  «>  Senate  Amendments,  and  the  House  final- 
ly concurred,  by  a  vott  of  152  to  81.  The  Bill  was  signed  by  the 
President,  October  1. 180(K 

The    Act    increased    duties  on    MS    articles,    embracing  farm 
products,  manufactures  not  sufficiently  protected,  manufactures  to  be 
established,  and  luxuries.    It  decreased  duties  on  190  articles,  includ- 
ing Bome  branches  of  manufacture  already  well  established,  or  such 
as  would  not  suffer  from  foreign  comi»etition.     It  left  the  duties 
unchanged  on  249  articles.     It  enlarged  the  free  list,  so  as  to  make 
it  cover  55.75  per  cent,  of  all  imjiorts,  or  22.48  per  cent,  more  than  the 
previous  tariff.    It  was  effective  in  reducing  the  revenue.    In  1890, 
the  year  before  the  Act  passed,  the  re<-elpts  from  customs  were  |229,- 
(168,584.    In  1891,  during  part  of  which  year  the  law  was  in  operation, 
they  were  1219,522,205,  and  in  1892,  during  the  whole  of  which  year 
it  was  in  operation  they  were  fl77,452,964.    A  great  reduction  of 
revenue  was  made  by  putting  sugar  on  the  free  list,  and  the  price  of 
that  article  of  universal  use  was  reduced.    In  1890  the  surplus  of 
revenue  over  expenditure  was  186,000,000,  and  in  1892  it  was  only 
about  110,000,000.    Besides  thus  reducing  the  revenue  to  the  actual 
needs  of  the  Government,  the  law  gave  a  wonderful  impetus  to  man- 
ufacturing in  this  country,  while  the  treaties  negotiated  under  the 
reciprocity  clause  enlarged  old  markets  and  opened  new  ones  for 
American  breadstuffs  and  provisions. 

liegislation  intended  to  secure  the  colored  people  of  the  South 
their  right  to  vote,  and  to  have  their  votes  counted,  was  attempted,  for 
the  last  time,  in  the  Fifty-first  Congress.  The  measure  introduced  for 
this  purpose  was  called  the  "Force  Bill,"  and  its  purpose  was  to 
extend  and  strengthen  the  Federal  election  laws  of  1870,  1871  and 
1872.  It  provided  for  Federal  supervision  of  Federal  elections,  sup- 
ported, if  need  be,  by  the  military.  It  was  strongly  favored  by  the 
President.  It  met  with  strong  opposition  from  the  Democrats,  and 
the  feeling  aroused  by  it  led  to  acts  of  violence  in  the  South,  and  to 
threats  of  a  Southern  boycott  on  Northern  merchandise.  It  passed 
the  House  by  a  vote  of  155  to  149,  the  former  all  Republican  except 
1  Independent,  and  the  latter  all  Democrats  except  2.  In  the 
Senate  Cameron,  of  Pennsylvania;  Jones  and  Stewart,  of  Nevada; 
Teller  and  Wolcott,  of  Colorado,  and  Washburn,  of  Minnesota,  com- 
bined with  the   Democrats  to  defeat   it.    On   motion   of   Senator 


■ 
1 


rrrr* 


420 


HIHTORY  OP  THE  REPrHLirAN  PARTY. 


Wolcott  it  wuB,  by  a  vote  of  :i5  to  !W,  gidc-trmked,  to  make  way  for 
the  Apportionment  Bill,  and  wan  not  rearlied  again  that  gesHion.  The 
next  House  was  Democratic,  as  was  also  the  next  Adininlstration,  and 
in  1894  all  the  laws  which  this  was  designed  to  supplement  were 
repealed.  The  Houth  has,  ever  sinie,  been  allowed  to  go  lt»  own  way 
in  its  treatment  of  Republican  votes,  whether  white  or  black. 

In  the  last  days  of  its  second  session  the  Fifty-first  Congress 
passed  a  Bill  much  more  restrictive  of  immigration  than  any  previ- 
ously adopted.  It  provided  that  the  following  iM»rsons  besides 
Chinese  should  be  excluded  from  admission  to  the  United  Rtates: 

All  idiots,  insane  persons,  paupers  or  persons  likely  to  become  a 
public  charge,  persons  suffering  from  a  loathsome  disease,  or  a  dan- 
gerous contagious  disease,  persons  who  have  been  convicted  of  a 
felony  or  other  infamous  crime  or  misdemeanor  involving  moral  turpi- 
tude, polygamists,  and  also  any  person  whose  ticket  or  passage  is 
paid  for  with  the  money  of  another,  or  who  is  assisted  by  others  to 
come,  unless  it  is  affirmatively  and  satisfactorily  shown,  on  special 
inquiry,  that  such  person  does  not  belong  to  one  of  the  foregoing 
excluded  classes,  or  to  the  class  of  contract  laborers,  excluded  by  the 
Act  of  February  2B,  1885;  but  this  section  shall  not  be  held  to  exclude 
persons  living  'in  the  United  States  from  sending  for  a  relative  or 
friend,  who  is  not  of  the  excluded  classes,  under  such  regulations  as 
the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  may  prescribe;  provided,  that  nothing 
in  this  Act  shall  be  construed  to  apply  to,  or  exclude  persons  con- 
victed of  a  political  offense,  notwithstanding  said  political  offense  may 
be  designated  as  a  felony,  crime,  infamous  crime,  or  misdemeanor. 
Involving  moral  turpitude  by  the  law  of  the  land  whence  he  came, 
or  by  the  court  convicting. 

The  Act  also  added  to  the  stringency  of  the  law  of  1885,  making 
steamship  companies  responsible  for  the  bringing  in  of  the  proscribed 
classes  of  immigrants,  and  forbidding  them  to  solicit  the  immigra- 
tion of  aliei)8,  except  by  the  ordinary  advertising  methods. 

It  is  not  easy  to  account  for  the  political  whirlwind  that  struck 
the  middle  of  this  period.  Harrison's  Administration  had  been  clean, 
conservative  and  prudent.  The  Mcltinley  Tariff  Act  was  merely  vhe 
carrying  out  of  a  policy  which  the  voters  had  endorsed  in  advance  in 
the  elections  of  1888.  If  any  evil  effects  were  to  come  from 
it,  they  were  not  yet  apparent,  for  it  had  hardly  gone  into 
effect.  The  country  was  prosperous  and  the  outlook  for  busi- 
ness continued  good.  Yet  the  State  and  Congressional  elec- 
tions in  November,  1890,  resulted  in  a  complete  overturn.    From  a 


m 


»ARTY. 

,  to  make  way  fur 

that  R«H8ion.    The 

dininiiitratioD,  and 

Hiipplement  were 

to  Ko  Hm  own  wa.v 

«'  or  black. 

ifty-flrflt  ('ongresH 

i>n  than  any  previ- 

l   |M^rHon8    besideH 

Unitt>d  States:  ' 

likely  to  become  a 

disease,  or  a  dan- 
ten  convicted  of  a 
olving  moral  turpi- 
cket  or  passagf  itt 
jiBted  by  others  to 

shown,  on  special 
e  of  the  foregoing 
rs,  excluded  by  the 

be  held  to  exclude 
i  for  a  relative  or 
luch  regulations  as 
vided,  that  nothing 
tclnde  (lersons  con- 
olitical  offense  may 
?,  or  misdemeanor, 
S  whence  he  came, 


iw  of  1885,  making 
n  of  the  proscribed 
Dlicit  the  immigra- 
methods. 

rlwind  that  struck 
ion  had  been  clean, 
Let  was  merely  ihe 
>rsed  in  advance  in 
jre  to  come  from 
hardly  gone  into 
outlook  for  busi- 
ongressional  eiec- 
overturn.    From  a 


***" 


•s; 


PRKSIDENT  HARRI80N'H  APMr  IHTRaTON.        427 

majority  of  fifteen,  which  the  Republicans  liud  in  ilie  lust  tlouse  nfter 
the  contested  election  cases  were  settled,  they  were  reduced  to  a 
number  not  much  exceeiling  one-fourth  (he  memberitliip  of  that  body. 
In  fact  tliere  were  hardly  enough  of  them  to  make  u|i  resitectable 
minorities  on  the  comniitteeH.  The  following  seventeen  Htates  did 
not  send  a  single  Republican  Representative:  Alaltaiiia,  Arkansas, 
Delaware,  Florida,  Georgia,  Tiouisianu,  ^larylaiid,  MiMsistiippi,  Mis 
souri,  Montana,  New  Hampshire,  Nebraska,  Rhode  IsIiiihI,  Houth  Car 
olina,  Texas,  Virginia  and  West  Virginia.  Five  States,  I  iviiig  four 
or  more  members,  sent  only  one  Republican  each;  Connecticut,  Ken- 
tucky, Minnesota,  North  Carolina  and  Wisconsin.  In  Staten  lutviug 
four  or  more  members  each,  the  Republicans  had  a  maj()rit\  of  the 
members  in  only  three;  California,  Maine  and  PennHylvania. 

Michigan  fared  as  badly  as  the  rest  of  the  staxs.    The  vote  on 
Governor  was  18.'{,725  for  Kdwin  M.  Winans,  Democrat,  to  172,205  for 
James  M.  Turner,  Republican;  28,681  for  Aaariah  H.  Partridge,  Prohi 
bition,  and  18,108  for  Eugene  H.  Relden,  Industrial.    The  Demo(  i  ats 
also  elected  their  entire  Ktate  tick*',  and  eight  out  of  the  eleven  (  on 
gressmen,  as  follows:    |1)  J.  Ix)gan  Chipman;  (2)  James  H.  Gorman; 
(5)  Melbourne  H.  Ford;  (6)  Byron  G.  Stout;  (7)  Justin  R.  Whiting;  (8) 
Henry  M.  Youmans;  (9)  Harrison  H.  Wheeler;  (10)  Thomas  A.  E. 
Weadock.    The  Republicans  elected  James  O'Donnell  in  the  Third 
District,  Julius  C.  Burrows,  in  the  Fourth,  and  Samuel  M.  Stephen 
son  in  the  Eleventh.    In  April,  18U1,  Mr.  Ford  died,  and  Charles  E. 
Belknap  was  elected  to  fill  the  vacancy. 

With  a  House  so  strongly  Democratic  and  Senate  Republican, 
it  could  not  be  expected  that  any  legislation  of  a  partisan  character 
would  be  enacted.  An  attempt  was  made  to  crowd  a  free  coinage 
Bill  through  the  House,  but  it  met  with  an  unexpected  defeat.  The 
Bill  was  introduced  by  Mr.  Bland,  of  Missouri,  and  was  pushed  with 
the  Eeal  that  was  common  with  him  when  advocating  that  measure. 
After  some  discussion  of  the  Bill,  on  a  motion  for  the  previous  ques- 
tion, enough  Eastern  Democrats  united  with  the  Republicans  to  make 
the  vote  stand  148  to  148.  Speaker  Crisp  broke  the  tie  in  favor  of  the 
Bill,  but  it  was  finally  beaten  by  dilatory  motions. 

One  important  and  enduring  Act  which  this  Congress  did  pass, 
and  that  by  a  very  mixed,  non-partisan  vote  in  both  Houses,  was  the 
Geary  Law  affecting  Chinese  immigration.  This  extended  for  ten 
years  all  former  laws  prohibiting  and  regulating  Chinese  immigra- 
tion, provided  for  the    deportation  of   all    Chinamen  not    lawfully 


%^- 


it 


/f 


OF  THE  UEPrilLUAN  PARTY. 


entHlHl  to  rPtiiAin  In  the  rnltwl  HtateH,  and  n'«|ulr««d  t'liliiese  labor- 
fv,  alrend.v  in  thin  country,  to  Benire  cfrtiflratos  of  reBldc«n«e  from 
Collcctorii  of  Internal  Hevenue,  within  a  year,  on  i>enalty  of  deporta- 
tion. 

Two  Executive  Acta  of  this  Adniinlatration  were  of  Interest 
The  Edmunds  Iaw  for  puniiihinK  i)olygamy  had  been  enforced  with 
a  good  deal  of  rigor  against  the  Mormons  In  Utah,  and  under  ifm 
provisions,  in  the  course  of  two  years,  la.tMMl  persons  were  disfran- 
chised, though  monogamous,  as  well  as  imlygamous  Mormons  made 
common  cause  against  the  law,  and  Southern  members  of  Congress 
opposed  it  as  unconstitutional,  impolitic  and  sectional.  Test  cases 
were  made  under  the  Law,  and  in  189«  the  Supreme  Com  <  rendered 
two  decisions  sustaining  its  constitutionality.  This  w  tallowed  by 
a  general  promise  to  obey  the  law  in  the  future,  and  a  petition  for 
amnesty  for  past  offenses.  January  4,  1803,  President  Harrison 
granted  a  full  amnesty  and  pardon  to  all  persons  liable  to  the  penal- 
ties of  the  Act  "by  reason  of  unlawful  cohabitation  under  the  color 
of  polygamous  or  plural  marriages,  who  had,  since  November  1, 1890, 
abstained  from  such  unlawful  cohabitation;  but  upon  the  express 
condition  that  they  should,  in  the  future,  faithfully  obey  the  laws  of 
the  United  States  hereinbefore  named." 

ny  a  bloodless  revolution  In  the  Hawaiian  Islands  in  January, 
1893,  the  Queen,  Llliuokalanl,  who  was  in  Ill-favor  with  many  of  her 
native  subjects,  as  well  as  with  the  foreign  residents,  was  deposed,  a 
Committee  of  Safety  organised  a  new  Government,  and  concluded  a 
treaty  annexing  the  islands  to  the  United  States.  The  treaty  pro- 
vided for  the  assumption  by  the  United  States  of  the  Hawaiian  debt, 
and  for  the  payment  of  |20,000  a  year  to  the  dethroned  Queen,  and 
1160,004)  in  a  gross  sum  to  Princess  Kaiulanl.  The  President  sent 
the  treaty  to  the  Senate,  with  his  approval,  but  that  body  had  not 
acted  upon  it  when  its  term  and  that  of  the  Administration  ended. 
President  Cleveland  withdrew  the  treaty,  soon  after  his  inaugura- 
tion, thus  initiating  the  work,  which  occupied  a  larjje  share  of  the 
time  of  his  second  Administration,  of  undoing  the  good  which  his 
predecessor  had  done. 


Ml I  mmimmmmm 


■■I",  {1} 


'|--f 


ARTY. 

>«>(1  riiiiifMe  labur- 
of  resldcnoe  from 
enaltj'  of  deporta- 

were  of  Interegt 
e«n  enforced  with 
ah,  and  under  \fm 
lona  were  disfrau- 
iH  Mormona  made 
nbera  of  CongrewM 
ional.  Teat  cases 
le  Coo I  I  rendered 
B  w  tollowed  by 
Etnd  a.  petition  for 
esident  Harrison 
iabie  to  the  penal- 
m  under  the  color 
November  1, 1890, 
upon  the  ezprcgs 
f  obey  the  laws  of 

lands  in  January, 
with  many  of  her 
its,  was  deposed,  a 
:,  and  concluded  a 
,  The  treaty  pro- 
he  Hawaiian  debt, 
ironed  Queen,  and 
le  President  sent 
that  body  had  not 
linistration  ended. 
Iter  his  inaugura- 
[ar(;e  share  of  the 
le  good  which  his 


,   ^  > 


XXX  III. 

THE  CAMl'AKJN  OF  1892. 

Hai'd  Work  fur  Mlnuwipijlis  as  the  i  lace  of  (lathering  for  the  Kepnb- 
Mean  ( 'on  vent  ion— A  Btlrring  and  Comprehensivf  IMatforui— 
Recognition  of  Woman's  Aid  in  the  Campaign— Hurriscm  in  the 
T.ead  for  the  Nomination— Blaine's  Name  Presented  at  the  Last 
—Three  Unwonted  Demonstrations  at  the  Convention— Harrison 
and  Reid  Nominated- The  Democratic  (^onv<ntlon  and  the  Cam- 
paign—An Unexpectedly  Sweeping  Triumph  for  (Meveland  and 
His  Party. 

The  Exposition  held  in  Minneapolis  in  1880  brought  about  the 
erection  of  a  large  hall,  ample  for  tlie  needs  of  a  National  Convention, 
and  some  oflTort  was  made  to  secure  the  Republican  gathering  for  1888 
in  that  hall.  The  City  received  but  a  small  vote  at  that  time,  but 
was  first  in  the  field  for  the  next  Convention.  It  was  rapieseuted 
before  the  National  Committee  by  a  capable  and  hustling  committee 
of  citiKens,  who  had  alreaJy  flooded  the  country  with  literature 
showing  tlje  attractions  of  the  v  ?ty,  and  who  urged  the  political  advan- 
tages to  the  Northwest  of  holding  the  Convention  there,  and  offered 
a  guarantee  fund  of  |50,0UU  to  cover  the  expenses  of  the  gathering. 
New  York,  Omaha,  Cincinnati  and  San  Francisco  were  actively  in  the 
field,  and  on  the  first  two  ballots  in  the  National  Committee  there 
were  a  few  scattering  votes  for  other  cities.  But  Minneapolis  led 
from  the  start,  and  on  the  eighth  ballot  carried  its  point,  having  29 
votes  to  3  for  New  York  and  lo  for  Cincinnati. 

The  Convention  met  on  Tuesday  June  7,  with  Hon.  J.  Bloat  Fr.d- 
sett,  of  New  York,  as  temporary  Pi '  sident.  Mr.  Fassett  was  one 
of  the  prominent  young  men  of  the  Jay,  who  had  gained  a  high  repu- 
tation in  the  New  York  State  Senate,  and  won  the  good  will  of  the 
Convention  by  an  earnest  and  enthusiastic  sjieech  on  the  past  cdhd 
future  of  the  party,  with  eloquent  references  to  a  number  of  its 
heroes,  dead  and  Hiring.    The  first  day's  session  was  very  brief.    The 


-<«      i 


'%f 


430 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 


second  day  was  occnpied  chiefly  with  the  designation  of  the  perma- 
nent officers,  William  McKinley,  of  Ohio,  being  permanent  President, 
and  with  the  consideration  of  the  rules.  Only  two  modifications  were 
made  in  these,  one  adopting  the  rules  of  the  House  of  Representa 
tives  of  the  Pifty-flrst  Congress  and  the  second  providing  that  it 
should  be  in  order  to  lay  on  the  table  a  proposed  amendment  to  a 
pending  measure,  and  that  such  motion,  if  adopted,  should  not  carry 
with  or  prejudice  such  measure.  The  first  rule  was  supported  by 
the  Committee,  by  reference  to  the  efficiency  of  the  Reed  rules  jin 
enabling  a  small  majority  in  GoKgress,  to  carry  through  important 
legislation. 

Arguments  and  votes  over  contested  seats  in  the  Conventibn 
occupied  the  whole  of  the  third  day  until  late  in  the  evening,  when 
the  following  platform  was  reported  and  adopted: 

The  representatives  of  the  Republicans  of  the  United  States 
assembled  in  general  Convention  on  the  shores  of  the  Mississippi 
River,  the  everlasting  bond  of  an  indestructible  Republic,  whose  most 
glorious  chapter  of  history  is  the  record  of  the  Republican  party, 
congratulate  their  countrymen  on  the  majestic  march  of  the  Nation 
under  the  banners  inscribed  with  the  principles  of  our  platform  of 
1888,  vindicated  by  victory  at  the  polls  and  prosperity  in  our  fields, 
workshops  and  mines,  and  make  the  following  declaration  of  prin- 
ciples: 

We  reaffirm  the  American  doctrine  of  protection.  We  call  atten 
tion  to  its  growth  abroad.  We  maintain  that  the  prosperous  condi- 
tion of  our  country  is  largely  due  to  the  wise  revenue  legislation  of 
the  last  Republican  Congress.  We  believe  that  all  articles  which 
cannot  be  produced  in  the  United  States,  except  luxuries,  should  be 
admitted  free  of  duty,  and  that  on  all  imports  coming  into  competi- 
tion with  the  products  of  American  labor  there  should  be  levied  duties 
equal  to  the  difference  between  wages  abroad  and  at  home. 

We  assert  that  prices  of  manufactured  articles  of  general  con- 
sumption have  6een  reduced  under  the  operations  of  the  Tariff  Act 
of  1890. 

We  denounce  the  efforts  of  the  Democratic  majority  of  the  House 
of  Representatives  to  destroy  our  tariff  laws  by  piecemeal,  as  mani 
fested  by  their  attc?ks  upon  wool,  lead  and  lead  ores,  the  chief  pro- 
ducts of  a  number  of  States,  and  we  ask  the  people  for  tueir  judgment 
thereof  1. 

V,  \'.  e  point  to  the  success  of  the  Republican  policy  of  reciprocity, 
under  which  our  export  trade  has  vastly  increased,  and  new  and 
enlarged  markets  have  been  opened  for  the  products  of  our  farms 
and  workshops.    We  remind  the  people  of  the  bitter  opposition  of  the 


oKMMil 


><p»w>«rwiiptB«P5»" 


,!^fffmmvi>mm>m. "  '.i''^4''!BllWI.!>'!l;','','|t':^Ji'!!''''''''-'-'...'':'  ^l^'!^''ywp»Wf^il!3*ji^ 


5% 


I 


lRTY. 

ion  of  the  perma- 
manent  Freaident, 
nodiflcations  were 
se  of  Bepresenta- 
providing  that  it 
amendment  to  a 
,  should  not  carry 
WSLB  supported  by 
the  Reed  rules  ,in 
hrough  important 

n  the  Conventibn 
the  evening,  when 


he  United  States 
of  the  Mississippi 
)ublic,  whose  most 
Republican  party, 
irch  of  the  Nation 
>f  our  platform  of 
erity  in  our  fields, 
iclaration  of  priu- 

»n.  We  call  atten 
prosperous  condi- 
enue  legislation  of 
all  articles  which 
nxurieo,  should  be 
ning  into  competi- 
lid  be  levied  duties 
at  home. 

es  of  general  con- 
I  of  the  Tariff  Act 

jority  of  the  House 
tiecemeal,  as  mani- 
>res,  the  chief  pro- 
for  tueir  judgment 

licy  of  reciprocity, 
Bed,  and  new  and 
ucts  of  our  farms 
>r  opposition  of  the 


THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1892. 


131 


Democratic  party  to  this  practical  business  measure,  and  claim  that, 
executed  by  a  Republican  Administration,  our  present  laws  will 
eventually  give  us  control  of  the  trade  of  the  world. 

The  American  people,  from  tradition  and  interest,  favor  bimetal- 
lism, and  the  Republican  party  demands  the  use  of  both  gold  and 
silver  as  standard  money,  with  such  restrictions  and  under  such  pro- 
visions, to  be  determined  by  legislation,  as  will  secure  the  mainte- 
nance of  the  parity  of  values  of  the  two  metals,  so  that  the  purchasing 
and  debt-paying  power  of  the  dollar,  whether  of  silver,  gold  or  paper, 
shall  be  at  all  times  equal.  The  interests  of  the  producers  of  the 
country,  its  farmers  and  its  workingmen.  demand  that  every  dollar, 
paper  or  coin,  issued  by  the  Government  shall  be  as  good  as  any 
other.  We  commend  the  wise  and  patriotic  steps  already  taken  by 
our  Government  to  secure  an  international  conference  to  adopt  such 
measures  as  will  insure  a  parity  of  value  between  gold  and  silver  for 
use  as  money  throughout  the  world. 

We  demand  that  every  citizen  of  the  United  States  shall  be 
allowed  to  cast  one  free  and*  unrestricted  ballot  in  all  public  elections, 
and  that  such  ballot  shall  be  c<mnted  and  returned  as  cast;  that  such 
laws  shall  be  enacted  and  enforced  as  will  secure  to  every  citizen,  be 
he  rich  or  poor,  native  or  foreign-born,  white  or  black,  this  sovereign 
right  guaranteed  by  the  Qonstitution.  The  free  and  popular  honest 
ballot,  the  just  and  equal  representation  of  all  the  people,  as  well  as 
their  just  and  equal  protection  under  the  laws,  are  the  fonndstion  of 
our  Republican  institutions,  and  the  party  will  never  relax  its  efforts 
until  the  integrity  of  the  ballot  and  the  purity  of  elections  shall  be 
fully  guaranteed  and  protected  in  every  State. 

We  denounce  the  continued  inhuman  outrages  perpetrated  upon 
American  citizens  for  political  reasons  in  certain  Southern  States  of 
the  Union. 

We  favor  the  extension  of  our  foreign  commerce,  the  restoration 
of  our  mercantile  niarine  by  home-built  ships,  and  the  creation  of  a 
navy  for  the  protection  of  our  National  interests  and  the  honor  of 
our  flag;  the  maintenance  of  the  most  friendly  relations  with  all 
foreign  powers;  entangling  alliances  with  none,  and  the  protection 
of  the  rights  of  our  fishermen. 

We  reaffirm  our  approval  of  the  Monroe  doctrine  and  believe  in- 
the  achievement  of  the  manifest   destiny  of  the   Republic   in  its 
broadest  sense. 

We  favoi'  the  enactment  of  more  stringes\t  laws  and  regulations 
for  the  restriction  of  criminal,  pauper  and  coniract  immigration. 

We  favor  efficient  legislation  by  Congress  to  protect  the  life  and 
limbs  of  employes  of  transportation  companies  engaged  in  carrying 
on  interstate  commerce,  and  recommend  legislation  by  the  respeitive 
states  that  will  protect  employes  engaged  iti  state  commerce,  in 
mining  and  manufacturing. 


432 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 


^  The  Republican  party  has  always  been  the  champion  of  the 
oppressed,  and  recognizes  the  dignity  of  manhood,  irrespective  of 
faith,  color,  or  nationality.  It  sympathizes  with  the  cause  of  home 
rule  in  Ireland,  and  protests  against  the  persecution  of  the  Jews  in 
Russia. 

The  ultimate  reliance  of  free  popular  government  is  the  intelli- 
gence of  the  people  and  the  maintenance  of  freedom  am<ong  all  men. 
We  therefore  declare  anew  our  devotion  to  liberty  of  thought  and 
conscience,  of  speech  and  press,  and  approve  all  agencies  and  instru- 
mentalities which  contribute  to  the  education  of  the  children  of  the 
land;  but  while  insisting  upon  the  fullest  measure  of  religious  libefty, 
we  are  opposed  to  any  union  of  Church  and  State. 

We  aftirm  our  opposition,  declared  in  the  Republican  platform  of 
1888,  to  all  combinations  of  capital  organized  in  trusts  or  otherwise, 
to  control  arbitrarily  the  condition  of  trade  among  our  citizens.  We 
heartilv  indorse  the' action  already  taken  upon  this  subject,  and  ask 
for  such  further  legislation  as  may  be  required  to  remedy  any  defects 
in  existing  laws  and  render  their  enforcement  more  complete  and 
effective. 

We  approve  the  policy  of  extending  to  towns,  villages  and  rural 
communities  the  advantages  of  the  free-delivery  service  now  enjoyed 
by  the  larger  cities  of  the  country,  and  reaffirm  the  declaration  con- 
tained in  the  Republican  platform  of  1888,  pledging  the  reduction  of 
letter  postage  to  one  cent  at  the  earliest  possible  moment  consistent 
with  the  Biaintenance  of  the  Post  Office  Department  and  the  highest 
class  of  postal  service. 

We  commend  the  spirit  and  evidence  of  reform  in  the  Civil  Ser- 
vice, and  the  wise  and  consistent  enforcement  by  the  Republican  party 
of  the  laws  regulating  the  same. 

The  construction  of  the  Nicaragua  Canal  is  of  the  highest  impor 
tance  to  the  American  people  as  a  measure  of  defense  and  to  build 
up  and  maintaia  American  commerce,  and  it  should  be  controlled  by 
the  United  States  Government. 

We  favor  the  admission  of  the  remaining  territories  at  the 
earliest  poifsible  date,  having  due  regard  to  the  interests  of  the  people 
of  the  territories  and  of  the  United  States. 

All  the  Federal  officers  appointed  ior  the  territories  should  be 
selected  from  bona  flde  residents  thereof,  and  the  right  of  self-govern 
meut  should  be  accorded  as  far  as  practicable. 

We  favor  cession,  subject  to  the  homestead  laws,  of  the  arid 
public  lands  to  the  states  and  territories  in  which  they  lie,  under  such 
Congressional  restrictions  as  to  disposition,  reclamation,  and  occu- 
pancy by  settlers  as  will  secure  the  maximum  benfits  to  the  people. 

The  World's  Columbian  Exposition  is  a  great  national  undertak- 
ing, and  C,)pgre«s  should  promptly  enact  suf-h  reasonable  legislation 
in  aid  thereof  as  will  insure  a  discharging  of  the  expense  and  obliga- 


ARTY. 

;  champion  of  the 
od,  irrespective  of 
the  canee  of  home 
tion  of  the  Jews  in 

ment  is  the  intelli- 
om  amiong  all  men. 
rty  of  thought  and 
igencies  and  instru- 
the  children  of  the 
of  religious  libefty, 

ublican  platform  of 
trusts  or  otherwise, 
g  our  citizens.  We 
lis  subject,  and  ask 
remedy  any  defects 
more  complete  and 

I,  villages  and  rural 
lervice  now  enjoyed 
the  declaration,  con- 
ng  the  reduction  of 
moment  consistent 
ent  and  the  highest 

pm  in  the  Civil  Ser- 
be  Republican  party 

f  the  highest  impor 
efense  and  to  build 
aid  be  controlled  by 

:  territories  at  the 
terests  of  the  people 

erritories  should  be 
right  of  self -govern- 

d  laws,  of  the  arid 
they  lie,  under  such 
lamation,  and  occu- 
iflts  to  the  people, 
t  national  undertak- 
^asonable  legislation 
exi)ense  and  obliga- 


||w|Jlu^llllu^lll,^JWlJJJ;.^illl^lll)^J.lj|^p^p^^^»^^^ 


1         iii 


THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1892. 


433 


tions  incident  thereto  and  the  attainment  of  results  commensurate 
with  th'^  dignity  and  progress  of  the  Nation. 

We  sympathize  with  all  wise  and  legitimate  efforts  to  lessen  and 
prevent  the  evils  of  intemperance  and  promote  morality. 

Ever  mindful  of  the  services  and  sacrifices  of  the  men  who  saved 
the  life  of  the  Nation,  we  pledge  anew  to  the  veteran  soldiers  of  the 
Republic  a  watchful  care  and  recognition  of  their  just  claims  upon  a 
grateful  people. 

We  commend  the  able,  patriotic  and  thoroughly  American  Admin- 
istration of  President  Harrison.  Under  it  the  country  has  enjoyed 
remarkable  prosperity,  and  the  dignity  and  the  honor  of  the  Nation, 
at  home  and  abroad,  have  been  faithfully  maintained,  and  we  offer 
the  record  of  pledges  kept  as  gr.Tantee  of  faithful  performance  in 
the  future. 

For  the  first  time  in  the  hintory  of  th«B  party  this  Convention 
recognized  woman's  aid  in  campaign  work.  A  communication  was 
received  from  the  Woman's  Republican  Association  of  the  United 
States,  addressed  to  the  Chairman  of  the  New  York  delegation  and 
reading  as  follows :  "We  respectfully  call  your  attention  to  the  work 
of  the  Republican  women  for  the  maintenance  of  Republican  princi- 
ples and  the' •'lection  of  Republican  candidates.  The  work  of  women, 
in  whatever  concerns  the  home  or  the  state,  is  justified  by  every 
principle  of  popular  government,  and  at  the  present  time  is  made 
important  by  current  political  conditions.  The  Republican  prrty  will 
be  the  gainer  if  it  utilizes  the  social,  moral  and  political  influence  of 
its  women  sympathizers.  This  can  only  be  broadly  effective  through 
organization.  We  earnestly  ask  the  delegates  to  the  Convention  to 
seek  the  co-operation  of  women  in  their  various  localities.  To  aid 
in  their  co-operation,  we  will  present  each  delegate  with  a  general 
statement  of  the  work  accomplished  and  plans  proposed.  Thus  may 
the  fireside  and  the  schools,  as  well  as  the  platform  and  the  press, 
sustain  the  principles  of  the  Republican  party,  among  which  is  the 
noble  sentiment  of  the  last  National  Convention,  viz:  'The  first  con- 
cern of  good  government  is  the  virtue  and  sobriety  of  the  citizen  and 
the  purity  oi'  the  home.' " 

On  motion  of  Senator  Warner  Miller,  of  the  New  York  delegation, 
it  was  resolved  that  this  organization  should  be  used  in  the  coming 
campaign,  and  that  the  officers  be  presented  to  the  Convention.  In 
response  Mrs.  J.  Ellen  Foster.  President  of  the  Association,  addressed 
the  Convention  in  a  stirring  speech. 


434 


HISTORY  OP  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 


-t^:'-:'rX 


-_t, 


^-  Up  to  within  a  few  days  of  the  Convention  Harrison's  name  waa 
the  only  one  seriously  mentioned  in  connection  with  the  nomination. 
Then  opponents  of  Harrison  succeeded  in  fanning  into  a  new  flame 
the  dying  flres  of  Blaine's  old  ambition.  He  had  exerted  a  strong 
influence,  both  on  the  Administration  and  on  Congressional  action, 
and  was  supposed  to  be  well  satisfied  with  his  position  as  Secretary 
of  State.  But  foui^^ays  before  the  Convention,  he  resigned  that  ofHce, 
and  permitted  his  friends  to  present  his  name.  William  McKinley 
was  also  brought  forward  without  his  consent,  and  at  the  la^t  against 
his  protest. 

The  leaders  of  the  Blaine  forces  at  Minneapolis  were  Thomas 
C.  Piatt,  of  New  York;  Joseph  H.  Manley,  of  Maine;  Senator  Quay, 
of  Pennsylvania,  and  J.  S.  Clarkson,  of  Iowa.  Of  their  flrst  test  of 
strength,  which  occurred  on  the  fourth  day  of  the  Convention,  a  cor- 
respondent wrote  at  the  time: 

When  they  went  into  the  Convention  last  evening  they  were 
reduced  to  the  necessity  of  making  a  demonstration.  They  had  been 
thrown  into  a  panic,  which  they  could  not  disguise,  by  the  bold 
expedient  of  the  Harrison  managers  in  calling  their  delegates  to  make 
a  display  at  midday.  The  caucus  proved,  as  it  was  intended  to  do. 
the  determination  of  the  issue,  and  when  the  463  men  got  together, 
Harrisson's  nomination  v/as  practically  assuijd.  It  did  not  suit  the 
purposes  of  the  opposition  to  recognize  this.*  They  undertook  to 
rijcover  some  of  their  lost  prestige  by  forcing  an  issue  on  the  report 
of  the  Committee  on  Credentials,  and  fought  desperately  from  8 
o'clock  until  nearly  1:30  this  morning  to  get  something  out  of  it. 
When  the  flrst  test  was  wot-  by  the  Harrison  men  by  463  votes, 
exactly  the  number  that  had  bee,;  counted  at  the  Market  Hall  meet- 
ing, it  was  noticed  that  a  majority  of  the  Convention  was  elbow  to 
elbow  under  the  leadership  ui  Depew  on  the  floor.  Fxact  figures  had 
a  striking  and  impressive  etfect,  in  showing  that  the  organization  of 
the  Harrison  forces  was  altogether  complete,  and  could  not  be  broken, 
even  on  a  side  issue.  The  next  ballot,  taken  on  the  majority  report 
of  the  CredentialB  Committee,  gave  the  Harrison  people  thirteen 
additional  voteis.    It  left  the  opposition  in  a  state  of  depression. 

Only  two  names  wtre  formally  presented  to  the  Conven'tion. 
Senator  Wolcott,  of  Colorado,  who^e  hoptility  to  President  Harrison 
was  probably  deeper  than  Lir  affection  for  any  particular  opposing 

indidate,  made  the  opening  speech  for  Blaine,  bringing  in  te  number 
|f  terse,  incisive  sentences,  which  called  out  tremendous  applause. 

Maine's  nomination  was  supported  by  William  H.  Eustis,  of  Minne 
sota;  W.  E.  MolH«on,  of  Misrissippi;  Senator  Warner  Miller,  of  New 


ARTY. 


THE  CAMPAIGN  OP  1892. 


435 


irriBon  8  name  was 
ith  the  nomination. 
^  into  a  new  flame 
1  exerted  a  strong 
ngrefiBional  action, 
sitiou  as  Secretary 
resigned  that  office, 
William  McKinley 
i  at  the  Ifl^t  agtvlnst 

polls  were  Thomas 
ine;  Benator  Quay, 
f  their  first  test  of 
I  Convention,  a  cor- 

evening  they  were 
un.  They  had  been 
gnise,  by  the  bold 
r  delegates  to  make 
va»  intended  to  do. 
!  men  got  together. 
It  did  not  suit  the 
They  undertook  to 
issue  on  the  report 
lesperately  from  8 
»mething  out  of  it. 
men  by  463  votes. 
Market  Hall  meet- 
Dtion  was  elbow  to 
Exact  figures  had 
the  organization  of 
•ould  not  be  broken, 
the  majority  report 
on  people  thirteen 
of  depression. 

to  the  Convention. 
President  Harrison 
particular  opposing 
'inging  in  te  number 
>mendous  applause. 
[.  Kastis,  of  Minne 
rner  Miller,  of  New 


York;  6.  L.  Boyd,  of  Tennessee;  and  Stephen  W.  Downey,  of 
Wyoming.  The  venerable  Richard  W.  Thompson,  of  Indiana,  pro- 
posed the  renomination  of  President  Harrison,  and  was  supported 
by  Chauncey  M.  Depew,  of  New  York;  H.  P.  Cheatham,  of  North  Car- 
olina; Senator  Spooner  and  Brunno  E.  Fink,  of  Wisconsin.  Mr.  Depew 
made  the  most  taking  speech  of  the  occasion.  The  speaking  generally 
was  of  a  high  order,  and  although  the  result  of  the  ballot  was  a  fore- 
gone conclusion,  the  adherents  of  the  two  candidates  vied  with  each 
other  in  the  length  and  volume  of  their  applause. 

There  were  three  unwonted  and  sensational  swnes  during  this 
order  of  business,  two  of  them  caused  by  women,  who  seemed  to  take 
literally  and  immediately  the  decision  that  they  were  to  be  recognized 
in  the  campaign.  At  the  conclusion  of  Mr.  Eustis'  speech  occurred  a 
scene,  which  was  thus  described  by  George  O.  Seilhamer,  of  the  New 
York  Herald  Bureau : 

While  the  cheers  were  rapidly  dying  out,  a  pretty  woman,  with 
a  sweet,  girlish  face  and  blue,  sparkling  eyes,  rose  suddenly  among 
the  mass  of  men  and  women  behind  the  Chairman's  desk.  She  was 
Mrs.  Carson  Lake,  of  Washington.  In  full  view  of  the  vast  multitude 
she  waved  a  silken  uqibrella  round  her  shapely  head  and  cried 
"Blaine!  Blaine!  James  G.  Blaine!"  Then  she  graBp(>d  her  sun 
umbrella,  {rare  white,  with  a  white  silk  cord  and  tassel,  opened  it,  and 
swung  it  round  her  head  and  danced  it  up  and  down,  sometimes 
grasping  it  with  one  hand  and  sometimes  with  both.  "Blaine! 
Blaine!"  she  cried  again,  and  thousands  of  people  in  the  galleries,  and 
Blaine  people  among  the  delegates  rose  in  a  mass  and  shouted.  Mrs. 
J.  S.  Clarkson,  who  sat  beside  her,  caught  her  enthusiasm,  too,  and 
springing  to  her  feet,  waved  a  silken  flag,  and  even  Mrs.  Kerens, 
whose  husband  was  a  stanch  Harrison  man,  added  her  mite  to  the 
tribute  to  Blaine.  It  ran  wildly,  outburst  after  outburst.  Big  "Tom" 
Reed,  whQ  sat  just  in  front  of  Mra.  Kerens,  took  up  the  movement. 
His  face  melted  into  a  broad  grin,  and  he  stood  and  shouted  in  honor 
of. his  old-time  enemy.  All  over  the  hall  the  delegates  were  crying: 
"Blaine!  Blaine!  James  G.  Blaine!"  Delegates  opened  their  umbrellas 
and  waved  them  aloft.  Judge  Thurston,  of  Nebraska,  waved  a  big 
white  umbrella  with  Blaine's  name  in  big  black  letters.  An  Illinois 
delegate,  standing  on  his  chair,  fan  in  hand,  led  the  chorus  of:  "Blaine! 
Blaine!"  on  the  floor  like  the  leader  of  a  chorus  in  a  comic  opera. 
Then  the  band  brought  up  the  rear  of  the  procession  with  a  melody, 
and  just  as  the  crowd  in  the  galleries  and  on  the  floor  started  the 
stamping  again.  Chairman  McKinley  began  to  pound  the  table  with 
his  gavel.  His  call  brought  most  of  the  delegates  to  order  for  a 
minute,  but  the  confusion  in  the  galleries  continued.  Again  the 
Chairman  pounded  the  table,  and  again  his  signal  mingled  with  the 


43G 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 


echoes.  After  thirty-one  minutes  of  pandemonium,  Governor  McKin- 
ley's  voice  was  at  last  heard,  requesting  that  as  a  matter  of  safety, 
suggested  by  those  having  a  knowledge  of  the  building,  the  stamping 
of  feet  be  discontinued. 

But  there  were  Harrison  ladies,  as  well  as  Blaine  ladies  in  the 
Convention.  As  Chauncey  M.  Depew  closed  his  ringing  and  eloquent 
second  of  Harrisi^n's  nomination  there  was  great  cheering  and  shout- 
ing, and  the  waving  of  flags  and  banners.  The*,,  four  ladies,  with  Mrs. 
Depew  as  leader,  rose  on  the  platform,  waving  handkerchiefs,  ^ans 

and  flags,  and  calling  to 
the  crowd:  "Louder, 
louder,  louder."  Then 
with  increased  volume 
of  sound  the  immense 
.  assemblage  shouted 
"Harrison,"  "Harrison," 
some  one  cried  out 
"Glory,  glory,  hallelu- 
jah," and  then  came  the 
song,  with  that  chorus 
from  thousands  of 
voices.  Just  then  .4 
group  of  men  appeared 
with  an  immense  por- 
trait of  the  President, 
and  the  shouting  was 
renewed  with  greater 
force  than  ever.  Then 
a  delegate  rushed  down 
an  aisle  with  the  silken 
banner  of  the  Chicago 
Blaine  Club,  liaving  on  it  a  portrait  of  the  man  from  Maine, 
and  placed  it  in  front  of  the  Harrison  portrait.:  Then  opposing 
forces  shouted:  "Blaine"  and  "Harrison,"  until  they  were  hoarse, 
whi.^o  the  band  struck  up  the  "Star  Bpangled  Banner." 

When  the  State  of  Ohio  was  reached  on  the  ballot  for  President, 
another  scene  occurred.  Some  of  the  Fn  i^^dent's  opponents  thought 
they  mit^ht  start  a  stampede  for  McKinley  at  the  expense  of  Harrison, 
and  also  throw  to  the  Ohio  maa  as  much  as  possible  of  the  Blaine  vote. 
They  began  with  Alabama,  which  was  expected  to  give  Harrison  its 


CHAUNCEY 


DBPKW. 


.  1  i'iiinniir«M— ii-^wrihrwiiiKWig;' 


ARTY. 

1,  Governor  McKin- 
a  matter  of  aafety, 
Iding,  the  Htampint; 

Maine  ladies  in  the 
nging  and  eloquent 
cheering  and  shont* 
ar  ladies,  with  Mrs. 
Iiandlierchiefs,  fans 
flags,  and  calling  to 

crowd:  "Louder, 
ler,  louder."  Then 
1  increased  volume 
lound  the  immense 
imblage  shouted 
rrison,"  "Harrison," 
le  one  cried  out 
»ry,  glory,  hallelu- 
"  and  then  came  the 
r,  with  that  chorus 
a  thousands  of 
les.  Just  then  .4 
Dp  of  men  appeared 
ti  an  immense  por- 
t  of  the  President, 

the  shouting  was 
»wed  with  greater 
» than  ever.  Then 
^legate  rushed  down 
aisle  with  the  silken 
ner  of  the  Chicago 

man  from  Maine, 
it.     Then  opposing 

they  were  hoarse, 
ler.' 

t)allot  for  President, 
I  opponents  thought 
'xpense  of  Harrison, 
le  of  the  Blaine  vote, 
to  give  Harrison  its 


''V. 


THE  TAMPA  ION  OP  1892.  4»7 

full  22  votes,  butwhirh  actuallydid  give  hiinonly  15,  to  7  for  McKinley. 
When  Ohio  was  rea<'hed  Harrison  had  .'i82  votes,  of  which  27  were 
from  New  York,  Blaine  had  138,  iii<luding  35  from  the  Empire  State, 
and  McKinley  76,  of  which  10  were  from  the  same  divided  common- 
wealth. When  Ohio  was  called,  the  vote  was  announced  by  Mr.  Nash 
as  44  for  McKinley,  and  2  for  Harrison.  "I  challenge  the  vote  of 
Ohio,"  said  Mr.  McKinley,  from  his  position  as  permanent  President 
of  the  (Convention.  "The  gentleman  is  not  a  member  of  this  dele- 
gation at  present,"  said  Governor  Foraker,  Chairman  of  the 
delegation.  "I  am  a  member  of  that  delegation,"  retorted  McKinley. 
To  this  Jacob  A.  Ambler,  of  Ohio,  replied;  "The  gentleman  has  left 
the  delegation  to  assume  a  higher  position,  and  has  left  a  substitute;" 
and  Governor  Foraker  added:  "The  gentleman's  alternate  has  taken 
his  place  in  the  delegation,  and  the  gentleman  is  not  recognized  p»  a 
member  of  the  delegation  now,  and  we  make  that  point  of  order." 
The  chaJr  overruled  the  point  of  order,  and  the  roll  of  Ohio  was 
called,  wiih  the  result  of  45  votes  for  McKinley  and  1  for  Harrison. 
It  was  hoped  that  the  whole  vote  of  Pennsylvania  could  be  carried 
over  to  IfcKinley,  and  he  did  get  42  of  its  64  votes,  but  19  of  the 
delegate^  fiom  that  State  stood  by  Harrison,  and  the  stampede  was 
checked.  The  vote  of  Texas,  22  for  Harrison  to  6  for  Blaine  and  2 
for  Speaker  Beed,  gave  the  President  enough  to  nominate,  and  after 
that  it  went  his  way. 

The  proceedings  for  the  three  hours  preceding  the  announcement 
of  the  ballot  had  been  much  livelier  than  in  many  conventions  which 
were  closer,  and  which  furnished  much  more  real  occasion  for  excite- 
ment. The  McKinley,  episode,  while  the  roll  was  being  called,  was 
characteristic  of  the  man.  It  is  quite  certain  that,  even  then,  he  had 
Presidential  aspirations,  but  he  was  clear-headed  enough  to  see  that 
crowding  them  then  might  injure  his  future  prospects.  He  was 
content  to  abide  his  time. 

The  footings  of  the  ballot  were  announced  as  follows: 

Benjamin  Has ' iaon,  of  Indiana 535 

James  G.  r.iaiiie,  of  Maine 182 

William  S(lc.:iiue.^ ,  of  Ohio 182 

Thomas  B.  Keed,  of  Maine 4    . 

Robert  T.  Lincoln,  of  Illinois 1 

Total  number  of  votes 904 

Necessarv  to  a  choice 453 


%- 


HI8T0RY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 


^Hne  Michigan  delegation  was  as  follows:  At  Large — Dexter  M. 
Ferry,  Charles  W.  Wells,  Delos  A.  Blodgett  and  James  M.  Wilkin- 
son. By  Districts— (1)  Henry  M.  Duffleld,  William  H.  Elliott;  (2) 
William  H.  Withington,  William  8.  Wllleox;  (3)  Charles  Austin, 
Charles  L.  Truesdell;  (4)  Fred  E.  Lee,  George  W.  Merriam;  (5)  James 
H.  Kidd,  L.  M.  Belters;  (6)  Marshall  E.  Bumsey,  Halinon  8.  Matthews; 
(7)  John  W.  Porter^  George  W.  Jenks;  (8)  Aaron  T.  I  Miss,  William  M. 
Kilpatrick;  (9)  Charles  H.  Hackley,  Fred  A.  Diggins;  (10)  Selwyn 
Eddy,  Robert  J.  Kelley;  (11)  George  P.  Stone,  Thomas  T.  Bates;  (12) 
Orrin  W.  Robinson,  John  Q.  Adams.  The  delegation  voted  7  for 
Harrison,  2  for  Blaine  and  19  for  McKinley. 

Only  two  names  were  presented  for  Vicip-President,  Whitelaw 
Reid,  of  New  York,  and  Thomas  B.  Reed,  of  Maine.  General  Little- 
field,  of  the  latter  State,  informed  the  Convention  that,  in  the  opinion 
of  the  Maine  delegation,  Speaker  Reed  would  decline  the  nomination 
if  it  were  tendered  him,  and  requested  the  delegates  not  to  vote  for 
Themas  B.  Reed  until  they  were  assured  that  it  was  by  his  authority 
that  his  name  was  used  in  the  Convention.  His  name  was,  therefore, 
withdrawn  and  Whitelaw  Reid  was  nominated  by  acclamation. 

The  Democratic  National  Convention  met  in  Chicago,  June  21. 
The  permanent  President  of  the  Convention  was  William  L.  Wilson, 
of  West  Virginia,  who  afterwards  tried  his  own  hand  at  tariff  tinker- 
ing with  deplorable  results.  He  said  in  his  address  on  taking  the 
chair:  "The  distinguished  leader  who  presided  over  the  Repuiilicau 
Convention  boasted  that  he  does  not  know  what  tariff  reform  is. 
Who  ever  said  that  he  did?  Let  us  hope,  with  that  charity  that 
endureth  all  things  and  believeth  all  things,  that  he  is  as  ignorant 
as  he  vaunts  himself  to  be.  Unfortunately,  the  people  are  not  so 
ignorant  of  the  meaning  of  protection  which  is  doled  out  to  them  in 
the  Bill  that  bears  his  name.  They  see  that  meaning  written  large 
today  in  a  pnostrated  agriculture,  in  a  shackled  commerce,  in  stricken 
industries^  in  the  com^iulsory  idleness  of  labor,  in  law-made  wealth, 
in  the  discontent  of  the  workingmen,  and  the  despair  of  the  farmer." 
■  This  kind  of  sentiment  was  echoed  in  the  platform,  and  was  the 
main  point  of  attack  in  the  campaign.  Of  the  tariff,  the  platform 
said:  "We  denounce  Republican  protection  as  a  fraud,  a  robbery  of 
the  great  majority  of  the  American  people  for  the  benefit  of  the  few. 
We  declare  it  to  be  a  fundamental  principle  of  the  T>emocratic  party 
that  the  Federal  Government  has  no  Constitutional  power  to  impose 
and  collect  tariff  duties,  except  for  the  purposes  of  revenue  only,  and 


RTY. 

Large — Dexter  M. 
lames  M.  Wilkin- 
m  H.  Elliott;  (2) 
Charles  Austin, 
erriain;  (S)  James 
inon  B.  Matthews; 
Itliss,  William  M. 
gins;  (10)  Selwyn 
nas  T.  Bates;  (12) 
ition  voted  7  for 

'sident,  Whitelaw 
(.  General  Little- 
lat,  in  the  opinion 
ae  the  nomination 
es  not  to  vote  for 
s  by  his  authority 
me  was,  therefore, 
acclamation. 
Chi(!ago,  June  21. 
William  L.  Wilson, 
ad  at  tariff  tinker- 
ess  on  taking  the 
er  the  Bepniilican 
:  tariff  reform  is. 
that  charity  that 
he  is  as  ignorant 
people  are  not  so 
ed  out  to  them  in 
ling  written  large 
imerce,  in  stricken 
law-made  wealth, 
lir  of  the  farmer." 
Form,  and  was  the 
iriff,  the  platform 
raud,  a  robbery  of 
benefit  of  the  few. 
Democratic  party 
1  power  to  impose 
revenue  only,  and 


THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1892. 


439 


we  demand  that  the  collection  of  such  taxes  shall  be  limited  to  the 
necessities  of  the  Government  when  honestly  and  economically 
adiiUnistered."  This  was  the  boldest  declaration  of  the  tariff-for- 
revenue-only  principle  that  the  party  had  made  in  any  of  its  plat- 
forms. The  resolutions  also  declared  against  the  principle  of  the 
Force  Bill,  reciprocity,  trusts  and  combinations,  contract  immigra- 
tion, and  sumptuary  laws;  and  in  favor  of  repealing  the  ten  per  cent, 
tax  on  the  circulation  of  Htate  Bunks;  the  honest  enforcement  of  all 
laws  regulating  the  civil  service;  "a  foreign  policy  consistent  and 
vigorous,"  which  made  the  committee  laugh  in  their  sleeves,  when 
they  remembered  the  feebleness  of  Cleveland's  Administration  of 
foreign  affairs;  "just  and  liberal  pensions  for  all  disabled  Union 
soldiers,  their  widows  and  dependents,"  which  was  a  hard  drive  at 
Cleveland's  pension  vetoes;  aid  to  the  Nicaragua  canal  and  the  Colum- 
bian Exposition,  and  the  admission  of  the  remaining  territories  as 
states. 

There  was  no  real  question  of  Cleveland's  nomination  for  a  third 
time,  but  there  were  other  candidates  in  the  field.  Tammany  Hall 
was  opposed  to  him,  and  presented  David  Bennett  Hiil.  The  other 
candidates,  either  formally  or  informally  before  the  Convention,  were 
Horace  M.  Boies,  it  Iowa;  Arthur  P.  Gorman,  of  Maryland;  John  G. 
Carlisle,  of  Kentu<:ky,  and  Adlai  E.  Btevenson,  of  Illinois.  It  required 
only  one  ballot  to  give  Cleveland  the  nomination  by  617  1-3  votes,  to 
115  for  Hill,  1U3  for  Boies,  361/2  for  Gorman,  16  2-3  for  Stevenson,  14 
for  Carlisle,  2  for  William  B.  Morrison,  of  Illinois;  2  for  James  E. 
Campbell,  of  Ohio,  and  one  each  for  Robert  E.  Pattison,  of  Pennsyl- 
vania, William  E.  Bussell,  of  Massachusetts,  and  William  C.  Whitney, 
of  New  York.  Although  Cleveland's  vote  was  so  much  in  excess  of 
that  of  any  other  single  candidate,  he  had  only  a  very  little  more 
than  the  two-thirds  necessary  to  nominate.  The  total  number  of 
votes  cast  was  909V^,  requiring'  607  to  make  a  nomination.  On  the 
single  ballot  taken  for  Vice-President  Adlai  E.  Btevenson,  of  Illinois, 
bad  402  votes;  Isaac  P.  Gray,  of  Indiana,  343;  Allen  B.  Morse,  of 
Michigan,  86;  John  L.  Mitchell,  of  Wisconsin,  45;  Henry  Watterson, 
of  Kentucky,  26;  Bourke  Cochran,  of  New  York,  5,  and  Jjambert  Tree 
and  Horace  M.  Boies,  one  each.  Mr.  Stevenson  was  then  nominated 
by  acclamation. 

The  third  party  in  this  campaign  took  the  name  of  the  National 
People's  I'arty,  and  at  a  Convention  held  at  Omaha,  July  2,  nomin- 
ated James  B.  Weaver,  of  Iowa,  for  President,  and  James  Q.  Field,  of 


nHffi 


440 


HISTORY  OP  THK  BEI'UBLICAN  PARTY. 


4o^^ 


■',: 

' 

;  i., 
'i-  ■',  ■ 

Vii^iiiia,  for  VlrePredldt'nt.  Its  platform  covered  u  Kn*at  variety 
of  subjects,  but  its  most  distinctive  features  were  tlie  flnaneial 
planks,  whieh  demanded  the  free  and  unlimited  coinage  of  silver  and 
gold  at  the  ratio  of  16  to  1,  and  a  speed.v  increase  of  the  circulating 
medium  to  not  less  than  |50  per  capita.  It  also  demanded  a  Kratlu- 
ated  income  tax,  and  the  establishment  of  postal  savings  banks. 
While  this  party  did  not  choose  many  Presidential  Electors,  it  drew 
away  enough  Republican  votes  to  give  several  Htates  to  the  Demo- 
crats, and  polled  so  large  a  popular  vote  that  it  was  able,  four  years 
later,  to  dictate  both  candidate  and  platform  to  the  Democratic  party. 
The  Prohibition iHts,  at  Cincinnati,  June  22,  nominated  John  Bid- 
well  of  California,  for  President,  and  J.  B.  Cranflll,  of  Texas,  for  Vice- 
President.  A  Hocial  Labor  Convention,  held  in  New  York,  August 
28,  1802,  nominated  Himon  Wing  for  President,  and  Charles  H. 
Machett,  for  Vice  President. 

The  campaign,  on  the  part  of  the  Republicans,  was  the  most 
spiritless  of  any  since  the  party  was  organized.  On  the  part  of  the 
Democrats  it  was  bold  and  aggressive.  The  McKinley  Tariff  Act, 
which  had  not  yet  had  time  to  bring  about  its  beneficial  effects,  was 
vigorously  assailed  at  every  point,  as  v/ere  also  the  Reciprocity  Act, 
the  Sherman  Act,  the  large  appropriations  made  by  the  Fifty-first 
Congress  and  nearly  everything  else  the  Republicans  did  in  1889  and 
1890.  The  popular  vote  for  Cleveland  was  only  about  20,000  greater 
in  1892  than  it  was  in  1888,  but  the  Republicans  lost  so  heavily  to 
the  People's  Party,  that  the  result  to  them  was  a  disastrous  defeat. 
In  view  of  subsequent  events,  it  might  be  said  also  that  to  the  Demo- 
crats it  was  a  disastrons  victory,  for  their  next  Administration  was 
unfortunate  from  the  start. 

Cleveland  and  Stevenson  carried  the  Solid  South,  together  with 
Connecticut,  New  York,  New  Jersey,  Indiana,  Illinois,  Wisconsin 
and  West  Virginia,  and  had  one  vote  from  Ohio,  five  from  Michigan, 
eight  out  of  the  nine  from  California  and  one  out  of  three  from  North 
Dakota.  His  total  Electoral  vote  was  277  to  145  for  Harrison,  and  22 
for  Weaver.  Of  the  latter  Oregon  gave  1,  Kansas  10,  Nevada  3, 
Colorado  4,  North  Dakota  1  and  Idaho  3.  The  popular  vote  was  as 
follows : 

Cleveland  and  Stevenson,  Democratic 5,556,533 

Harrison  and  Reid,  Republican 5,175,577 

Weaver  and  Field,  People's  Party 1,122,046 

Bidweil  and  Cranfill,  Prohibition 279,191 

Wing  and  Madiett,  Socialist  Labor 21,191 


THE  CAMPAIGN  OP  1802. 


441 


i  u  Krcat  varietj 
ere  the  flnaneial 
lage  of  Bilver  and 
of  the  circuhitinj; 
Mitanded  a  Kra<lu- 
i\  Ravings  bankg. 
Electors,  it  drew 
tea  to  the  Demo- 
B  able,  four  years 
Democratic  party, 
(linated  John  Bid- 
►f  Texas,  for  Vice- 
Rw  York,  August 
,  and  Charles  H. 

18,  was  the  most 
n  the  part  of  the 
Linley  Tariff  Act, 
>flcial  effects,  was 
>  Reciprocity  Act. 
by  the  Fifty-first 
)8  did  in  1889  and 
)nt  20,000  greater 
ost  so  heavily  to 
disastrous  defeat, 
that  to  the  Demo- 
Iministration  was 

ith,  together  with 
linois,  Wisconsin 
fe  from  Michigan, 
three  from  North 
•  Harrison,  and  22 
as  10,  Nevada  3, 
jular  vote  was  as 

.  5,556,533 

.  5,175,577 

..   1,122,045 

279,101 

21,191 


During  the  second  ('leveland  Administration  the  composition  of 
i.'ongress  was  as  follows: 

PiftytlOitt     uag  ^ss. 

S<*nate — Democrats,  44;  B  vijlicans,  40;  Farmers'  Alliance, 

2;  Populist,  1;  Indepestuent,  1. 
House— Democrats,  218;  Republicans,  130;  Third  Party,  8. 

Fifty-Fourth  C'ongress. 

Senate — Republicans,  42;  Democrats,  39;  Populists,  4:  Silver, 

1;  Vacancy,  1. 
Uou8« — Republicans,    245;    Democrats,    103;    Populists,    6; 

R^'lver,  1. 

The  vote  in  Michigan  for  President  was: 

Harrison  and  Reid 222,708 

Cleveland  and  Stevenson 202,296 

Bidwell  and  Cranflll 20,857 

Weaver  and  Field 19,931 

Scattering   925 

The  Presidential  Electors  from  Michigan  were:  At  Large — 
George  H.  Durand,  Jay  A.  Hubbell.  By  IMstricts— (1)  Rufus  W. 
tiillett;  (2)  Edwin  R.  Smith;  (3)  Otto  Ihling;  (4)  Philip  T.  Colgrove; 
(5)  Conrad  G.  Swenborg;  (6)  Henry  H.  Haigh;  (7)  Frank  W.  Hubbard; 
(8)FredSlocmn;  (9)  Justus  S.  Steams ;  (10)  Worthy  L.  Churchill;  (11) 
Julius  T.  Hannah;  (12)  John  H.  Comstock.  Ujider  a  law  passed  by 
the  Democratic  Legislature  of  1891,  the  Electors  were  chosen  by  dis 
tricts,  the  Democrats  having  five  and  the  Republicans  9. 

The  vote  of  the  State  for  *  i/vei  uc;'  was  as  follows: 

John  T.  Rich,  Republican 221,228 

Allen  B.  Morse,  Democratic 205,138 

John  W.  Ewing,  Populist 21,417 

John  Russell,  Prohibitionist 20,777 

The  Democrats  elected  Congressmen  in  the  First,  Second, 
Seventh  and  Tenth  districts  and  the  Republicans  in  the  rest.  The 
list  was  as  follows:  (1)  J.  Logan  Chipman;  (2)  James  S.  Gorman;  (3) 
J  alius  C.  Burrows;  (4)  Henry  F.  Thomas;  (5)  Charles  E.  Belknap;  (6) 
David  D.  Aitkin;  (7)  Justin  R.  Whiting;  (8)  William  S.  Linton;  (9) 
John  W.  Moon;  (10)  T.  A.  E.  Weadock;  (11)  John  Avery;  (12)  Samuel 
M.  Stephensod.  During  the  term  J.  Logan  Chipman  died  and  Levi 
T.  GrilBn,  Democrat,  succeeded  him. 


ARTY. 

in  1894,  Michigan'H 


237,216 

l»0,82a 

80,012 

18,788 
160 


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,.J-V 


XXXIV. 


CLEVELAND'S  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION. 


The  Selection  of  the  Cabinet — Geographical  Considerations  I>i8re- 
garded — The  Democrats  in  Complete  Power  for  the  First  Time 
Since  1801 — Delays  in  Action  on  the  Sherman  Law  and  the 
Tariff  Qaestion — The  Special  Session  Called  Late — Repeal  of  the 
Sherman  Law  Finally  Accomplished — Unsatisfactory  Work  on 
the  Tariff  Measure — Becomes  a  Law  Without  the  President's 
Signature — An  Act  of  "Party  Perfidy  and  Dishonor" — Tremend- 
ous Political  Overturn  in  1894 — The  Sandwich  Island  Afl'uir. 

In  making  up  his  second  Cabinet,  as  in  the  first,  President  Cleve- 
land ignored  geographical  considerations,  and  selected  two  personal 
friends  from  New  York.    The  list  was  as  follows : 

Secretary  of  State — Walter  Q.  Gresham,  of  Indiana. 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury — John  G.  Carlisle,  of  Kentucky. 
Secretary  of  War — Daniel  S.  Lamont,  of  New  York. 
Secretary  of  the  Navy — Hilary  S.  Herbert,  of  Alabama. 
Postmaster:General — Wilson  S.  Bissell,  of  New  York. 
Secretary  of  the  Interior — Hoke  Smith,  of  Georgia. 
Attorney  General — Richard  Olney,  of  Massachusetts. 
Secretary  of  Agriculture — J.  Sterling  Morton,  of  Nebraska. 

After  the  4th  of  March,  1893,  the  Democrats,  for  the  first  time 
since  January,  1861,  were  in  possession  of  all  branches  of  Govern- 
ment. They  had  come  into  power  largely  upon  the  strength  of  two 
specific  promises.  The  first  was  thus  stated  in  their  platform:  "We 
denounce  the  McKinley  Tariff  Law,  enacted  by  the  Fifty-first  Con- 
gress, as  theculminatingatrocity  of  class  legislation;  we  endorse  the 
efforts  made  by  the  Democrats  of  the  present  Congress  to  modify  its 
most  oppressive  features  in  the  direction  of  free  raw  materials  and 
cheaper  manufactured  goods  that  enter  into  general  consumption, 
and  we  promise  its  repeal  ajs  one  of  the  beneficent  results  that  will 
follow  the  action  of  the  people  in  intrusting  power  to  the  Democratic 
party."    The  second  piece  of  legislation  which  the  Democrats  had 


'   'l 


im 


-,■*->->■ . 


*in.4^M*i^i^^'''»f'y^  ■■ 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 


T' 


promised  to  do  away  with,  a»  speedily  as  possible,  was  the  Sherman 
Act  for  the  purchase  of  silver  buMion.  This  A<'t  their  plntform 
denounced  as  "a  cowardly  makeshift,  fraught  with  possibilities  of 
danger  in  the  future  which  should  make  all  of  it&  supporters,  as  well 
as  its  author,  anxious  for  its  speedy  repeal." 

If  the  evils  brought  about  by  these  two  measures  were  as  great 
as  Mr.  Cleveland,  and  those  who  stumped  for  him  during  the  cam- 
paign, declared  them  to  be,  it  was  certainly  the  part  of  duty  to  wipe 
them  off  the  statute  books  as  soon  as  it  could  be  done.  Everyone 
expected  that  Congress  would  be  at  once  called  together  for  this 
purpose.  Hut  a  new  danger  had  arisen.  The  Populist  demand  for 
the  free  coinage  of  siher,  at  the  ratio  of  16  to  1,  had  taken  a  strong 
hold  of  the  Democrats,  and  there  was  a  small  sprinkling  of  Republi- 
cans from  the  Northwest  who  joined  in  the  same  demand.  The  Presi- 
dent feared  that  he  could  not  control  his  own  forces  in  the  Senate, 
and  delayed  calling  a  special  session  of  Congress,  in  order  that  the 
proper  influences  might  be  brought  to  bear  upon  those  members  who 
were  not  sound  upon  this  question.  Meantime  the  business  of  the 
country  was  in  a  disturbed  condition.  The  continued  purchases  of 
silver  and  the  threat  of  its  free  coinage  had  begun  to  drive  gold 
abroad.  The  probability  of  radical  changes  in  the  tariff  prevented 
manufacturers  from  making  calculations  for  any  long  time  in  the 
future,  and  stagnation  in  that  branch  of  industry,  of  paramount 
importance  to  the  country  was  the  result;  while  the  threatened  abro- 
gation of  the  reciprocity  treaties  bid  fair  to  curtail  the  foreign  demand 
for  our  agricultural  products.  A  panic  followed,  accompanied  by  a 
general  want  of  confidence.  Depositors  made  runs  on  the  banks, 
some  of  which  closed,  and  all  of  the  banks  found  it  necessary  to  call 
in  their  loans.  Credits  of  all  kinds  shriveled;  mills  were  shut  down; 
laboring  men  were  thfown  out  of  work,  and  if  not  brought  to  actual 
distress,  found  their  purchasing  power  very  much  diminished,  and 
busiuep-=<  failures  increased  enormously,  both  in  numbers  and  in  the 
amount  of  liabilities.  Congress  Anally  assembled  in  special  session, 
August  7th,  and  the  President  attempted  to  prod  it  up  to  its  work  by 
the  following  utterances  in  his  message: 

Our  unfbrtunate  financial  plight  is  not  the  result  of  untoward 
events,  nor  of  conditions  related  to  our  natural  resources;  nor  is  it 
traceable  to  any  of  the  afflictions  which  frequently  check  National 
growth  and  prosperity.  With  plenteous  crops,  with  abundant 
promise  of  remunerative  production  and  manufacture,  with  unusual 


i  Sherman 

pintforiii 

bilities  of 

rs,  as  well 

e  as  great 
f  the  cam- 
ty  to  wipe 
Everyone 
r  for  this 
emand  for 
a  a  strong 
if  Republi- 
The  Presi- 
be  Senate, 
r  that  the 
Qbers  who 
ess  of  the 
rchases  of 
irive  gold 
prevented 
me  in  the 
)aramount 
ened  abro- 
;n  demand 
mied  by  a 
:he  banks, 
ary  to  call 
hut  down; 
t  to  actual 
ished,  and 
ind  in  the 
Ell  session, 
;s  work  by 

untoward 
;  nor  is  it 
:  National 

abundant 
h  unusual 


(CLEVELAND'S  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION.  445 

invitation  to  safe  investment,  and  with  satisfactory  assurance  to 
business  enterprise,  suddenly  financial  distrust  and  fear  have  sprung 
up  on  every  side.  Numerous  moneyed  institutions  have  suspended 
be<-ause  abundant  assets  were  not  immediately  available  to  meet  the 
demands  of  frightened  depositors.  Surviving  corporations  and  indi- 
viduals are  content  to  keep  in  hand  the  money  they  are  usually 
anxious  to  loan,  and  those  engaged  in  legitimate  business  are  sur- 
prised to  find  that  the  securities  they  offer  for  loans,  though  hereto 
fore  satisfactory,  are  no  longer  accepted.  Values,  supposed  to  be 
fixed,  are  fast  becoming  conjectural,  and  loss  and  failure  have  invaded 
every  branch  of  business.  I  believe  these  things  are  principally 
chargeable  to  Congressional  legislation  touching  the  purchase  and 
coinage  of  silver  by  the  General  Government.  This  legislation  is 
embodied  in  a  statute,  passed  July  14th,  1890,  which  was  the  culmina- 
tion of  much  agitation  on  the  subject  involved,  and  it  may  be 
considered  a  truce,  after  a  long  struggle,  between  the  advocates  of 
free  silver  coinage  and  those  intending  to  be  more  conservative. 
Undoubtedly  the  monthly  purchases  by  the  Government  of  four  mil- 
lions and  five  hundred  thousand  ounces  of  silver,  enforced  under  that 
statute,  were  regarded  by  those  interested  in  silver  production  as  a 
certain  guaranty  for  its  increase  in  price.  The  result,  however,  has 
been  entirely  different,  for  immediately  following  a  spasmodic  and 
slight  rise,  the  price,  of  silver  began  to  fall  after  the  passage  of  the 
Act,  and  has  since  reached  the  lowest  point  ever  known.  This  dis- 
appointing result  has  led  to  renewed  and  persistent  effort  in  the 
direction  of  free  silver  coinage.  It  was  my  purpose  to  summon  Con- 
gress in  special  session  early  in  the  coming  September,  that  we  might 
enter  pron-ptly  upon  the  work  of  tariff  reform,  which  the  true 
interests  of  the  country  clearly  demand;  which  so  large  a  majoritv 
of  the  people,  as  shown  by  their  suffrage  desire  and  expect,  and  to 
the  accomplishment  of  which  every  effort  of  the  present  Administra 
tion  is  pledged.  But  while  tariff  reform  has  lost  nothing  of  its 
immediate  and  paramount  importance,  and  must,  in  the  near  future, 
engage  the  attention  of  Congress,  it  has  seemed  to  me  that  the  flnan 
cial  condition  of  the  country  should  at  once,  and  before  all  other 
subjects,  be  considered  by  your  honorable  body. 

Instead  of  taking  immediate  action  in  a  line  to  which  the  Demo- 
crats were  pledged,  and  in  which  a  very  large  proportion  of  the 
Republicans  were  ready  to  concur,  tJie  majority  in  the  House  delib- 
erately planned  for  a  long  discussion  of  a  Bill  which  was  introduced 
repealing  the  Sherman  Act.  A  resolution,  introduced  by  Mr. 
Bland,  was  adopted,  providing  that  fourteen  days  should  be  allowed 
for  debate  under  the  following  order: 

Eleven  days  to  be  given  to  general  debate  under  the  rules 
of    the    last    House,    the    time    to    be    equally    divided    between 


f.     ;.l 


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4m 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLIOAN  PARTY. 


the  two  sides,  as  the  Speaker  may  determine.  The  last  three 
days  may  be  devoted  to  the  consideration  of  the  Bill  and 
the  amendments  herein  jirovided  for  under  the  usual  flve- 
minute  rule  of  the  whole  House.  General  leave  to  print  is 
hereby  granted.  Order  of  amendments.  The  vote  shall  be  taken 
first  on  the  free  coinage  of  silver  at  the  present  ratio.  If  that  fails, 
then  a  separate  vote  to  be  had  on  a  similar  amendment  proposing  a 
ratio  of  17  to  1;  if  that  fails,  on  one  proposing  a  ratio  of 
18  to  1;  if  that  fails,  on  one  proposing  a  ratio  of  19  to  1;  if 
that  fails  on  one  proposing  a  ratio  of  20  to  1.  If  the  above  amend- 
ment fails,  it  shall  be  in  order  to  offer  an  amendment  reviving  the 
Act  of  February  28,  1878,  restoring  the  standard  silver  dollar,  com- 
monly known  as  the  Bland-Allison  Act;  the  vote  then  to  be  taken  on 
the  engrossment  and  third  reading  of  the  Bill,  as  amended,  or  on  the 
Billitself,  if  all  amendments  shall  have  been  voted  down,  and  on  the 
final  passage  of  the  Bill,  without  other  intervening  motion. 

This  elaborate  program  was  carried  out.  And  so,  while  business 
men  were  in  suspense,  and  the  industries  of  the  country  were  at  a 
standstill,  the  solemn  trifling  of  debate  over  propositions  which  every 
body  knew  were  untenable  went  on.  It  was  not  until  August  28,  three 
weeks  after  the  House  met,  that  the  bill  for  unconditional  repeal 
passed,  by  vote  of  239  to  109.  The  proposition  to  revive  the  Bland 
Law  was  defeated  by  Republican  votes,  the  Democratic  vote  stand 
ing  112  for  to  109  against.  The  Republican  vote  was  15  for  to  110 
against,  and  9  Populists  voted  for  the  proposition.  The  239  votes  by 
which  unconditional  repeal  finally  passed  consisted  of  138  Demo- 
crats and  101  Republicans,  the  negative  vote  being  76  Democrats,  24 
Republicans  and  9  Populists.  Thus,  six  months  after  the  Democrats 
came  into  power,  and  three  weeks  after  Congress  met,  the  House 
passed,  by  the  aid  of  Republicans,  an  Act  to  which  the  Democrats 
were  pledged,  and  which  ought  not  to  have  required  more  than  three 
hours  foi  its  disposal.  It  was  a  striking  illustration  of  the  incapa- 
city of  the  latter  day  t>emocracy  for  assuming  the  responsibilities  of 
Government. 

But  this  was  not  the  worst,  for  the  Senate,  a  smaller  body,  which 
might  be  supposed  to  act  more  expeditiously  than  the  House,  took 
just  two  months  over  the  matter.  The  Finance  Committee  of  that 
body  reported  a  substitute  for  the  House  Bill,  and  to  this  substitute 
no  less  than  seven  others  were  added  by  individual  Senators.  Mr. 
Peffer,  Populist,  from  Kansas,  wanted  to  go  back  to  the  coinage  Act 
of  1834,  and  if  he  couldn't  have  that,  then  to  the  Act  of  IKil.  Mr. 
Berry,  of  Arkansas,  wanted  to  reviv*'  the  Bland-Allison  Act  of  1878. 


V^ 


Y. 

rhe  last  three 
the  Bill  and 
>    usual    flve- 

to  print  is 
hall  be  taken 

If  that  fails, 
it  proposing  a 
ig  a  ratio  of 
'  19  to  1;  if 
above  amend- 
t  reviving  the 
>r  dollar,  com- 
to  be  taken  on 
ided,  or  on  the 
vn,  and  on  the 
ttion. 

while  business 
itry  were  at  a 
B  which  every- 
iigust  28,  three 
litional  repeal 
ive  the  Bland 
tic  vote  stand 
15  for  to  110 
e  239  votes  bv 
of  138  Demo- 
Democrats,  24 
the  Democrats 
et,  the  House 
he  Democrats 
ore  than  three 
of  the  incapa- 
)onsibilities  of 

er  bocly,  which 
e  House,  took 
mittee  of  that 
this  substitute 
Jenators.  Mr. 
lie  coinage  Act 
of  laSI.  Mr. 
n  Act  of  1878. 


CLEVELAND'S  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION.         447 

Senator  Pasco,  of  Florida,  wanted  a  couniiission  to  ascertain  or  estab- 
lish a  proper  ratio  between  gold  and  silver.  There  were  other  sub- 
stitutes olTered  bv  Senators  I'erkins,  of  California;  Allen,  of 
Nebraska;  Blackburn,  of  Kentucky;  Scjuire,  of  Washington,  and 
Stewart,  of  Nevada.  They  included  propositions  for  additional 
Treasury  notes,  for  silver  coinage  with  Ji  seigniorage  of  20  per  cent., 
and  the  coinage  of  the  seigniorage.  At  last,  on  the  28th  of  October, 
the  Senate  passed  a  substitute  for  the  House  Fiill,  repealing  the 
Sherman  Law,  and addinga declaration  in  favor  of  bimetallism  through 
international  agreement.  The  yeas  on  this  were  23  Republicans  and 
20  Democrats,  and  the  nays  were  19  Democrats,  9  Silver  Republi 
cans  and  9  Populists.  The  House  agreed  to  the  substitute  by  a  vote 
of  194  yeas  and  94  nays.  The  proposition  for  bimetallism  through 
international  agreement  was  a  perfectly  harmless  one,  but  utterly 
futile.  The  experiment  of  an  international  conference  was  thoroughly 
tried  by  the  Republican  Administrations  at  earlier  stages  of  the  silver 
discussion,  and  had  shown  that  it  was  impossible  for  the  European 
countries  to  agree  upon  the  subject. 

The  long  delay  in  repealing  the  Sherman  Act  neutralized  any 
good  effect  that  tlie  repeal  itself  was  designed  to  have;  for  the 
debates  upon  it,  and  the  strong  assertion  of  free  coinage  sentiment 
continued  to  keep  business  men  in  a  state  of  alarm,  and  business 
itself  in  a  condition  of  uncertainty. 

The  proposed  revision  of  the  tariff  was  another  cause  of  disturb- 
ance and  apprehension  that  loomed  up  before  business  men.  Since 
this  revision  was  bound  to  come  in  some  form,  it  would  have  been 
vastly  better  if  this  also  had  come  promptly,  but  all  consideration 
of  it  was  deferred  from  the  special  to  the  regular  session  of  Congress. 
During  this  delay  the  question  of  the  free  coinage  of  silver  continued 
to  come  up  in  one  form  or  another,  while  the  condition  of  the  Treas- 
ury was  such  as  to  occasion  alarm.  When  the  regular  session  of 
Congress  met  in  December  the  Treasury  reserve  of  gold  for  redemp- 
tion purposes  had  fallen  below  the  |100,000,000  which  had,  for  a  long 
time,  been  considered  the  lowest  limit  of  safety  and  there  was  a  deficit 
of  f68,000,000  in  the  Treasury.  For  the  first  time  since  the  days  of 
President  Buchanan  the  Government  became  a  borrower  of  money 
to  pay  current  expenses,  in  time  of  peace.  The  first  loan  of  f50,000,- 
000  was  called  for  at  about  this  time,  and  this  was  followed  in  the 
course  of  this  Administration  by  four  others  of  equal  or  larger 
amount,  till  the  whole  sum  borrowed  reached  1262,000,000. 


Mi 


•mpim«frnMVif>^w^*MI 


">  K 


44N 


HIHTORY  OF  THE  REIMHH.KWN  PARTY. 


Ab  a  temporary  relief  for  the  Treasur.v  Mr.  Blaud,  who  was 
always  ready  with  some  new  silver  stheme,  proposed  < hat  the  Treas- 
ury should  4oln  the  selKuiorajje  silver  in  its  vaults.  This  had  a 
nominal  value  at  the  time  of  |55,0(»0,«00,  and  if  coined  into  silver  dol 
lars  would  have  added  that  amount  to  the  Treasury  holdings.  This 
scheme  was  seized  upon  with  avidity  by  the  free  coinage  men  as 
being  a  step  in  their  direction,  but  was  opposed  by  most  of  the  Repub- 
licans and  the  "sound  money"  Democrats,  as  being  a  measure  of  sheer 
inflation,  without  any  security  behind  it.  as  silver  certificates  had 
already  been  issued  against  this  bullion.  This  Bill  passed  the  House, 
March  1,  1894,  by  a  vote  of  168  to  12S>,  and  the  Senate,  March  7,  by 
44  to  31.  It  was  vetoed  by  the  President,  and  fortunately  there  were 
not  votes  enough  to  carry  it  over  the  veto. 

The  most  alarming  thing  about  the  Treasury  at  this  time  was 
the  continual  outflow  of  gold  from  the  country  and  the  reduction  of 
the  Treasury  reserve  of  that  metal.  February  1,  1894,  the  reserve 
was  165,438,377.  A  sale  of  |5(),(M)0,0«0  in  bonds  was  made  to  replen- 
ish it,  but  by  June  10  it  had  again  fallen  to  about  |65,000,()00. 
November  24,  1894,  it  was  ^57,669,701  and  February  1,  1895,  it  had 
fallen  to  141,810,181.  The  Government  was  rapidly  approaching 
bankruptcy,  and  its  policy  was  one  of  floundering.  The  Treasury 
was  depleted  by  a  very  simple  "endless  chain"  process.  Bonds  were 
sold  for  gold.  The  very  parties  who  bought  the  bonds  could  then 
gather  up  greenbacks,  present  them  for  redemption  and  draw  out 
the  gold.  The  Treasury  would  pay  out  the  greenbacks  for  current 
expenses,  and  they  could  be  gathered  up  and  redeemed  over  again. 
The  process  was  well  understood,  but  could  not  well  be  checked,  as 
long  as  the  Government  receipts  were  less  than  its  expenses,  and 
greenbacks,  once  redeemed,  were  reissued.  The  Fifty-third  Congress 
made  no  intelligent  attempt  to  check  it.  That  waa  left  for  a  Repub- 
lican Congress  under  a  Republican  President  to  do. 

The  preparation  of  the  new  tariff  Bill  was  placed  in  the  hands  of 
a  queerly  constituted  committee.  William  M.  Springer,  of  Illinois, 
was  Chairman  of  the  Ways  and  Means  Committee  of  the  Fifty^second 
Congress,  but  Speaker  Crisp  had  appointed  in  Springer's  place  at 
this  time,  William  L.  Wilson,  of  West  Virginia,  a  college  professor, 
a  scholarly  theorist  on  the  subject  of  Free  Trade  and  Protection,  but 
unfamiliar  with  the  wants  of  business,  even  in  his  own  section,  to  say 
nothing  of  those  of  the  country  at  large.  He  took  as  his  model  for 
a  revenue  tariff  that  of  1846,  which  was  begotten  of  false  pretenses, 


W; 


..) . 


T!^ 


1  t 


CLEVELAND'S  WECOND  ADMINISTRATION. 


440 


lid,  who  was 
hat  the  Treas- 
This  had  a 
nto  silver  dol- 
ildingH.  This 
nage  men  an 
of  the  Repub- 
iBure  of  sheer 
rtiflcates  had 
led  the  House. 
,  March  7,  by 
ly  there  were 

his  time  was 
»  reduction  of 
[,  the  reserve 
ade  to  replen- 
t  f65,000,()00. 
,  1895,  it  had 

approaching 
rhe  Treasury 

Bonds  were 
Is  could  then 
md  draw  out 
:s  for  current 
d  over  again. 
le  checked,  as 
ixpenbes,  and 
hird  Congress 
:  for  a  Repub- 

i  the  hands  of 
>r,  of  Illinois, 
;  Fifty'Second 
jer's  place  at 
sge  professor, 
rotection,  but 
section,  to  say 
his  model  for 
Ise  pretenses, 


and  which  worked  great  injury  to  the  country.  With  him  on  the 
Committee  were  Ave  members  from  the  South,  a  section  which  had 
not  yet  attained  any  great  prominence  in  nmnufacturing.  and  which 
had  scarcely  begun  to  appreciate  the  value  of  diversified  industries. 
These  members  were  McMillin,  of  Tennessee;  Turner,  of  Georgia; 
Montgomery,  of  Kentucky;  Breckinridge,  of  Arkansas,  and  Tarsney, 
of  Missouri.  This  Committee,  with  five  Northern  Democrats,  sat 
down  to  frame  a  measure  on  a  subject,  upon  the  practical  aspects  of 
which  most  of  the  members  were  densely  ignorant.  The  delibera- 
tions were  carried  on  without  the  presence  of  the  Republican  mem- 
bers. In  refusing,  or  ignoring  suggestions  from  outside,  the  Com- 
mittee made  the  same  mistake,  though  in  an  exaggerated  degree,  that 
prevailed  in  preparing  the  Mills  Bill.  Great  complaint  was  made 
that  the  business  interests  were  denied  a  hearing,  or  that,  when 
one  was  granted,  the  facts  and  arguments  presented  went  for  naught. 

The  Bill  was  finally  reported  to  the  House,  December  19,  1893. 
As  soon  as  it  was  printed  various  incongruities  were  pointed  out  in 
it,  the  general  and  avowed  plan  of  the  Bill  having  been  departed 
from  in  numerous  instances,  for  the  benefit  of  particular  interests. 
Although  the  great  industries  of  the  country  had  been  refused  hear- 
ings, the  members  of  the  Committee  seem  to  have  got  the  ear  of 
their  associates,  to  the  extent  of  helping  themselves  and  their  friends 
in  cases  where  the  tariff  might  be  made  a  "local  issue."  The  Bill 
made  sweeping  reductions  from  the  rates  fixed  by  the  McKinley  Act, 
made  most  classes  of  lumber  free,  and  placed  coal,  animals  and  iron 
ore  on  the  free  list.  It  carried  out  the  idea,  long  advocated  by  Presi- 
dent Cleveland,  of  putting  wool  (m  the  free  list,  and  reduced  the 
duties  on  manufactured  wool  below  the  protective  point.  In  the 
various  changes  that  were  subsequently  made  in  the  Bill,  these  two 
features  remained,  and  they  inflicted  a  deadly  blow  to  the  wool 
growing  and  woolen  manufacturing  interests  of  this  country.  Mod- 
ifications of  other  sche*'  h^s,  particularly  those  relating  to  agricul- 
tural products,  greatly  c^'arged  the  free  list.  The  bill  wiped  out 
entirely  the  reciprocity  feature  of  the  McKinley  Act,  under  which 
treaties  very  valuable  to  our  export  trade  had  been  negotiated  with 
Spain  in  behalf  of  her  West  Indian  possessions  and  with  several  of 
the  South  American  Republics. 

An  unexpected  feature  of  the  Bill  was  the  revival  of  an  income 
tax,  the  am.ount  being  two  per  cent,  on  all  incomes  over  f4,000.  No 
tax  of  this  kind  had  ever  been  levied  before,  except  under  the  pres- 


■<^.^ 


450 


IIIHTOUV  OPTIIK  KKIMIU.ICAN  PARTY.  ' 


sure  of  war  iHM-cHiiit.v.  Kv(>ii  tlicii  tlie  pupiilar  rlainor  UKaiiiHt  it  whh 
very  grcut.  It  wuh  denounced  uh  an  iiiircaHonablo  and  impcrtintMit 
prying  into  the  private  buHineHH  of  individiiaJH.  The  publicity  which 
was  given  to  the  liHtH  of  income  tax-payerH  waH  eHpecially  diHtaMtefnI. 
and  the  tax  waH  removed  Hoon  after  Mie  war.  The  DeniocratH  were 
efipecialiy  vigorouH  in  denouncing  it  at  that  time,  and  no  Democratic 
platform  had  everdemandod  itH  re-enactment.  Vet  now  it  wuh  brouglit 
in,  at  a  time  of  peace,  and  not  long  after  the  DeniocratH  had  been 
declaiming  in  favor  of  8onie  meaHure  for  "reducing  the  MurpluH."  It 
was  a  confeHHion  that  the  Wilfion  taritf  <-ould  not  be  depended  upon 
to  produce  revenue  enough  to  Mujtport  the  Government.  Yet  itH  intro- 
duction was  no  accident.  It  waH  referi-ed  to  in  the  PreHident'n  mcH- 
Bage  December  4,  181W,  a  fortnight  before  the  Committee  made  its 
report.  The  mcHgage  naid:  "The  ('<»mniittee,  after  full  couHideration, 
and  to  provide  against  a  temporary  deficiency  which  nujy  exist  before 
the  business  of  the  country  adjusts  itself  to  the  new  taritT  schedules, 
have  wisely  embraced  in  their  plan  a  few  additional  internal  revenue 
taxes,  including  a  small  tax  upon  incomes  derived  from  certain  cor- 
porate investments.  These  new  assessments  are  not  only  absolutely 
just  and  easily  borne,  but  they  have  the  further  merit  of  being  such 
as  can  be  remitted,  without  unfavorable  business  disturbance, 
whenever  the  necessity  of  their  imposition  no  longer  exists."  Proba- 
bly the  real  reason  for  the  addition  of  this  section  was  found  in  a 
desire  to  get  Populist  votes  for  the  measure  as  a  whole.  The  Popu- 
list Convention  at  Omaha  in  1892  had  demanded  a  ''graduated  income 
tax,"  and  the  main  grievance  of  that  party  was  that,  in  their  opinion, 
the  rich  were  not  bearing  their  share  of  the  public  burdens.  The 
income  tax  was  a  method  of  "getting  eA'en  with  the  rich  fellows." 

When  Mr.  Wilson  reported  the  Bill,  he  nude  a  speech,  in  which 
he  set  forth,  with  eloquence  and  ingenuity,  the  merits  of  the  measure, 
and  urged,  if  he  did  not  exactly  predict,  its  speedy  passage.  But  he 
soon  found  that  he  had  run  against,  not  only  active  opposition,  but 
an  inert  obstruction  that  it  was  difficult  to  move.  A  good  many  of 
the  Democrats,  while  conceding  the  party  obligation  to  malie  a  revis- 
ion of  the  tariff  in  the  direction  of  revenue  as  against  protection,  yet 
did  not  take  kindly  to  this  measure,  because  it  affe<'ted  injuriously 
interests  in  their  own  districts.  The  Republicans  adopted  the  Demo- 
cratic tactics  of  the  Fifty-first  Congress,  sometimes  making  dilatory 
motions,  and  sometimes  refraining  from  voting  sq  as  to  show  "no 
quorum."    At  last  the  Democrats,  with  a  clear  majority  of  80  in  the 


I ' 


If 


'^. 


•t^ 


('LKVKLANirK  HKCONP  Al»MINIrtTRATION. 


iTA 


(IlitlHt    it    WHH 

iin|H>rtiii(>nt 
:)lit'it.v  whirli 
r  (li8tHMti>fu). 
locratB  wcrt' 
>  l>(Miio(-riiti<- 
WUH  hntuglit 
itH  liml  hiM'ii 
^urpluH."     It 

[M>lld(>(l    ll|IOU 

V»'t  Hh  inti'd- 

sideilt'H   IIU'H- 

t(>('  made  itH 
DiiHidenitioii, 

exist  before 
iff  sclieduleH, 
rnal  revenue 

eertain  eor- 
l.v  absolutely 
f  bein^  such 
disturbance, 
its."  Proba- 
8  found  in  a 
The  Popu- 
iiated  income 
heir  opinion, 
iirdens.    The 

fellows." 
•ch,  in  which 
the  measure, 
age.  But  he 
position,  but 
ood  many  of 
iiake  a  revis- 
•otection,  yet 
d  injuriously 
?d  the  Demo- 
king  dilatory 
to  show  "no 

of  80  in  the 


%. 


House,  were  obliged  to  resort  to  the  same  method  of  "counting  a 
quorum,"'  that  the  Kepublii-ans  had  found  necessary  to  use  when 
they  had  a  nuijority  of  only  H.  No  one  was  in  greater  glee  over  the 
situation  than  "Cjiar  Re«Ml,"  as  he  jibed  his  political  opp<ments  on 
their  tardy  wisdom.  In  conceding  the  necessity  and  justice  of  the 
rules  which  he  was  nuiinly  instrumental  in  establishing,  in  course 
of  time  all  (»bstacles  were  overcome,  and  the  Hill  passed  by  a  vote  of 
204  to  140.  Of  the  yeas  104  were  Democrats  and  10  were  Populists. 
Of  the  nays  12")  were  Republican,  and  15  were  Democrats. 

When  the  mangled  remains  of  Tariff  Rill  came  from  the  Henatc 
Finance  Committee  Its  foster  father  in  the  House  would  no  longer 
recognize  it,  and  objected  to  having  it  named  after  him;  and  during 
the  renminder  of  the  discussion  it  was  called  the  Rrice-Oorman  Bill, 
Instead  of  the  Wilson  Rill.  It  took  the  Finance  Committee  from 
February  1  to  March  8,  to  make  out  its  reimrt,  although  it  followed 
the  example  of  the  House  in  refusing  hearings  to  interested  parties. 
The  Bill  as  thus  reported  was  far  from  satisfactory,  and  so  the  Com- 
mittee took  several  weeks  more  at  it,  made  all  together  about  400 
amendments  to  it,  and  it  finally  came  up  for  consideration  May  8. 
It  was  then  the  object  of  bitter  attack  by  nearly  all  the  Republican 
speakers,  and  by  a  few  Democrats.  The  greatest  hostility  was 
aroused  by  the  income  tax  feature  of  the  measure,  which  was  attacked 
on  the  grounds  that  it  had  no  legitimate  place  in  a  tariff  reform  Bill; 
that  it  was  neither  Democratic  nor  Republican  in  principle,  and  had 
never  been  approved  by  the  people,  but  was  a  doctrine  of  Populism; 
that  it  was  unnecessary  as  a  revenue  measure;  that  it  was  a  direct 
tax  and  therefore  unconstitutional;  that  it  was  unequal,  unjust  and 
sectional  in  its  operations;  that  its  exemptions  stamped  it  as  an 
offensive  piece  of  class  legislation;  that  it  was  inquisitorial  and  offen- 
sive; that  it  usurped  a  field  of  taxation  lawfully  belonging  to  the 
states  and  would  lead  to  conflict  between  Federal  and  State  authori- 
ties. Senator  Hill,  of  New  York,  was  one  of  the  Democrats  who 
opposed  this  feature  of  the  Bill,  which  he  called  Popolistic  and  not 
Democratic.  He  repudiated  the  "spurious  Democracy  of  these 
modern  apostles  and  prophets,  who  are  part  Mugwump,  part  Populist, 
and  the  least  part  Democratic,  who  seek  to  lead  us  astray  after  false 
gods,  false  theories  and  false  methods."  The  charge  that  this  feature 
of  the  Bill  was  sectional  in  its  character  was  very  well  sustained  by 
the  attitude  of  the  Southern  Senators  toward  it.  They  were  aggres- 
sive in  their  support  of  it,  and  used  the  argument  that  the  rich  men 


1 

Ml' 


■!•:  il 


i 


ir^^^B^" 


wmmmmm 


r 


4r.:i 


mSTOHV  OKTIIK  KKIM  MI.K'AN  I'AUTY. 


of  tin'  Xortli,  piifticiilarl.v  tli(iM«'  in  N«'w  York  (Mt.v,  wci'o  not  pujinK 
tlicii'  Hhiirc  of  lli(>  tax4>H.  Tntlrr  tliiH  kind  of  talk,  and  the  pfcHHiirc 
from  the  AduiiniHlration,  the  inconu*  tax  waH  finally  retained  aH  part 
of  tile  Itili. 

Then  a  threat  Hcandai  aroHe  over  tlie  nieaHure.  The  direct 
clmrtre  wan  inaxle  that  corrupt  nieanH  liad  been  iiHed  to  manipulate 
tlie  HUKar  nehedule;  that  meniherH  of  tlie  Hu^ar  TruHt  Imd  Hecretl.v 
viHited  memberH  of  tlie  Heiiate  Finance  ('ommittee,  and  had  Mecured 
tt  inoditlcation  of  that  H<'liedule,  by  metuiH  of  which  they  would  reap 
great  profltH.  These  ]>rotltH  were  to  be  realised  by  placing  a  duty  on 
HUKar,  but  making  tliiH  part  of  the  Act  take  effect  .lunuary  1,  181)5,  ho 
that  the  Trust  could  accumulate  a  large  stock  without  duty,  and  then 
advance  the  price  to  the  extent  of  the  duty.  It  was  also  charged 
that  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  had  personally  dictated  a  change 
in  the  sugar  schedule,  in  accordance  with  the  wishes  of  the  Trust, 
and  that  the  Trust  demanded  and  obtained  this  concession,  in  accord- 
ance with  a  pre-existing  understanding  with  the  leaders  of  the  Demo- 
cratic party,  that  its  interests  should  be  protected,  in  return  for  a 
contribution  of  |nO(),000  to  the  Democratic  campaign  fund  in  1892.  It 
was  still  further  charged  that  information  with  reference  to  the  work 
of  the  Finance  Committee  was  secretly  given  to  New  York  brokers, 
and  that  Senators  had  taken  advantage  of  this  information  by  making 
profitable  investments  in  sugar  stock.  An  investigation  of  these 
serious  charges  was  ordered,  but  while  it  served  to  deepen  the  con- 
viction that  the  charges  were  at  least  in  part  true,  it  did  not  bring 
out  positive  proof.  The  newspaper  men  who  had  made  the  exposure 
Housed  to  testify,  and  were  sent  to  the  criminal  courts  to  be  tried  for 
contumacy.  The  officers  of  the  Tr,ust  admitted  to  giving  money  for 
campaign  exiienses  to  State,  but  not  to  National  campaigns.  They 
admitted,  also,  that  they  expected  benefits  from  these  investments. 
One  of  the  Senators  examined  admitted  that  he  had  been  speculating 
In  Sugor  Trust  stocks,  and  defended  his  course  in  so  doing,  and 
others,  who  were  not  so  frank,  did  not  make  absolute  denials.  The 
revelations  came  nearer  to  positive  proof  of  extensive  Senatorial 
corruption  than  anything  that  ever  before  occurred  in  the  country. 
They  did  not,  however,  serve  to  lessen  the  hold  which  the  Trust  had 
on  the  Senate,  but  were  accepted  as  an  ample  explanation  of  the  indif- 
ference which  the  Trust  showed  to  the  Bill  in  the  House.  It  served 
also  to  explain  the  belief  which  hud  become  general,  that  no  Tariff 
Bill  at  all  could    be    passed    nnless  the    Trust  dictated    the  sugar 


:^P 


i  J 


'W 


[>  not  pajriiiK 
the  pfcHHiirc 
lined  iih  part 

The  dlicMt 
»  manipulate 
liud  secretly 
had  Mecured 

would  reap 
tig  a  duty  on 
•y  1,  IWJB,  HO 
it.v,  and  then 
iIho  ehai-Ked 
ted  a  change 
>f  the  Trust, 
•n,  in  accord- 
of  the  Demo- 
return  for  a 
I  in  181)2.  It 
(  to  the  work 
ork  brokers, 
m  by  makinii; 
ion  of  these 
pen  the  con- 
id  not  bring 
the  exposure 
)  be  tried  for 
g  money  for 
nigns.  They 
investments. 
1  speculating 
)  doing,  and 
lenials.  The 
e  Senatorial 
the  country, 
lie  Trust  had 
I  of  the  Indif- 
p.  It  served 
lat  no  Tariff 
d    the  sugar 


«i 


nLKVKL.WDS  HKCOM)  .\nMI.\IHTK.\TION. 


45.'< 


schedule.  The  cont-essionH  made  to  what  was  at  that  time  the  hccoikI 
largest  Trust  in  the  country,  served  to  weaken  faith  in  the  sincerity 
of  the  Democrats,  «'specially  when  taken  in  connection  with  a  strong 
Anti-Trust  plank  in  their  platform,  on  which  this  tNmgress  was 
elected. 

Hefore  the  Hill  left  the  Henate  that  body  had  added  more  than 
200  amendments  to  the  4(M)  whi«'h  the  Finance  (\)nimitt<>e  had  tacked 
upon  it.  On  its  final  passage  two  I'opulists,  Allen,  of  N'(>braska,  and 
Kyle,  of  Houih  Itakota,  v«)ted  with  the  Democrats,  giving  IJO  yeas. 
Tlie  Populists,  Stewart,  of  Nevada,  and  I'etl'er,  of  Kansas,  and  the 
Democrat  Hill,  of  New  York,  voted  with  the  Itepublicans,  giving  34 
nays.  In  accordance  with  an  understanding  previously  had,  the 
House  immediately  sent  the  amended  Bill  to  a  Conference  Conimit-^ 
tee,  which  after  a  fortnight's  time  reported  a  disagreement.  Then 
occurred  a  remarkable  s<'ene.  Mr.  Wilson  pointed  out  the  great  dif- 
ference between  rates  of  duty  as  originally  fixed  by  the  House,  and 
those  passed  by  the  Henate  and  added:  "If  it  be  true,  as  stated  (of 
wliicli  I  have  swn  myself  some  confirmation)  in  the  press,  if  it  be 
true  that  the  great  American  Hugar  Trust  has  grown  so  strong  and 
powerful  that  it  says  that  no  Tariff  Bill  can  pass  the  American  Con- 
gress in  which  its  interests  are  not  adejpiutely  guarded;  if,  I  say, 
that  be  true,  I  hope  this  House  will  not  consent  to  an  adjournment 
until  it  has  passed  a  single  bill  putting  refined  sugar  on  the  free 
list."  Then  referring  to  President  Cleveland's  long  continued  labors 
for  tariff  reform,  he  produced  a  letter  from  the  President,  addressed 
to  Iiimself  and  dated  July  2d,  the  day  before  the  Bill  passed  the 
Henate.  This  letter  he  read.  The  principal  portions  of  it  are  as 
follows: 

Every  true  Democrat  and  every  sincere  tariff  reformer  knows  that 
this  Bill  in  its  present  form  and  as  it  will  be  submitted  to  the  Confer- 
ence Committee  falls  short  of  the  consummation  for  which  we  have 
long  labored,  for  whi<'h  we  have  suffered  defeat  without  discourage- 
ment; which  in  its  anticipation  gave  us  a  rallying  cry  in  our  day  of 
triumph,  and  which,  in  its  promise  of  accomplishment,  is  so  inter- 
woven with  Democratic  pledges  and  Democratic  success,  that  our 
abandonment  of  the  cause  or  of  the  principles  upon  which  it  rests 
means  party  perfidy  and  party  dishonor.  One  topic  will  be  sub- 
mitted to  the  conference  whidi  embodies  Democratic  principle  so 
directly  that  it  cannot  be  compromised.  We  have  in  our  platforms 
and  in  every  way  possible  declared  in  favor  of  the  free  importation  of 
raw  materials.  We  have  again  and  again  promised  that  this  should 
be  accorded  to  our  people  and  our  manufactureu  as  soon  as  the 


1'^ 


iiif! 


if.' 


tl 


s     <( 


warn 


I  Jifyy-  - 


m 


HISTORY  OB^  THE  REPUBLICAN  TARTY. 


' 


Democrafif  party  was  invested  with  power  to  determine  the  tariff 
policy  of  the  country.  The  party  now  has  the  power.  We  are  as 
certain  to-day  as  we  ever  have  been  of  the  great  benefit  that  would 
accrue  to  the  country  from  the  inauguration  of  this  policy,  and  noth- 
ing has  occurred  to  release  us  from  our  obligation  to  secure  this 
advantage  to  our  people.  It  must  be  admitted  that  no  tariff  measure 
can  accord  with  Democratic  principles  and  promises,  or  bear  a  genu- 
ine Democratic  badge,  that  does  not  provide  for  free  raw  material. 
In  these  circum8tan«;e8  it  may  well  excite  our  wonder  that  Democrats 
are  willing  to  depart  from  this,  the  most  Democratic  of  all  tariff 
principles,  and  that  the  most  inconsistent  absurdity  of  such  a  pro- 
posed departure  should  be  emphasized  b^'  the  suggestion  that  the 
wool  of  the  farmer  be  put  on  the  free  list,  and  the  protection  of  tariff 
taxation  be  placed  around  the  iron  ore  and  coal  for  corporations  and 
capitalists.  How  can  we  face  the  people  after  indulging  in  such  out- 
rageous discrimination  and  violation  of  principles?  It  is  quite  ap- 
parent that  the  question  of  free  raw  materials  does  not  admit  of 
adjustment  on  middle  ground,  since  their  subjection  to  any  rate  of 
tariff  taxation,  great  or  small,  is  alike  violative  of  Democratic  prin- 
ciple and  Democratic  good  faith.  .  .  .  I'uder  our  party  plat- 
form a;.d  in  accordance  with  our  declared  party  purposes,  sugar  is  a 
legitimate  and  logical  article  for  revenue  taxation.  Unfortunately, 
however,  incidents  have  accompanied  certain  stages  of  the  legislation 
which  will  be  sumbitted  to  the  conference,  that  have  aroused  in  con- 
nection with  this  subject  a  National  Democratic  animosity  to  the 
methods  and  manipulations  of  trusts  and  combinations.  I  confess  to 
sharing  in  this  feeling  and  yet,  it  seems  to  me,  we  ought,  if  possible, 
to  sufficiently  free  ourselves  from  prejudice  to  enable  us.  coolly  to 
weigh  the  considerations,  which,  in  formulating  tariff  legislation, 
ought  to  guide  our  treatment  of  sugar  as  a  taxable  article.  While 
no  tenderness  should  be  entertained  for  trusts,  and  while  I  am  decid- 
edly opposed  to  granting  them,  under  the  guise  of  taxation,  any 
opportunity  to  further  their  particular  methods,  I  suggest  that  we 
ought  not  to  be  driven  away  from  the  Democratic  principle  and 
policy  which  lead  to  the  taxation  of  sugar  by  the  fear,  quite  likely 
exaggerated,  that  in  carrying  out  this  principle  and  policy  we  may 
indirectly  and  inordinately  encourage  a  combination  of  sugar-refining 
interests.  I  know  that  in  present  conditions  this  is  a  delicate  sub- 
ject, and  I  appreciate  the  depth  and  strength  of  the  feeling  which  its 
treatment  has  aroused.  I  do  not  believe  we  should  do  evil  that  good 
may  come;  but  it  seems  to  me  that  we  should  not  forget  that  our  aim 
is  the  complex  jon  of  a  tariff  bill,  and  that  in  taxing  sugar  for  proper 
purposes  and  within  reasonable  bounds,  w-hatever  else  may  be  said 
of  our  action,  we  are  in  no  danger  of  running  counter  to  Democratic 
principles.  With  all  there  is  at  stake,  there  must  be  in  the  treat- 
ment of  this  article  some  ground  upon  which  we  are  all  willing  to 
stand,  where  toleration  and  conciliation  may  be  allowed  to  solve  the 
problem  without  demanding  the  entire  surrender  of  fixed  and  con- 


;^/  \ 


■  f         -.r 


I  I  ^  iiii^iiimHH 


e  the  tariff 
We  are  as 
that  would 
y,  and  noth- 
secure  this 
riff  measure 
)ear  a  genu- 
,w  material. 
t  Democrats 
of  all  tariff 
such  a  pro- 
on  that  the 
ion  of  tariff 
(rations  and 
in  such  out- 
is  quite  ap- 
Dt  admit  of 
any  rate  of 
>cratic  prin- 
party  plat- 
i,  sugar  is  a 
fortunately, 
e  legislation 
used  in  con- 
Bsity  to  the 

I  confess  to 
,  if  possible, 
lis.  coolly  to 

legislation, 
icle.  While 
■  I  am  decid- 
ixation,  any 
est  that  we 
'inciple  and 
quite  likely 
licy  we  may 
igar-reflning 
lelicate  sub- 
Qg  which  its 
n\  that  good 
that  our  aim 
r  for  proper 
may  be  said 

Democratic 
n  the  treat- 

II  willing  to 
to  solve  the 
:ed  and  con- 


CLEVELAND'8  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION. 


455 


sclecticuB  convictions.  I  expect  vci-y  few  of  us  can  say,  when  our 
measure  is  perfected,  that  all  its  features  are  entirely  as  we  would 
prefer.  You  know  how  much  I  deprecated  the  incorporation  into  the 
proposed  bill  of  the  income  feature.  In  matters  of  this  kind,  how- 
ever, which  do  not  violate  a  fixed  and  recognized  Democratic  doctrine, 
we  are  willing  to  defer  to  the  judgment  of  a  majority  of  our  Demo- 
cratic brethren.  ■       "  .  '     ':      ,  '    ' 

The  President's  letter  was  the  occasion  of  a  sharp  debate  in  the 
Senate.  The  Republicans  pointed  out  that  the  logic  of  the  plea 
which  he  made  for  a  duty  on  sugar,  which  was  a  concession  to  the 
Sugar  Trust,  was  virtually  carried  out  in  concessions  to  trusts  of  all 
kinds;  to  the  Nova  Scotia  Coal  Syndicate  in  his  plea  for  free  coal, 
and  to  the  Cuban  Iron  Syndicate,  in  his  plea  for  free  iron  ore.  The 
Democrats  were  less  concerned  about  the  logic  of  the  President's 
position,  or  the  inconsistencies  of  the  Rill,  than  they  were  about 
what  they  considt^red  the  impertinence  of  his  attempt  to  interfere 
with  legislation.  Senator  Vest  said:  "Mr.  Cleveland  is  a  big  man, 
but  the  Democratic  party  is  greater  than  any  one  man.  It  has  sur- 
vived Jefferson,  Madison,  Jackson;  it  will  survive  Grover  Cleveland. 
Under  what  clause  of  the  Constitution  did  Mr.  Cleveland  get  the 
right,  after  a  Rill  had  been  sent  to  full  and  free  conference  between 
the  two  Houses,  to  make  any  appeal  to  his  party  friends  to  stand  by 
his  individual  views?"  Senator  Gorman,  whose  activity  in  revising 
the  bill  had  been  such  that  he  might  justly  consider  the  President's 
letter  a  personal  attack,  was  much  more  severe.  He  said:  "In 
{patriotism  the  Democratic  Senate  had  gone  to  work  to  save  the 
country,  and  keep  their  party  in  power,  when  suddenly,  in  the  midst 
of  their  work,  came  the  President's  letter.  It  was  the  most  uncalled 
for,  the  most  extraordinary,  the  most  unwise  communication  that 
ever  came  from  a  President  of  the  United  States.  It  placed  the 
Senate  in  a  position  wiiere  its  members  must  see  to  it  that  the  dignity 
and  honor  of  the  chamber  must  be  preserved.  It  places  me  in  a  posi- 
tion where  I  must  tell  the  story  as  it  occurred.  The  limit  of 
endurance  has  been  reached."  He  then  said  that,  during  the  progress 
of  the  work  on  the  Rill,  Senators  Jones  and  Vest  had  frequent  con- 
ferences with  the  President  and  with  Seretary Carlisle;  that  Secretary 
Carlisle  had  endorsed  the  completed  bill;  and  that  no  one  who  had 
been  consulted  had  ever  suggested  that  the  Rill  was  in  violation  of 
Democratic  principles.  Senators  Vest,  Jones  and  Harris  con- 
firmed the  truth  of  the  statements  made  by  Senator  Gorman.    The 


§,iS,i^;M'^fi'M:-t:^^^im£it.J3S<'vm^'i^;W^^WSlig*M.1A 


2Wii3l£iiaii 


■»i'rii'iiii; 


Iv 


'Jf?>^' 


466 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 


latter  tli^h  denounced  the  President  in  the  bitterest  terms,  and 
declared  that  if  there  had  been  deceit  it  had  been  with  that  official, 
and  not  with  the  Benate. 

The  feeling  aroused  was  so  strong  that  no  attempts  at  further 
consideration  of  the  measure  were  made  for  three  weeks.  At  last, 
on  the  13th  of  August,  a  caucus  of  the  Democratic  members  of  the 
House  decided  to  surrender  to  the  Senate,  and  the  Bill  of  the  latter, 
with  its  634  amendments  to  the  House  Measure,  was  concurred  in  by 
a  vote  of  182  to  106.  Of  the  yeas  174  were  Democrats  and  8  were 
Populists.    The  nays  were  93  Republicans  and  13  Democrats. 

The  House  then  passed  four  separate  Bills,  called  the  "Popguh'' 
Bills,  placing  sugar,  coal,  iron  ore  and  barbed  wire  on  the  free  list, 
but  they  deceived  nobody,  because  it  was  not  expected  that  the  Senate 
would  pay  any  attention  to  them.  The  General  Tariff  Bill  was  now 
up  to  the  President,  and  all  eyes  were  turned  on  him.  He  kept  the 
country  in  suspense  for  ten  days  longer,  and  then  at  midnight,  on  the- 
27th  of  August,  the  conglomerate  Bill  became  a  law  without  his  sig- 
nature. It  had  taken  the  Democrats  eighteen  months  from  the  time 
they  camie  into  the  possession  of  full  power  to  pass  a  measure  which 
brought  disaster  to  the  manufacturing  and  commercial  interests  of 
the  country.  Three  years  later  it  took  the  Republicans  less  than  five 
months  to  pass  a  tariff  ac^t  which  brought  universal  prosperity. 

Even  with  the  long  delay  in  passing  the  Bill,  it  was  not,  in  the 
end,  carefully  examined,  and  was  full  of  errors,  some  of  which 
required  to  be  eliminated  by  joint  resolution  or  special  enactment. 
In  21  consecutive  pages  of  the  Bill  no  less  than  thirty-one  errors 
were  discovered. 

The  President  sent  no  message  to  Congress  in  explanation  of  his 
course,  but  he  wrote  another  letter,  this  one  dated  August  27,  and 
addressed  to  Congr^ss^en  Catchings,  of  Mississippi,  and  Clarke,  of 
Alabama,  in  which  he  said  that  he  felt  the  utmost  disappointment  at 
being  denied  the  privilege  of  signing  such  a  Bill  as  he  had  hoped  to 
see  pass,  one  which  embodied  Democratic  ideas  of  tariff  reform.  He 
did  not  claim  to  be  better  than  his  party,  nor  intend  to  shirk  any  of 
his  responsibilities,  but  the  bill  contained  provisions  not  in  the  line 
of  honest  tariff  reform,  and  had  "inconsistencies  and  crudities  which 
ought  not  to  appear  in  tariff  laws."  He  would  not  separate  himself 
from  the  Democratic  party  by  a  veto  of  tariff  legislation,  which, 
though  disappointing,  was  chai-geable  still  to  Democratic  effort.  But 
there  were  incidents  attending  the  passage  of  the  Bill  in  its  later 


PS»i!SB'Pll!'!PflWP'* 


terms,  and 
hat  official. 

1  at  further 
8.  At  last, 
bers  of  the 
r  the  latter, 
urred  in  by 
and  8  were 
rats. 

e "Popgun" 
tie  free  list, 
:  the  Senate 
ill  was  now 
le  kept  the 
ight,  on  the*^ 
lOut  his  sig- 
)m  the  time 
isure  which 
interests  of 
SB  than  five 
perity. 

not,  in  the 
e  of   which 

enactment. 
r-one  errors 

ation  of  his 
ust  27,  and 
i  Clarke,  of 
ointment  at 
ad  hoped  to 
•eform.  He 
ihirk  any  of 
in  the  line 
lities  which 
rate  himself 
tion,  which, 
effort.  Bu<^ 
in  its  later 


CLEVELAND'S  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION. 


457 


stages  which  made  every  sincere  tarilT  reformer  unhappy,  and  which 
ought  not  to  be  tolerated  in  Democratic  councils.  He  said  he  took 
his  "place  with  the  rank  and  file  of  the  Democratic  party  who  believe 
in  tariff  reform  and  who  know  what  it  is;  who  refused  to  accept  the 
results  embodied  in  this  Bill  as  the  close  of  the  war;  who  are  not 
blinded  by  the  fact  that  the  livery  of  Democratic  tariff  reform  has 
been  stolen,  and  worn  in  the  service  of  Republican  protection,  and 
who  have  marked  the  places  where  the  deadly  blight  of  treason  has 
blasted  the  counsels  of  the  brave  in  the  hour  of  their  might.  The 
trusts  and  combinations,  whose  machinations  have  prevented  us 
from  reaching  the  success  we  deserved,  should  not  be  forgotten  nor 
forgiven.  We  shall  recover  from  our  astonishment  at  their  exhibi- 
tion of  power,  and  then,  if  the  question  is  forced  upon  us  whether 
they  shall  submit  to  the  free  legislative  will  of  the  people's  represen- 
tatives or  shall  dictate  the  laws  which  the  people  must  obey,  we  will 
accept  that  issue  as  one  involving  the  integrity  and  safety  of  Ameri- 
can institutions." 

The  President's  method  of  communicating  his  views,  by  private 
letter  to  individuals,  instead  of  by  message  to  Congress,  did  not  take 
much  better  in  this  case  than  it  did  in  the  Wilson  letter.  But  the 
tariff  matter  was  disposed  of  for  this  session,  and  the  excitement 
over  the  Catchings  missive  soon  died  out. 

One  other  act  of  the  President's  during  the  first  half  of  his 
second  term  intensified  the  popular  feeling  against  him,  and 
that  was  his  treatment  of  the  Hawaiian  question.  The  Tariff 
question  was  to  quite  a  large  extent  one  of  partisan  poli- 
tics and  economic  theoirizing.  The  Hawaiian  matter  was  one 
that  appealed  to  patriotism  and  a  sense  of  justice,  and  Cleve- 
land seemed  to  be  lacking  in  both.  In  the  first  part  of  1893 
the  Provisional  Government  of  the  Hawaiian  group  of  islands  nego- 
tiated tt  treaty  for  the  annexation  of  those  islands  to  the  United 
States.  President  Harrison  transmitted  it  to  the  Senate  for  ratifi- 
cation, but  it  was  near  the  end  of  the  session  and  the  Senate  failed 
to  take  action.  President  Cleveland  not  only  withdrew  the  treaty, 
but  sent  James  H;  Blount,  of  Georgia,  as  ^cial  Commissioner  to  the 
islands,  with  paramount  authority  to  make  investigations  fts  to  our 
relations  with  the  Hawaiian  Government.  (Jnder  his  direction  the 
American  protectorate,  which  the  United  States  had  assumed  over 
the  islands,  was  terminated,  the  American  flag  was  hauled  down,  and 
a  small  garrison  of  marines,  sent  ashore  from  a  United  States  war 


^llll 


•Wn 


■■>>.  -  ''jxs».mm^ms!>&^^«}wmm;immm^mdfimmmmm'^^m?' 


mm*  PWM'i'  MP:  ji'ij'.fiiipgwiPiilWP' 


458 


HISTORY  OP  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 


vesBel  f6r  the  prot«H'tion  of  Americau  interests,  was  withdrawn. 
John  L.  Stevens,  the  American  Minister,  was  recalled,  and  Albert  S. 
Willis  was  appointed  to  succeed  him,  with  instructions  looking 
toward  the  overthrow  of  the  Provisional  Government,  and  the  restor- 
ation of  Queen  Liliuokalani.  He  might  have  succeeded  but  for  the 
stubbornness  and  cruel  disposition  of  the  Queen,  who  refused  to 
promise  a  grant  of  amnesty,  demanded  the  execution  of  those  who 
had  helped  to  depose  her,  and  showed,  throughout,  a  disposition  that 
was  threatening  to  all  foreign  interests.  Minister  Willis  himself 
at  last  conceded  that  an  analysis  of  the  list  of  the  Queen's  special 
advisers  was  not  encouraging  to  the  friends  of  good  government  nor 
American  interests.  The  plan  of  reinstating  the  Queen  was  pursued 
for  some  months,  under  circumstances  of  intrigue  and  de<;eit  that 
were  astounding  to  the  American  people  when  they  became  known. 
The  President  could  not  use  force  to  carry  out  his  purpose  without 
the  consent  of  Congress,  and  that  he  could  not  obtain,  for  Congress 
was  as  bitterly  opposed  to  his  plans  as  was  the  country  at  large.  The 
Queen  found  suflBcient  encouragement  from  his  course  to  attempt 
an  insurrection,  which  was  spee<lily  repressed  by  the  Provisional 
Government,  when  she,  for  herself  and  heirs,  forever  renounced  the 
throne,  gave  allegiance  to  the  Republic  and  counselled  her  former 
subjects  to  do  th^  same.  She  afterwards  took  journey  to  Washing- 
ton, iiartly  for  the  purpose  of  presenting  a  claim  for  damages  for 
the  loss  of  her  crown,  for  which,  she  argued,  the  ntteran(;es  of  the 
President  and  his  agents  had  given  good  ground.  With  the  Ameri- 
can people  expressions  of  indignation  now  gave  place  to  ridicule, 
and  if  the  President  read  the  papers  at  all,  he  saw  his  name  coupled 
with  the  futile  efforts  of  "Paramount  Blount,"  and  the  aspirations  of 
"Queen  Lil''  much  oftener  than  he  cared  to.  Even  rhyme  and  min- 
strel song  were  not  lacking  in  this  entertainment. 

The  State  and  Coqgressional  elections  in  1894  came  on  a  little 
over  two  months  after  the  passage  of  the  Tariff  Bill,  and  while  the 
Hawaiian  intrigue  was  still  in  progress.  They  resulted  in  a  Republi 
can  vli'tory  of  unexi>e«'tedly  large  proportions.  The  Democratic 
strength  in  the  House  as  <;ompared  with  the  last  Congress  was 
reduced  from  218  to  103,  and  the  Republican  strength  increased  from 
130  to  245.  Delaware,  Idaho,  Montana,  North  Dakota,  Utah  and 
Wyoming,  having  one  Representative  each,  all  chose  Republicans, 
while  fifteen  slates,  having  more  than  one  each,  had  solid  Republi- 
can delegations.    Connecticut,  Illinois,  Indiana,  Iowa,  Maine  Michi- 


k^SSttsMiUmmt 


■'^:* 


withdrawn, 
ad  Albert  S. 
ODB  looking 
d  the  restor- 

but  for  the 
1  refused  to 
f  those  who 
)osition  that 
illis  himself 
>en's  special 
ernment  nor 
ivas  pursued 

de<;eit  that 
ame  known. 
)ose  without 
or  Congress 

large.    The 

to  attempt 

Provisional 
nounced  the 

her  former 
to  Washing- 
lamages  for 
in(;es  of  the 
1  the  Ameri- 

to  ridicule, 
ame  coupled 
ipirations  of 
Tie  and  min- 

*  on  a  little 
id  while  the 
n  a  Republi 
Demoeratic 
>ngre8s  was 
reased  from 
,»  Utah  and 
Republicans, 
lid  Republi- 
[aine  Michi- 


CLEVELAND'8  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION.  459 

gan,  Minnesota,  New  Hampshire,  New  Jersey,  Oregon,  Rhode  Island, 
South  Dakota,  Vermont,  Washington  and  Wisconsin.  Of  the  old 
Slave  States,  Delaware  elected  one  Republican;  Kentucky  five  R«-pub- 
licans  to  six  Democrats;  Maryland  three  Republicans  to  three 
Democrats;  Missouri  eleven  Republicans  to  four  Democrats;  North 
Carolina  three  Republicans  to  four  Populists  and  two  Democrats; 
Tennessee  four  Republicans  to  six  Democrats;  and  Virginia  iwo  Re- 
publicans to  eight  Democrats.  Republicans  were  also  elected  in 
Alabama,  South  Carolina  and  Texas.  Only  four  States  of  what  was 
formerly  the  Solid  South,  now  sent  full  Democratic  delegations- 
Arkansas,  Florida,  liouisiana  and  Mississippi.  The  Legislatures 
chosen  at  this  election  gave  the  Republicans  a  gain  of  two  in  the 
United  States  Senate,  while  the  Democrats  lost  Ave,  but  the  four 
Populists  and  one  Silver  Republican  held  the  balance  of  power. 

Only  two  events  that  attracted  wide  attention  occurred  during  the 
last  half  of  this  Administration.  The  flrst  was  a  decision  of  the 
Supreme  Court  declaring  the  income  tax  feature  of  the  Brice-Gorman- 
Wilson  Tariff  Act  to  be  unconstitutional.  This  decision  widened  the 
gap  between  the  Treasury  receipts  and  expenditures  and  for  the 
remainder  of  the  term,  the  finances  of  the  Government  Treasury  were 
in  a  very  embarrassed  condition. 

During  Secretary  Gresham's  incumbency  of  the  State  Depart- 
nxent,  as  well  as  that  of  Secretary  Bayard  under  the  former  Cleveland 
Administration,  complaints  were  frequent  of  the  un-American  policy 
of  the  Administration.  After  Mr.  Bayard  became  Minister  to 
England,  his  sycophancy  at  the  Court  of  St.  James,  and  in  public 
addresses,  were  especially  distasteful.  In  Hawaii  the  annexationists 
felt  keenly  the  slight  put  upon  them  by  President  Cleveland's  Admin- 
istration, in  that  it  imparted  its  views  and  its  purposes  to  the  British 
and  Royalist  citizens  in  preference  to  the  American  residents.  In 
May,  1895,  Secretary  Giesham  died,  and  Richard  Olney,  who  had 
been  Attorney  General,  succeeded  him.  Either  through  Olney's 
influence,  or  else  because  he  wanted  to  efface  the  Hawaiian  memories, 
the  President  now  inaugurated  a  jingo  policy.  New  discoveries  of 
gold  had  given  increa8«?d  importance  to  a  long  standing  boundary 
dispute  between  Great  Britain  and  Venezuela,  The  President 
insisted,  on  the  ground  of  the  Monroe  Doctrine  and  our  essential 
sovereignty  on  the  American  continent,  that  Great  Britain  should 
submit  the  dispute  to  arbitration.  When  this  was  refused  he  sent 
a  message  to  Congress  which  startled  the  country.    He  proposed  the 


)iyf»;aiiiiBiiiiii 


IIIIHIIIIIHIII  lillllH 


■nuMTWWilKftfato.— 


460 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 


creation  6lf  a  eominiHsioii  to  determine  and  report  upon  "the  true 
divisional  line  between  Venezuela  and  British  Guiana,"  He  added: 
"When  such  report  is  made  and  accepted,  it  will,  in  my  opinion,  be 
the  duty  of  the  United  States  to  resist,  by  every  means  in  its  p»wer, 
as  a  willful  aggression  upon  its  rights  and  interest,  the  appropriation 
by  Great  Britain  of  any  lands,  or  the  exercise  of  governmental  juris- 
diction over  any  territory,  which  after  investigation,  we  have  deter- 
mined of  right  belongs  to  Venezuela."  Both  Houses  passed  a  resolu- 
tion for  the  appointment  of  the  Commission.  Immediately  American 
securities  began  to  fall,  creating  almost  a  panic  in  the  stock  market, 
and  tlie  gold  reserve  rapidly  diminished.  Thrt«  days  after  he  sent 
the  war  message  he  was  obliged  to  send  another,  asking  for  legisla- 
tion to  preserve  the  National  credit.  The  fact  is,  that  neither  in  its 
Army  nor  in  its  finances,  was  the  Nation  in  condition  to  go  to  war 
with  a  second-class  power,  let  alone  Great  Britain.  This  pyrotechnic 
display  of  jingoism  and  devotion  to  the  Monroe  Doctrine  was  the  last 
decided  sensatiop  of  an  Administration  that  had  been  fertile  in 
surprises,  but  mostly  barren  of  useful  results.  Some  good  did, 
however,  ultimately  come  out  of  this  last  agitation.  For,  though 
Great  Britain  woui^"-T»«tja£knowledge  the  authority  of  a  Boundary 
Commission  appointed  by  the  United  States,  yet  growing  out  of  our 
intervention  a  treaty  was  made  between  that  country  and  Venezuela, 
providing  for  a  joint  commission.  The  treaty  was  signed  at  Wash- 
ington, February  2,  1897,  by  Sir  Julian  Pauncefote,  British  Ambas- 
sador, and  General  Jose  Andrade,  Venezuelan  Minister  to  the  United 
States.  The  Venezuelan  Congress  ratified  the  treaty  without  a  dis- 
senting vote,  and  diplomatic  relations  with  Great  Britain,  which  had 
been  suspended  for  ten  years,  were  at  once  resumed.  The  ratifica- 
tions of  the  treaty  were  exchanged  in  Washington,  June  14.  The 
Commissioners  named  in  the  treaty  were  Lord  Herschell  and  Justice 
Henn  Collins,,  on  the  part  of  Great  Britain,  and  Chief  Justice  Fuller 
and  Justice  Brewer,  oii  the  part  of  Venezuela.  The  fifth  member, 
chosen  by  these  four  to  act  as  President  and  umpire,  was  Professor 
Martaens,  of  the  University  of  St.  Petersburg.  They  met.  in  Paris 
in  the  autumn  of  1898  and  gave  their  decision  in  1899,  confirming,  for 
the  most  part,  the  British  claims. 


eipi- 


n  "the  true 
He  added: 
opinion,  be 
n  itg  p9wer, 
>propriation 
lental  juria- 
have  deter- 
led  a  resolu- 
ly  American 
ock  market, 
rter  he  sent 
for  legisla- 
either  in  its 
3  go  to  war 
pyrotechnic 
iVas  the  last 
1  fertile  in 
good  did, 
^'or,  though 
ft  Boundary 
t  out  of  our 
1  Venezuela, 
d  at  Wash- 
ish  Ambas- 
1  the  United 
thout  a  dis- 
,  which  had 
I'he  ratiflca- 
le  14.  The 
and  Justice 
stice  Fuller 
th  member, 
8  Professor 
et.  in  Paris 
firming,  for 


XXXV. 

eleve:nth  republican  convention. 

McKinley  liOUg  Before  Recognized  as  tlie  Coming  Man  for  President 
•  —X  Highly  8uc<'essful  Political  Career — The  Convention  at  St. 
Louis — The  Campaign  Pronouncement — Contest  Over  the  Hilver 
I'lauk — Hensational  Withdrawal  of  the  Silver  Republicans — 
Their  Statement  to  the  Country — Only  one  Ballot  Each  for  Pres- 
ident and  Vice-President — Points  Prom  the  Letters  of  Accept- 
ance. 

Tjong  before  the  time  for  the  assembling  of  the  eleventh  Re- 
publican National  Convention  it  became  apparent  that  the  nomination 
would  go  to  William  McKinley,  of  Ohio.  Major  McKinley,  during  his 
young  manhood,  served  mQre  than  four  years  in  the  war.  From  1877 
to  1891  he  was  almost  continuously  in  Congress,  where  he  earned  the 
reputation  of  being  the  best-informed  man  on  the  tariff  of  any  member 
of  either  House.  He  was  one  of  the  best  of  the  debaters  who  took 
part  in  discussion  of  the  Tariff  Bill  of  1883,  waa  a  leader  in  opposition 
to  the  Horizontal  Reduction  Bill  of  Congressman  Morrison,  and  to  the 
Mills  Bill.  He  was  on  the  Ways  and  Means  Committee  of  the  House 
I'or  eleven  years,  was  its  Chairman  in  the  Fifty-first  Congress,  and 
was  the  author  of  the  Tariff  Act  which  bore  his  name.  In  1896  he 
was  C9iisidered  the  best  living  exponent  of  the  Republican  Protective 
Tariff  policy,  and  was  well  informed  upon  all  other  matters  of  legis- 
lation. Besides  this  he  was  a  "vote-getter."  His  District  waa  three 
times  "gerrymandered"  by  the  Democrats  in  order  to  keep  him  out  of 
Congress.  In  1878  he  was  placed  in  a  district  which  was  Democratic 
by  1,800;  but  McKinley  carried  it  by  1,300  majority.  In  1884  he  was 
placed  in  a  district  consisting  of  Stark,  Summit,  Medina  and  Wayne 
Counties,  then  strongly  Democratic,  and  was  elected  by  over  2,000 
majority.  Under  the  Price  gerrymander  of  1890,  his  district  was  made 
up  of  Stark,  Medina,  Wayne  and  Holmes  Counties,  which  had  the  year 
before  given  Campbell,  the  Democratic  candidate  for  Governor,. 3,900 


Ja£m 


4(>2 


HIHTOKV  OF  TUE  KEl'L'ULICAN   PARTY. 


majority,  but  on  the  fnlletst  vote  ever  polled  in  the  dicttrict,  Major 
McKinley  reduced  this  majority  to  303.  He  received  2,500  more  voteg 
in  the  district  than  had  been  cant  for  General  Harrison  for  President 
in  1888  in  the  same  counties.  He  was  Chairman  of  the  Committee  on 
Itesolutions  in  the  National  Conventions  of  1884  and  1888.  On  June 
7,  1801,  Major  McKinle.v  was  unanimously  nominated  by  the  Republi- 
cans of  Ohio  for  Governor;  and  after  one  of  the  most  hotly  contested 
campaigns  in  the  history  of  the  Wtate,  he  was  elected  over  James  E. 
Campbell,  then  Governor,  by  a  plurality  of  21,511  votes.  At  the  Re- 
publican State  Convention  in  1802,  Governor  McKinley  was  elected 
«me  of  the  DeleKates-at-lurKe  to  the  Republican  National  Convention 
at  Minneapolis.  He  was  made  (.^hairnmn  of  the  Ohio  delegation,  and 
l)ermanent  Chairman  of  the  Convention.  Although  not  desiring  to 
have  his  name  mentioned  for  the  Presidency,  and  doing  all  he  could 
personally  to  renominate  President  Harrison,  he  nevertheless 
received  182  votes  for  that  high  office.  At  the  election  in  November, 
1803,  Governor  McKinley  was  re-elected,  defeating  Lawrence  T.  Neal 
by  80,005  majority,  in  a  total  vote  of  835,604.  He  received  433,342 
votes,  the  greatest  number  ever  given  any  8tate  or  Presidential  can- 
didate in  the  history  of  Ohio.  The  unprecedented  Republican 
victories  in  Ohio  in  1804  and  1805  were  also  attributed  to  his  effective 
work  for  the  party.  In  1894  the  plurality  of  Hamuel  M.  Taylor  for 
Secretary  of  State  was  137,086,  and  in  1805  the  plurality  of  Asa  8. 
Bushnell  for  Governor  was  92,662. 

The  National  <:onvention  met  in  St.  Louis,  June  16,  with  Charles 
W.  Fairbanks,  of  Indiana,  for  Temporary  Chairman.  On  the  second 
day  permanent  organization  was  effected,  with  John  M.  Thurston,  of 
Nebraska,  as  I'resident>  rules  were  adopted  nearly  identical  with 
those  used  in  the  Convention  of  1892,  majority  and  minority  reports 
of  the  Committee  on  Credentials  w^re  presented,  and  the  cases  for 
contesting  delegati6ns  ^ere  settled.  On  the  third  day  the  Committee 
on  Resolutions  reported  the  following  platform:  ; 

The  Republicans  of  the  United  States,  assembled  by  their  repre- 
sentatives in  National  Convention,  appealing  for  the  popular  and 
historical  justification  of  their  claims  to  the  miitchless  achievements 
of  thirty  years  of  Republican  rule,  earnestly  and  confidently  address 
themselves  to  the  awakened  intelligence,  experience  and  conscience 
of  their  countrymen  in  the  following  declnration  of  facts  and  princi- 
ples : 

For  the  first  time  since  the  Civil  War  the  American  people  have 
witnessed  the  calamitous  consequences  of  full  and  unrestricted  Dem- 


MiataiiMi 


HMWMMMRMIMMMMMN,. 


strict,  Major 

0  more  votes 
or  President 
'oiuinittee  on 
18.  On  June 
the  Republi- 
tly  contested 
'er  James  E. 

At  the  Re- 
was  elected 

1  Convention 
legation,  and 
;  desiring  to 

all  he  could 
nevertheless 
n  November, 
ence  T.  Neal 
>ived  433,342 
idential  can- 
Republican 
his  effective 
[.  Taylor  for 
ty  of  Asa  8. 

with  Charles 
a  the  second 
Thurston,  of 
entical  with 
jrity  reports 
he  cases  for 
e  Committee 

their  repre- 
popular  and 
Lchievements 
ntly  address 
d  conscience 
9  and  princi- 

people  have 
tricted  Dem- 


ELKVKNTH  REPUBLICAN  CONVENTION. 


463 


ocratic  control  of  the  Koveriiment.  It  has  been  a  record  of  unpar- 
alleled incapacity,  dishonor  and  disaster,  in  administrative  nmnage- 
iiient  it  has  rullilessly  sacrificed  indispeiiHable  revenue,  entailed  an 
increasing  dettcit,  eked  out  ordinary  current  expenses  with  borrowed 
money,  piled  up  the  public  debt  by  |2({'2,(HIO,000  in  time  of  peace, 
forced  an  adverse  balance  of  trade,  kept  a  perpetual  menace  hanging 
over  the  redemption  fund,  pawned  American  credit  to  alien  syndi- 
cates, and  reversed  all  the  measures  and  results  of  successful  Repub- 
lican rule.  In  the  broad  effect  of  its  policy  it  has  precipitated  panic, 
blighted  industry  and  trade  with  prolonged  depression,  <'losed  fac- 
tories, reduced  work  and  wages,  halted  enterprises  and  crippled 
American  i>roduction,  while  stimulating  foreign  produ<-tion  for  the 
American  market.  Every  consideration  of  public  safety  and  indi- 
vidual interest  demands  that  the  government  shall  be  rescued  from 
the  hands  of  those  who  have  shown  themselves  incapable  to  conduct 
it  without  disaster  at  home  and  dishonor  abroad,  and  shall  be 
restored  to  the  party  which  for  thirty  years  administered  it  with 
unequaled  success  and  prosperity.  In  this  connection  we  heartily 
indorse  the  wisdom,  patriotism  and  success  of  the  administration  of 
President  Harrison. 

We  renew  and  emphasize  our  allegiance  to  the  policy  of  protec- 
tion as  the  bulwark  of  American  industrial  independence  and  the 
foundation  of  American  development  and  prosperity.  This  true 
American  policy  taxes  foreign  products  and  encourages  home  indus- 
try; it  puts  the  burden  of  revenue  on  foreign  goods;  it  secures  the 
American  market  for  the  American  producer;  it  upholds  the  Amer- 
ican standard  of  wages  for  the  American  workingman;  it  puts  the 
factory  by  the  side  of  the  farm  and  makes  the  American  farmer  less 
dependent  on  foreign  demand  and  price;  it  diffuses  general  thrift, 
and  founds  the  strength  of  all  on  the  strength  of  each.  In  its  reason- 
able application  it  is  just,  fair  and  impartial,  e<pially  opposed  to  for- 
eign control  and  domestic  monopoly,  to  sectional  discrimination  and 
individual  favoritism. 

We  denounce  the  present  Democratic  tariff  as  sectional,  injurious 
to  the  public  credit  and  destructive  to  business  enterprise.  We 
demand  such  an  ei]uitable  tariff  on  foreign  imports  which  come  into 
competition  with  American  products  as  will  not  only  furnish  adequate 
revenue  for  the  necessary  expenses  of  the  CJovernment,  but  v;ill  pro- 
tect American  labor  from  degradation  to  the  wage  level  of  other 
lands  We  are  not  pledged  to  any  jiarticular  schedules.  The  question 
of  rates  is  a  practical  question,  to  be  governed  by  the  conditions  of 
the  timje  and  of  production;  the  ruling  and  uncompromising  principle 
is  the  protection  and  development  of  American  labor  and  industry. 
The  country  demands  a  right  settlement  and  then  it  wants  rest. 

We  believe  the  repeal  of  the  reciprocity  arrangements  negotiated 
by  the  last  Republican  administration  was  a  national  calamity,  and 
we  demand  their  renewal  and  extension  on  such  terms  as  will  equalize 
our  trade  with  other  nations,  remove  the  restrictions  which  now 


t.i' 


■  n 


.  n 


'•*»  ■  '• Ili.i<iiu«el»iii»iiu.'t 


"iffPfy 


UPttfaK.^ 


464 


HI8T1>KY  OP  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 


obstruct  the  ftale  of  American  products  in  the  ports  of  ottier  coun- 
tries, and  secure  enlarged  markets  for  the  products  of  our  farms, 
forests  and  factories.  Protection  and  reciprocity  are  twin  measures 
of  Republican  policy  and  go  hand  in  hand.  Democratic  rule  lias  reclc- 
lessly  struck  down  both  and  both  must  be  re-established.  Protection 
for  what  we  produce;  tree  admission  for  the  necessaries  of  life  which 
we  do  not  produce;  reciprocal  agreements  of  mutual  interests  which 
gain  open  '.nark\£ts  for  us  in  return  for  oiir  open  market  to  others. 
Protection  builds  up  domestic  industry  and  trade  and  secures  our 
own  market  for  ourselves;  rei^iprocity  builds  up  foreign  trade  and 
finds  au  outlet  for  our  surplus. 

We  condemn  the  present  administration  for  not  keeping  faith 
with  the  sugar  producers  of  this  country.  The  Republican  party 
favors  such  protection  as  will  lead  to  the  production  on  American  soil 
of  all  the  sugar  which  the  American  people  use,  and  for  which  they 
pay  other  countries  more  than  {100,000,000  annually. 

To  all  our  products — to  those  of  the  mine  and  the  field,  as  well 
as  to  those  of  the  shop  and  the  factory — to  heiiip,  to  wool,  the  product 
of  the  great  industry  of  sheep  husbandry,  as  well  as  to  the  finished 
woolens  of  the  mill — we  promise  the  most  ample  protection. 

We  fovor  restoring  the  early  American  policy  of  discriminating 
duties  for  the  upbuilding  of  our  mjerchant  marine  and  the  protection 
of  our  shipping  in  the  foreign  carrying  trade,  so  that  American  ships, 
the  product  of  American  labor  employed  in  American  shipyards,  sail- 
ing under  the  Fttars  and  Stripes,  and  manned,  officered  and  owned  by 
Americans,  may  regain  the  carrying  of  our  foreign  commerce 

The  Republican  party  is  unreservedly  for  sound  money.  It  caused 
the  enactment  of  the  law  providing  for  the  resumption  of  specie  pay- 
ments in  1879;  since  then  every  dollar  has  been  as  good  as  gold.  We 
are  unalterably  opposed  to  every  measure  calculated  to  debase  our 
currency  or  impair  the  <'redit  of  our  country.  We  are,  therefore, 
opposed  to  the  free  coinage  of  silver  except  by  international  agree- 
ment with  the  leading  commercial  nations  of  the  world,  which  we 
pledge  ourselves  to  promote,  and  until  such  agreement  can  be 
obtained,  the  existing  gold  standard  must  be  preserved.  All  our 
silver  and  paper  currency  must  be  maintained  at  parity  with  gold, 
and  we  favor  all  measures  designed  to  maintain  inviolably  the  obliga- 
tions of  the  United  Rtates  and  all  our  money,  whether  coin  or  paper, 
at  the  present  standard,  the  standard  of  the  most  enlightened  nations 
of  the  earth. 

The  veterans  of  the  Union  Army  deserve  and  should  receive  fair 
treatment  and  generous  recognition.  Whenever  practicable  they 
should  be  given  the  preference  in  the  matter  of  employment,  and  they 
are  entitled  to  the  enactment  of  such  laws  as  are  best  calculated  to 
secure  the  fulfillment  of  the  pledges  made  to  them  in  the  dark  days 
of  the  country's  peril.  We  denounce  the  practice  in  the  .pension 
bureau,  so  recklessly  and  unjustly  carried  on  by  the  present  adminis- 


liiMi^ 


other  c'uun- 
f  our  fariiiH, 
irin  iiienttureB 
ule  liaH  reck- 
ProtectJoii 
of  life  which 
ereftts  which 
et  to  otherM. 

secureB  our 
;n  trade  and 

ceeping  faith 
blican  party 
American  moJI 
r  which  they 

fleld,  as  well 
,  the  product 
the  finished 
ion. 

iBcriminatinK 
he  protection 
lerican  Bhips, 
lipyards,  sail- 
ind  owned  by 
merco 

ey.  It  caused 
>f  specie  pay- 
as  gold.  We 
o  debase  our 
re,  thei-efore, 
itional  agree- 
Id,  which  we 
nent  can  be 
ed.  All  our 
ty  with  gold, 
ly  the  obliga- 
oin  or  paper, 
tened  nations 

i  receive  fair 
?ticable  they 
ent,  and  they 
calculated  to 
he  dark  days 
the  pension 
sent  adminis- 


ELKVKNTH    UEIMIILKJAN    CONVENTION. 


466 


iUia 


tration  of  reducing  |H>nsionM  and  arbitrarily  dropping  names  from  the 
rolls  as  deserving  the  severest  condemnation  of  the  American  people. 

Our  foreign  policy  should  he  at  all  times  firm,  vigorous  and  dig- 
nified, and  all  our  liitereKts  in  Jlie  Western  Hemisphere  carefully 
watched  and  guarded.  The  Ilawuiian  Islands  should  be  controlled 
by  the  Uniteil  Htates  and  no  foreign  power  should  Im*  jn'ruiitted  to 
interfere  with  them.  The  Nicaragunn  canal  should  be  built,  owned 
and  operated  by  the  Tniled  Htates;  and  by  the  purchase  of  the  Danish 
Islands  we  should  secure  a  pro|H'r  and  much  needed  naval  station  in 
the  West  Indies. 

The  massacres  in  Armenia  have  aroused  the  deep  synkpathy  and 
just  indignation  of  the  Anu'rican  {H'ople,  and  we  believe  that  the 
United  States  should  exercise  all  the  influence  it  can  pro|>erly  exert 
to  bring  these  atrocities  to  un  end.  In  Turkey,  American  resid(>nts 
have  been  exposed  to  the  gravest  dangers,  and  American  projierty 
destroyed.  There  and  <'verywhere  American  citixeiis  and  American 
property  must  be  absolutely  protected  at  all  bastards  and  at  any  cost. 

We  reassert  the  Monroe  Doctrine  in  its  full  extent,  and  we 
reaflirm  the  right  of  the  I'nited  Htates  to  give  the  doctrine  effect  by 
responding  to  the  appeals  of  any  American  state  for  friendly  inter- 
vention in  «'a»e  of  EuroiM*an  encronchuient.  We  have  not  interfered, 
and  shall  not  interfere  with  the  existing  possessions  of  any  European 
power  in  this  Hemisphere,  but  those  possessions  must  not,  on  any  pre 
text,  be  extended.  .We  hopefully  look  forward  to  the  eventual  with- 
drawal of  the  European  powers  from  this  Hemisphere,  and  to  the 
ultimate  union  of  all  Enirlish-speaking  parts  of  the  Tontinent  by  the 
free  consent  of  its  inhabitants. 

From  the  hour  of  achieving  their  own  independence,  the  people 
of  the  Ignited  States  liave  regarded  with  sympathy  the  struggles  of 
other  American  peoples  to  free  themselves  from  European  domina- 
tion. We  watch  with  deep  and  abiding  interest  the  heroic  battle  of 
the  Cuban  patriots  against  cruelty  and  oppression,  and  our  best  hopes 
go  out  for  the  full  success  of  their  determined  contest  for  liberty. 
The  Government  of  Spain,  having  lost  control  of  Cuba,  and  being 
unable  to  protect  the  property  or  lives  of  resident  American  citizens, 
or  to  comply  with  its  trenty  obligations,  we  believe  that  the  Govern- 
ment of  the  I'^nited  StatcH  should  actively  use  its  influence  and  good 
offices  to  restore  peace  and  give  independence  to  the  island. 

The  p(>nce  and  security  of  the  Republic  and  the  maintenance  of 
its  rightful  influence  ainonc  the  nations  of  the  earth  demand  a  naval 
power  commensurate  with  its  position  and  responsibility.  We,  there- 
fore, favor  the  continued  enlararemenr  of  the  Navy  and  a  complete 
system  of  harbor  and  seacoast  defenses. 

For  the  protection  of  t.'je  (j^ality  of  our  American  citizenship  and 
of  the  wages  of  our  workingmen  against  the  fatal  competition  of  low- 
priced  labor,  we  demand  that  the  immigration  laws  be  thoroughly 
enforced,  and  so  extended  as  to  exclude  from  entrance  to  the  I'^^nited 
States  those  who  can  neither  read  nor  write. 


qpi 


4l«i 


HIHTOUV   OF  TIIK    HKIM  HKHAN    I'AKTV 


Tlu'  Civil  Hi'i'vhr  LiiH  wiiM  pliicfd  on  tln'  HfuttHe  book  by  tlu; 
Ui'liiiblicaii  piirl.v,  which  hiiM  iiIwhvh  HiiMtaincd  it,  anil  we  renew  our 
rc|M>at('d  lieclaration  that  it  Mhall  b«>  thoroughly  and  hont'Htl.v  enforced 
and  extended  wherever  practicable. 

We  demand  that  every  citlxen  «»f  the  I  iiited  Htateit  Hhall  be 
allowed  to  caHt  one  free  and  unreHtrlded  ballot,  and  that  hucIi  ballot 
Hhall  be  counted  and  returned  aN  cant. 

We  pro<'l;!hn  our  unqualltied  <ondeninatinn  of  the  uncivilised 
and  barbarouH  practice,  well  known  an  lynching;  or  killing;  of  human 
behiKH,  itnH|»ec)ed  or  charKcd  with  crim«-.  without  proceHM  of  law. 

We  favor  the  creation  of  a  National  Hoard  of  Arbitration  to 
nettle  and  adjuHt  difference*  which  may  arine  between  employer  and 
employ(>  en^aK^d  in  interntafe  commerce. 

We  believe  in  an  Immediate  return  to  the  free  homentead  policy 
of  the  Hepubli<an  party;  and  ur^e  the  paHMatte  by  <'onj?reM8  of  the 
MatlHfactory  fn'e  homeiitead  meaHure  which  Iuim  already  paHHed  the 
House  and  is  now  |>endinR  in  the  Henate. 

We  favor  the  admisHion  of  the  renuiinint;  terrltorlen  at  the 
earliest  practicable  date,  having  due  regard  to  the  interestH  of  the 
people  of  the  terrltorien  and  of  the  I'nlted  KtateH.  All  the  Federal 
ofHoers  appointed  for  the  territor'eH  Hhould  be  Helected  from  bona 
tide  refiidentH  thereof,  and  the  right  of  Helf-government  Hhould  be 
accorded  as  far  as  practicnbh^. 

We  believe  the  citizens  of  Alanka  should  have  representation  in 
the  Congress  of  the  Cnlted  States  to  the  end  that  needful  legiHlation 
may  be  intelligently  enacted. 

We  sympathize  with  ail  wise  and  legitimate  efforts  to  lessen  and 
prevent  the  evils  of  intemperance  and  promote  morality. 

The  Republican  party  is  mindful  of  the  rights  and  interests  of 
women.  Protei-tlon  of  American  industries  includes  e«pial  oppor- 
tunities, equal  pay  for  equal  work,  and  protection  to  the  home.  We 
favor  the  admission  of  women  to  wider  spheres  of  usefulness,  and 
welcome  their  co-operation  ia  rescuing  the  country  from  I  )emocrati<; 
and  Popo!  >t  mismanagement  and  misrule. 

Such  H.v  the  principles  and  policies  of  tlie  Uepublican  party.  IJy 
these  principles  we  will  abide  and  these  policies  we  will  put  into  exe- 
cution. We  ask  for  them  the  considerate  judgment  of  the  American 
people.  Contldeut  alike  in  the  history  of  our  great  party  and  In  the 
justice  of  our  cause,  we  present  our  platform  and  our  candidates  in 
the  full  assurance  that  the  election  will  bring  victory  to  the  Republi- 
can party  and  prosperity  to  the  people  of  the  United'  States. 

Senator  Teller,  in  behalf  of  himself,  and  the  other  Silver  members 
of  the  Committee  on  Resolations,  offered  the  following  as  a  substi- 
tute for  the  financial  plank  of  the  platform:  "We,  the  undersigned, 
Members  of  the  Committee  on  Resolutions,  being  unable  to  agree 
with  a  portion  of  the  majority  report  which  treats  of  the  subject  of 


took  by  tlit> 
•  rj'iM«w  (Hir 
fl.v  «'iiforc«'<l 

CM  hIiuII   Im^ 
HUcli  ballot 

iiiicivllixt'il 
H  of  hiiiiiaii 
of  law. 
>iit ration  to 
iiplovfi-  and 

4ti«ad  poliry 
i;i*»*HH  of  tlie 

IHIHHOd    th(> 

ricM   at    tlic' 

•estH  of  the 

the  Federal 

from  bona 

Hhonid  be 

tentation  in 
I  le^iHlation 

)  Ie88eu  and 

ntereHts  of 
|ual  oppor- 
home.  We 
ulnetiH,  and 
I  >enioeratic 

party.  By 
lit  into  exe- 
e  American 

and  in  the 
ndidates  in 
he  Bepubli- 


sr  members 
18  a  Bubgti- 
adersigned, 
le  to  agree 
■  subject  of 


KLK\  KNTH    KKIM  IILK  AN    CONVKNTION. 


4((7 


coinage  and  AnanceH.  rcMpectfully  Hubmil  the  following  paragraph  aH 
M  HiibHtitute  therefor:  'The  Kepublican  party  authorixcH  the  tiHe  of 
both  gold  and  silver  as  etpml  standard  money  and  pledges  its  {Mtwer 
#0  securt  tli<'  free  and  unlimited  coinage  of  gold  and  silver  at  our 
mittts  at  the  mih  of  sixt****!!  parts  of  silver  to  onv  of  gold.'  "  Henator 
Teller  niwde  a  long  speech  in  support  of  the  substitute,  (he  addr(>ss 
iM'ing  also  his  fitrcwcll  to  the  Kepublican  party,  with  which  he  had 
acted  for  forty  years.  On  motion  of  (lovernor  Foraker,  of  Ohio,  the 
substitute  was  laid  on  the  table  r>y  a  vote  of  «IHi/y  to  ItlRi/...  The 
financial  plank  as  given  in  the  majority  report  was  then  adopted  by  a 
vote  of  812 i/L'  to  IKIU,  the  :\:\y  votes  in  both  cases  coming  chleHy 
from  the  Houth  and  the  silver  producing  States.  Following  this  th< 
platform  as  a  whole  was  adoptt>d  by  a  viva  vow  vote. 

Then  came  the  climax  of  the  (convention.  Senators  Teller,  of 
Colorado,  and  (*anmm,  of  Utah,  ascended  the  platform,  and  the  latter 
read  a  statement  prepared  by  the  silver  men.  It  referred  to  the 
flnancial  plank  in  the  platform  of  1892,  and  to  the  dilTerent  construc- 
tions that  had  been  put  upon  it,  quoted  the  ilnancial  declaration  that 
had  just  been  adopted,  continued  with  an  enumeration  of  the  evils 
which  they  declared  would  result  from  the  adoption  of  the  gold 
standard,  asserted  that  the  Convention  had  "seceded  from  the  trtlfh" 
and  closed  as  follows:  "Accepting  the  flat  of  this  Convention  as  the 
present  purpose  of  the  party,  we  withdraw  from  this  Convention  to 
return  our  constituents  the  authority  with  which  they  invested  us, 
believing  that  we  have  better  discharged  their  trust  by  this  action 
whi«'h  restores  to  them  authority  unsullied,  than  by  giving  cowardly 
and  insincere  indorsement  to  the  greatest  wrong  ever  wilfully 
attempted  within  the  Republican  party,  once  redeemer  of  the  people, 
but  now  about  to  become  their  oppressor,  unless  providentially 
restrained  by  the  votes  of  free  men."  This  document  was  signed  by 
Senators  Teller,  of  Colorado;  Dubois,  of  Idaho,  and  Cannon,  of  Utah; 
Congressman  Hartman,  of  Montana,  and  A.  C.  Cleveland,  of  Nevada, 
as  the  representatives  of  their  respective  States  on  the  Committee  on 
Resolutions.  Senators  Teller  and  Cannon  then  shook  hands  with 
Chairman  Thurston  and  Governor  Foraker,  descended  from  the  plat- 
form, went  down  the  aisle,  and  passed  out  of  the  hall,  followed  by 
about  twenty  other  Silver  delegates,  amid  the  yells,  hoots,  cheers  and 
hisses  of  the  audience,  the  waving  of  hats,  handkerchiefs,  nnbrellas 
and  flags,  the  playing  of  the  band,  and  a  general  tumult.  The  bolt, 
however,  was  not  as  formidable  in  numbers  as  had  been  threatened, 


.    (I! 


408 


H18TOKY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN   PARTY. 


and  its  t^eet  upon  the  Convention  was  bnt  temporary.  Senators 
Mantle,  of  Montana,  and  Brown,  of  Utah,  and  A.  P.  Burleigh,  of  Wash- 
ington, all  Silver  >  'legates,  explained  why  they  did  not  leave  the  Con- 
vention, and  the  order  of  the  presentation  of  Presidential  aspirants 
was  taken  up.  John  W.  Baldwin,  of  Iowa,  presented  the  name  of 
Senator  William  B*.  Allison;  Henry  (^abot  Lodge,  of  Massachusetts, 
that  of  Thomas  B.  Reed;  Chauncey  M.  Depew,  of  New  York,  that  of 
Levi  P.  Morton;  Governor  J.  B.  Foraker  and  Senator  .Tohn  M.  Thurs- 
ton that  of  William.  MeKinley,  and  Governor  Hastings,  of  Pennsyl- 
vania, that  of  Mathew  Stanley  Quay.  The  only  ballot  taken  resulted 
as  follows: 

William  MeKinley,  of  Ohio G61V<> 

Thomas  B.  Reed,  of  Maine 8iYj 

Mathew  Stanley  Quay,  of  Pennsylvania 61V^ 

Levi  P.  Morton,  of  New  York 58 

William  B.  Allison,  of  Iowa SSy^ 

Total   Number  of  Votes 901 

Necessary  to  a  Choice 451 

For  Vice-President  William  G.  Buckley,  of  Connecticut;  Garret 
A.  Hobart,  of  New  Jersey;  Charles  Warren  Lippitt,  of  Rhode  Island; 
Henry  Clay  Evans,  of  Tennessee,  and  General  James  A.  Walker,  of 
Virginia,  were  proposed*  The  ballot  gave  Hobart,  5331/2;  Evans, 
2771/2;  Buckley,  39;  Walker,  24,  and  Lippitt,  8. 

The  Michigan  delegates  to  the  Convention  were:  At  Large — 
Russell  A.  Alger,  Thomas  J.  O'Brien,  John  Duncan,  Mark  S.  Brewer. 
B.V  Districts — (1)  David  Meginnity,  Freeman  B.  Dickerson;  (2)  James 
T.  Hurst,  Edward  P.  Allen;  (3  )Hamilton  King,  E.  O.  Grosvenor;  (4) 
Frank  W.  Wait,  Richard  B.  Messer;  (5)  Gerritt  J.  Diekema,  William 
H.  Anderson;  (6)  William  McPherson,  George  W.  Buckingham;  (7) 
John  L.  Starkweather,  Williaut  H.  Aitken;  (8)  Oliver  L.  Spaulding, 
Theron  W.  Atwood^  (0)  Charles  H.  Hackley,  Edgar  G.  Maxwell;  (10) 
Temple  Emery,  J.  Frank  Eddy;  (11)  Edgar  P.  Babcock,  Charles  L. 
Crandall;  (12)  James  McNaughton,  Charles  E.  Miller.  They  gave 
MeKinley  their  entire  28  votes.  For  Vice-President  they  gave  Hobart 
21  and  Evans  7. 

The  speeches  in  the  Convention  turned  largely  upon  the  deplora- 
ble results  of  four  years  of  Democratic  rule,  which  were  fairly 
summed  up  by  Senator  Wolcott,  upon  taki.ig  the  chair.  The  follow- 
ing paragraphs  were  a  portion  of  his  remarks: 

The  appalling  result  of  the  President's  p»ilicy  is  still  fresh  in  the 
memory  of  millions,  who  suffered  from' it.    In  four  years  the  country 


iiinnwlMtiliiii 


r. 

y.  Senators 
gh,  of  Wash- 
ave  the  Con- 
al  aspirantH 
the  name  of 
i8Bachn8ett8, 
'ork,  that  of 
in  M.  Thurs- 
of  Pennsyl- 
ken  resnlted 

G61V> 

841/. 

58 

35% 
901 
451 

icut;  Garret 
hode  Island; 
.  Walker,  of 
31/2 ;    Evans, 

At  Large — 
k  8.  Brewer, 
n;  (2)  James 
rosvenor;  (4) 
ma,  William 
iingham;  (7) 
I.  Spanlding, 
[axwell;  (10) 
,  Charles  L. 
They  gave 
gave  Hobart 

the  deplora- 
were  fairly 
The  follow- 
fresh  in  the 
the  country 


ELEVENTH  REPUBLICAN  CONVENTION. 


469 


witnessed  GO.UOU  commen-iul  failures,  with  liabilities  aggregating 
more  than  nine  hundred  millions  of  dollais.  One  hundred  and  seven- 
ty-seven railroads,  with  a  mileage  of  45,000  miles,  or  twice  the  circle 
of  the  globe,  and  with  securities  amounting  to  nearly  three  billion  of 
dollars,  were  unable  to  meet  their  interest  charges  and  passed  into 
the  hands  of  receivers.  More  than  170  National  banks  closed  their 
doors,  with  liabilities  reaching  seventy  niJUions;  wool  and  all  farm 
products  which  tariffs  could  att'ect,  lost  tens  of  millions  in  value;  farm 
mortgages  were  foreclosed  by  thousands  throughout  the  great  West; 
our  agricultural  exports  shrunk  in  value;  the  balance  of  irade  which 
had  been  in  our  favor,  turned  ruinously  against  us;  the  National  Treas- 
ury was  depleted  of  its  gold  reserve;  our  government  bonds  were 
sold  to  syndicates  at  far  below  their  market  value  before  or  since,  and 
our  steadily  declining  revenues  were  insufli(*ient  to  meet  the  neces- 
sary expense  of  conducting  the  Government. 

If  capital  alone  had  suffered,  the  loss  would  have  been  great,  but 
not  irremediable.  Unfortunately  those  who  rely  upon  their  daily 
labor  for  their  sustenance.-  and  their  families  dependent  upon  them, 
constituting  the  great  mass  of  the  American  people,  were  made  to 
feel  heaviest  this  burden  of  disaster.  Nearly  one-third  oi  the  laboring 
population  of  the  United  States  were  thrown  out  of  employment,  and 
men  by  thousands,  able  and  willing  to  labor,  walked  the  highways  of 
the  land  clamoring  for  work  or  food. 

Mr.  McKinley's  reply  to  the  committee  appointed  to  notify  him 
of  his  nomination  laid  particular  stress  upon  the  tariff  and  currency 
questions,  his  chief  utterances  upon  these  points  being  as  follows: 

Protection  and  reciprocity,  twin  measures  of  a  true  American 
policy,  should  again  command  the  earnest  encouragement  of  the  Gov- 
ernment at  M'ashington.  The  Government  must  raise  enough 
money  to  meet  both  its -current  expenses  and  increasing  needs. 
Its  revenues  should  be  so  raised  as  to  protect  the  material  interests 
of  our  people,  with  the  lightest  possible  drain  upon  their  resources. 
A  failure  to  pursue  this  {mlicy  ha^  compelled  the  government  to 
borrow  motney  in  a  time  of  peace  to  sustain  its  credit  and  pay  its  daily 
expenses.  This  policy  should  be  reversed,  and  that,  too,  as  speedily 
as  possible.  It  must  be  apparent  to  all,  regardless  of  past  party  ties 
or  affiliations,  that  it  is  our  paramount  duty  to  provide  adequate 
revenue  for  the  expenditures  of  the  Government,  economically  and 
prudently  administered.  The  National  credit,  which  has  thus  far 
fortunately  resisted  every  assault  upon  it,  must  and  will  be  upheld 
and  strengthened.  If  sufficient  revenues  are  provided  for  the  support 
of  the  Government  there  will  be  no  necessity  for  borrowing  money 
and  increasing  the  public  debt.  The  complaint  of  the  people  is  not 
against  the  Administration  for  borrowing  money  and  issuing  bonds 
to  preserve  the  credit  of  the  country,  but  against  the  ruinous  policy 


r 


I 


-'{ 


i 


>5;    ■-••.■ 


47U 


HISTORY  OP  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 


which  ha»  made  this  necegBary.  It  is  but  an  incident,  uaA  a  necessary 
one,  to  the  policy  which  has  been  inaugurated.  The  inevitable  effect 
of  such  a  policy  is  seen  in  the  deficiency  of  the  United  States  Treas- 
ury, except  as  it  is  replenished  by  loaus,  and  in  the  distress  of  the 
people  who  are  suffering  because  of  the  scant  demand  for  either  their 
labor  or  the  products  of  their  labor.  Here  is  the  fundamental  trouble, 
the  reujiedy  for  which  is  Republican  opportunity  and  duty.  During 
the  years  of  Republican  control  following  resumption  there  was  a 
steady  reduction  of  the  public  debt,  while  the  gold  reserve  was 
sacredly  maintained  and  our  currency  and  credit  preserved  without 
depreciation,  taint,  or  suspicion.  If  we  would  restore  this  policy 
that  brought  us  unexampled  prosperity  for  more  than  thirty  years 
under  the  most  trying  conditions  eyer  known  in  this  country,  the 
policy  by  which  we  made  and  bought  goods  at  home  and  sold  more 
abroad,  the  trade  balance  would  be  quickly  turned  in  our  favor  and 
gold  would  come  to  us  and  not  go  from  us  in  the  settlement  of  all 
such  balances  in  the  future.  The  money  of  the  United  States,  and 
every  kind  or  form  of  it,  whether  of  paper,  silver,  or  gold,  must  be  as 
good  as  the  best  in  the  world.  It  must  not  only  be  current  at  its  full 
value  at  home,  but  it  must  be  counted  at  par  in  any  and  every  com- 
mercial center  of  the  globe.  The  dollar  paid  to  the  farmer,  the  wage- 
earner,  and  the  pensioner  must  continue  forever  in  equal  purchasing 
and  debt-paying  power  to  the  dollar  paid  to  any  Government  creditor. 
The  platform  adopted  by  the  Republican  National  Convention  ha« 
received  my  careful  consideration  and  has  my  unqualified  approval. 
It  is  a  matter  of  gratification  to  me,  as,  I  am  sure,  it  must  be  to  you, 
and  Republicans  everywhere,  and  to  all  our  people  that  the  expression 
of  its  declaration  of  principles  is  so  direct,  clear  and  emphatic. 

His  letter  of  acceptance  was  devoted  mainly  to  the  currency 
question,  but  that  was  preceded  and  followed  by  the  enunciation  of 
his  views  on  nearly  all  pending  questions  in  short  speeches  addressed 
to  various  visiting  delegations  at  his  home  in  Canton,  Ohio,  where  he 
remained  throughout  the  cam])aign.  The  candidate  for  Vice-Presi- 
dent, Mr.  Hobart,  confined  his  participation  in  the  campaign  mainly 
to  his  letter  of  acceptance,  which  accepted  the  platform  and  briefly 
discussed  pending  issues.  * 


MMtiilii 


'-■j^-ff 


"^M 


I 


a  necessary 
itable  effect 
tates  Treas- 
tress  of  the 
either  their 
Dtal  trouble, 
ty.  During 
:here  was  a 
reserve  was 
ved  without 
this  policy 
thirty  years 
jountry,  the 
i  sold  more 
r  favor  and 
;ment  of  all 
States,  and 
,  must  be  as 
it  at  its  full 
;  every  com- 
■r,  the  wage- 
purchasing 
?nt  creditor, 
vention  ha^ 
sd  approval, 
t  be  to  you, 
i  expression 
hatic. 

tie  currency 
iinciation  of 
'8  addressed 
lo,  where  he 

Vice-Presi- 
aign  mainly 

and  brief!  V 


■^*;. 


XXXVI. 

THE  SIXTEEN  TO  ONE  CAMPAIGN. 

The  Democratic  Convention — The  Free  Silver  Coinage  Men  Aggres- 
sive and  Confident — A  Free  Silver  Triumph  in  Choice  of  Tem- 
porary President  and  in  the  Platform — That  Announcement  of 
Principles  Afterwards  Modified  by  the  Committee — Bryan's 
Taking  Speech  and  His  Nomination — Accepted  by  the  Populists 
and  the  Free  Silver  Republicans — Interest  of  the  Business  Men 
in  the  Campaign — McKinley  and  Hobart  Electe<l  With  a  Repub- 
lican Congress. 

The  sentiment  in  favor  of  the  free  coinage  of  silver  at  the  ratio 
of  16  to  1  was  quite  strong  in  the  Democratic  party,  and  at  this  time 
it  was  reinforced  by  the  belief  that  by  a  combination  with  the  Popu- 
lists and  the  Silver  Republicans,  that  party  might  again  carry  the 
election  and  share  in  the  spoils  of  office.  Many  of  the  Silver  Republi- 
cans and  some  of  the  Populists  were  Protectionists.  For  this  reason 
the  Democrats  chose  to  keep  that  issue  as  far  as  possible  in  the  back- 
ground, and  make  the  campaign  on  the  Silver  question.  They  miscal- 
culated in  two  directions — by  overestimating  the  number  of  Silver 
Republicans  that  would  come  to  the  combination,  and  by  underesti- 
mating the  extent  of  the  revolt  of  Sound  Money  Democrats  from  the 
new  and  un-Democratic  doctrine. 

Their  Convention  commenced  at  Chicago,  July  7,  and  found  the 
Silver  men  confident,  aggressive  and  ready  to  push  the  fight  from  the 
start.  The  National  Committee  had  recommended  David  Bennett 
Hill,  of  New  York,  for  temporary  Cliairman  of  the  Convention.  The 
Free  Silver  men  antagonized  him  with  John  W.  Daniel,  of  Virginia 
and  won  by  a  vote  of  556  to  349.  Twenty-six  States  voted  solidly  for 
Daniels  as  follows:  Alabama,  Arkaiisas,  California,  Colorado, 
Georgia,  Idaho,  Illinois,  Indiana,  Iowa,  Kansas,  Kentucky,  Louisiana, 
Mississippi,  Missouri,  Nevada,  North  Carolina,  North  Dakota,  Ohio. 
Oregon,  South  Carolina,  Tennessee,  Texas,  Utah,  Virginia  and  Wyom- 
ing, all,  it  will  be  noticed,  Southern  or  Western  States. 


472 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 


. 


Senator  Daniel,  on  taking  tbe  chair,  mingled  profound  grati- 
tude for  the  honor  conferred  upon  him,  with  regret  that  his  name 
should  have  been  brongfat  in  even  tbe  most  courteous  competition 
with  his  distinguished  friend,  Senator  Hill,  who,  however,  would 
recognize  the  fact  that  there  was  no  personality  in  the  matter.  It 
was  solely  due  to  the  principle  which  the  great  majority  of  the  Demo- 
crats stood  for,  Mr.  Daniel  standing  with  them.  As  the  majority  of 
the  Convention  was  not  personal  in  its  aims,  neither  was  it  sectional. 
It  began  with  the  sunrise  in  Maine  and  spread  into  a  sunburst  in 
Louisiana  and  Texas.  It  stretched,  in  unbroken  lines  across  the  con- 
tinent from  Virginia  and  Georgia  to  California.  It  swept  like  a  prairie 
fire  over  Iowa  and  Kansas,  and  it  lighted  up  the  horizon  in  Nebraska. 
After  this  flight  of  oratory  Mr.  Daniel  continued  with  an  argument 
in  favor  of  free  silver  and  against  a  gold  standard. 

On  the  second  day  Stephen  M.  White,  of  California,  another  Silver 
man,  was  named  as  permanent  President,  and  contested  delegate 
seats  from  Michigan  and  Nebraska  were  settled  in  favor  of  Silver 
delegates.  Meantime  the  Committee  on  Resolutions  were  having 
hot  work  over  the  platform.  The  Silver  men  were  determined  upon 
a  declaration  so  unequivocal  as  to  ensure  the  co-operation  of  the  Popu- 
lists and  Free  Silver  Republicans,  while  the  men  who  favored  a  gold 
standard  desired  shch  modification,  in  phraseology  at  least,  as  would 
prevent  a  break  in  the  party.  The  outcome  was  a  majority  and  a 
minority  report,  the  former  read  by  Senator  Jones,  of  Arkansas,  and 
the  latter  by  J.  B.  Wade,  of  Ohio. 

It  was  the  Democrats  now,  and  not  the  Republicans,  who  had 
come  to  the  parting  of  the  ways.  The  flery  Southerner,  Senator  Till- 
man, of  South  Carolina,  made  a  strong  speech  favoring  the  majority 
report,  and  denouncing  the  Administration  in  the  bitterest  terms. 
He  brought  out  the  sectional  feature  of  the  question  with  such  empha- 
sis that  Senator  Jones,  df  Arkansas,  thought  it  advisable  to  declare 
that  free  silver  coinage  was  not  sectional,  but  National,  and,  as  a 
cause,  had  adherents  in  every  State  in  the  Union.  Senator  Hill,  of 
New  York,  vigorously  opposed  the  majority  report,  but  in  accordance 
with  his  declaration  made  under  trying  circumstances,  "I  am  a  Dem- 
ocrat," indicated  that  he  should  abide  by  the  action  of  the  Convention. 
Senator  Vilas,  of  Wisconsin,  a  member  of  Cleveland's  first  Cabinet, 
followed  in  an  eloquent  and  pathetic  address  deploring  the  step"  which 
the  party  was  about  to  take.  Ex-Governor  William  E.  Russell,  of 
Massachusetts,  followed  in  a  speech  which  reminded. his  hearers  of 


ai 


i'.t 


THE  SIXTEEN  TO  ONE  CAMPAIGN. 


478 


>und  grati- 
t  his  name 
competition 
ver,  would 
matter.  It 
?  the  Demo- 
majority  of 
it  sectional, 
lunburst  in 
)88  the  con- 
ke  a  prairie 
I  Nebraska. 
1  argument 

)ther  Silver 
id  delegate 
r  of  Silver 
ere  having 
nined  upon 
tf  the  Popu- 
ored  a  gold 
t,  as  would 
>rity  and  a 
cansas,  and 

3,  who  had 
enator  Till- 
le  majority 
rest  terms, 
uch  empha- 
!  to  declare 
,  and,  as  a 
tor  Hill,  of 
accordance 
am  a  Dem- 
Uonvention. 
st  Cabinet, 
step"  which 
Russell,  of 
hearers  of 


that  in  which  Senator  Teller  nmde  his  farewell  to  the  Republican 
party.  Mr.  Russell,  in  the  course  of  his  remarks,  said:  "I  am  con- 
scious, painfully  conscious  that  the  mjnd  of  this  (.'onvention  is  not 
and  has  not  been  open  to  argument.  I  know  the  will  of  this  great 
majority,  which  has  seen  lit  to  override  precedents  and  attacks  the 
sovereignity  of  states,  is  to  rigidly  enforce  its  views.  I  know  full 
well  that  an  appeal  also  will  fall  on  deaf  ears.  There  is  but  one  thing 
ieft,  to  enter  my  protest.  I  do  so,  not  in  anger  nor  in  bitterness,  but 
with  a  feeling  of  inlluite  sorrow.  'Jur  country,  if  not  this  Conven- 
tion, will  listen  to  our  protest." 

William  Jennings  Bryan,  of  Nebraska,  who  was  to  be  the  central 
figure  in  the  coming  campaign,  then  created  the  sensation  of  the  day. 
Mr.  Bryan  had  h^t'ome  noted  as  an  eloquent  and  convincing  speaker. 
He  W88  one  of  the  ablest  advocates  of  the  Wilson  Tariff  Bill,  was 
among  the  strongest  of  the  Free  Silver  men,  and  had  omitted  no 
opportunity  that  offered  to  support  that  cause  on  the  floor  of  the 
House.  He  now  came  forward,  and  in  an  impassioned  speech,  made 
a  plea  tor  free  silver  coinage  and  against  the  gold  standard,  in  defense 
of  the  income  tax  and  in  arraignment  of  the  Supreme  Court.  A 
majority  of  the  Convention  were  with  him  from,  the  beginning,  but 
he  fairly  carried  the  members  off  their  feet,  when,  referring  to  the 
sound  money  men  in  the  Convention  he  said:  "If  they  dare  to  come 
out,  and  in  the  open,  defend  the  gold  standard  as  a  good  thing,  we 
shall  fight  them  to  the  uttermost,  having  behind  us  the  producing 
masses  of  this  Nation  and  the  world.  Having  behind  us  the  commer- 
cial interests  and  the  laboring  interests,  and  all  the  toiling  masses, 
we  shall  answer  their  demands  for  a  gold  standard  by  saying  to  them: 
'You  shall  not  press  down  upon  the  brow  of  Ijabor  this  crown  of 
thorns;  you  shall  not  crucify  man  upon  a  cross  of  gold.'"  At  the 
conclusion  of  Brjan's  speech  the  Convention  went  wild.  Cheer  upon 
cheer  was  given,  while  the  whole  immense  crowd  rose  to  its  feet 
amid  waving  of  liandkerchiefs,  flags,  unbrellas  and  hats.  Then,  as 
if  by  a  sudden  impulse,  a  member  of  the  Texas  delegation  took  the 
banner  of  that  State  from  its  fastenings,  carried  it  across  the  hall, 
and  planted  it  by  the  side  of  the  Nebraska  banner.  The  example 
was  followed  by  others,  until  the  banners  of  thirty  States  were 
grouped  together  with  the  purple  standard  from  Bryan's  home  State 
in  the  center.  Delaware  was  not  among  the  states  that  had  carried 
its  banner  to  the  Nebraska  rallying  ground,  but  when  the  excitement 
had  subsided  Delegate  Saulsbury,  of  that  State,  stood  upon  his  chair. 


li 

1    ^1 


474 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBJilCAN  PARTY. 


\ 


while  he  Itnd  his  three  Silver  colleagues  gave  three  cheers  for  Bryan, 
and  a  shout  came  from  the  gallery:  "What's  the  matter  with  Bryan 
for  President?" 

There  was  no  question,  from  the  time  the  discussion  opened  till 
its  close,  about  the  adoption  of  the  platform  reported  by  the  majority 
of  the  Committee.  That  action  was  taken  without  further  delay,  the 
financial  and  tariff  planks  being  as  follows: 

Recognizing  that  the  money  question  is  paramount  to  all  others 
at  this  time,  we  invite  attention  to  the  tact  that  the  Federal  Constitu- 
tion names  silver  and  gold  together  as  the  money  metals  of  the 
United  States,  and  that  the  first  coinage  law  passed  by  Congress 
under  the  Constitution  made  the  silver  dollar  the  monetary  unit  and 
admitted  gold  to  free  coinage  at  a  ratio  based  upon  the  silver  dollar 
unit. 

We  declare  that  the  Act  of  1873,  demonetising  silver  without  the 
knowledge  or  approval  of  the  American  people  has  resulted  in  the 
appreciation  of  gold  and  a  corresponding  fall  in  prices  of  commodities 
produced  by  the  people;  a  heavy  increase  in  the  burden  of  taxation 
and  of  all  debts,  public  and  private;  the  enrichment  of  the  money- 
lending  class  at  home  and  abroad;  a  prostration  of  industry  and 
impoverishment  of  the  people. 

We  are  unalterably  opposed  to  gold  monometallism,  which  has 
locked  fast  the  prosperity  of  an  industrious  people  in  the  paralysis  of 
hard  times.  (}old  monometallism  is  a  British  policy,  and  its  adoption 
has  brought  other  nations  into  financial  servitude  to  London.  It  is 
not  only  un-American,  but  anti- American,  and  it  can  be  fastened  upon 
the  United  Statas  only  by  the  stitling  of  that  spirit  and  love  of  lib- 
erty which  proclaimed  our  political  indei)endence  in  1776  and  won  it 
in  the  war  of  the  revolution. 

We  demand  the  free  and  unlimited  coinage  of  both  gold  and  silver 
at  the  present  legal  ratio  of  16  to  1,  without  waiting  for  the  aid  or 
consent  of  any  other  nation.  We  demand  that  the  standard  silver 
dollar  shall  be  a  full  legal  tender,  equally  with  gold,  for  all  debts, 
public  and  private,  «nd  we  favor  such  legislation  as  will  prevent  for 
the  future  demonetization  of  any  kind  of  legal  tender  money  by  private 
contract. 

We  are  opposed  to  the  policy  and  practice  of  surrendering  to 
the  holder  of  the  obligations  of  the  United  States  the  option  reserved 
by  law  to  the  Government  of  redeeming  such  obligations  in  either 
silver  coin  or  gold  coin. 

We  are  opposed  to  the  issuing  of  interest-bearing  bonds  of  the 
United  States  in  times  of  peace,  and  condemn  the  trafficking  with 
banking  syndicates,  which,  in  exchange  for  bonds  and  at  an  enormous 
profit  to  themselves,  su^^ply  the  Federal  Treasury  with  gold  to  main- 
tain  the  policy  of  gold  monometallism. 


mtm 


m 


THE  SIXTEEN  TO  ONE  CAMrAIQN. 


m 


8  for  Bryan, 
with  Bryan 

I  opened  tit) 
the  majority 
sr  delay,  the 


to  all  others 
ral  Constitu- 
(itals  of  the 
by  Congress 
iry  unit  and 
silver  dollar 

without  the 

ulted  in  the 

commodities 

of  taxation 

the  money- 

ndustry  and 

1,  which  has 
paralysis  of 
its  adoption 
ndon.  It  is 
istened  upon 
.  love  of  lib- 
\  and  won  it 

Id  and  silver 
r  the  aid  or 
adard  silver 
)r  all  debts, 
prevent  for 
>y  by  private 

'endering  to 
ion  reserved 
ns  in  either 

(onds  of  the 
Hcking  with 
m  enormous 
old  to  main- 


Congress  alone  has  the  power  to  coin  and  issue  money,  and  I'resi- 
dent  Jai-ksou  declared  that  this  power  could  not  be  delegated  to 
corporations  or  individu8*ct.  We  therefore  demand  that  the  power  to 
issue  notes  to  circulate  us  money  be  taken  from  the  National  banks, 
and  that  all  paper  money  shall  be  issued  by  the  Treasury  Department, 
redeemable  in  coin  and  receivable  for  all  debts,  public  and  private. 

We  hold  that  taritf  duties  should  be  levied  solely  for  the  purposes 
of  revenue,  such  duties  to  be  so  adjusted  as  to  operate  equally 
throughout  the  country,  and  not  discriminate  between  class  or  sec- 
tion, and  that  taxation  should  be  limited  by  the  needs  of  the 
Government,  honestly  and  economically  administered.  We  denounce 
as  disturbing  to  business  the  Republican  threat  to  restore  the  McKin- 
ley  I^w,  which  has  been  twice  condemned  by  the  people  in  National 
eletrtions,  and  which,  enacted  under  the  false  plea  of  protection  to 
home  industry,  proved  a  prolific  breeder  of  trusts  and  monopolies, 
enriched  the  few  at  the  expi>nse  of  many,  restricted  trade  and  deprived 
the  producers  of  the  great  American  staples  of  access  to  their  natural 
markets.  Until  the  money  question  is  settled  we  are  opposed  to  any 
agitation  for  further  changes  in  our  tariff  laws,  except  such  as  are 
necessary  to  make  up  the  deficit  in  revenue  caused  by  the  adverse 
decision  of  the  Supreme  Court  on  the  income  tax. 

It  is  illustrative  of  the  entire  absorption  of  the  Convention  in  one 
subject  that  the  plilnks  relating  to  other  features  of  Democratic  policy 
did  not  receive  the  careful  attention  that  the  leaders  thought  desira- 
ble for  campaign  use,  and  additions  were  made  after  the  Convention 
adjourned.  The  copy  of  the  platform,  generally  circulated  in  Michi- 
gan and  some  other  states  contained  four  clauses,  which  were  not  in 
that  instrument  as  reported  by  the  press  at  the  time,  nor  as  it  is  given 
in  the  standard  books  of  reference.  These  were  clauses  relating  to 
civil  and  religious  liberty,  favoring  arbitration  in  cases  of  dispute 
between  employers  and  employes,  declaring  the  Monroe  Doctrine  a 
permanent  part  of  the  foreign  policy  of  the  United  States,  and  insert- 
ing the  words  "except  as  provided  in  the  Constitution,"  after  a 
declaration  against  a  life  tenure  in  the  public  service.  However, 
these  matters  received  comparatively  little  attention,  for  Mr.  Bryan 
sounded  the  key  note  of  the  campaign  when  he  said  in  his  letter  of 
acceptance,  September  9:  ''It  is  not  necessary  to  discuss  the  tariff 
question  at  this  time.  Whatever  may  be  the  individual  views  of  citi- 
zens as  to  the  relative  merits  of  protection  and  tariff  reform,  all  must 
recognize  that  until  the  money  question  is  fully  and  finally  settled 
the  American  people  will  not  consent  to  the  consideration  of  any 
other  important  question.  Taxation  presents  a  problem  which  in 
some  form  is  continually  present,  and  a  postponement  of  definite 


mi 


I  •'  ' 


476 


HISTOKY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PAETY. 


3i 


action  upon  it  involveg  no  gacriflce  of  personal  >pinion  or  political 
principles;  but  the  crisis  i)rc8ented  by  financial  conditions  cannot  be 
postponed.  Tremendous  results  ^ill  follow  the  action  taken  by  the 
United  Htates  on  the  money  question,  and  delay  is  impossible.  The 
people  of  this  Nation,  sitting  as  a  high  court,  must  render  judgment 
in  the  cause  which  greed  is  prosecuting  against  humanity.  The 
decision  will  either  give  hope  and  inspiration  to  those  who  toil,  or 
'shut  the  doors  of  mercy  on  mankind.'  In  the  presence  of  this  over- 
shadowing issue,  differences  upon  minor  questions  must  be  laid  aside 
in  order  that  there  may  be  united  action  among  those  who  are  deter- 
mined that  progress  toward  an  universal  gold  standard  shall  be 
stayed,  and  the  gold  and  silver  coinage  of  the  Constitution  restored." 
Jt  was  not  until  the  fourth  day  of  the  Convention  that  balloting 
for  the  Presidential  candidates  commenced.  Whenever  Bryan's 
name  was  mentioned  in  the  proceedings  that  occurred  after  his  plat- 
form speech  it  was  greeted  with  great  demonstrations  of  applause, 
and  he  was  looked  upon  as  the  coming  man,  but  on  the  first  ballot  he 
developed  only  about  half  the  strength  shown  by  Richard  P.  Bland, 
the  father  of  silver  coinage  legislation.  That  ballot  scattered  the 
vote  as  follows: 

Richard  P.  Bland,  of  Missouri 236 

William  Jennings  Bryan,  of  Nebraska 119 

Robert  E.  Pattison,  of  Pennsylvania 95 

Horace  M.  Boies,  of  Iowa 85 

J.  C.  S.  Blackburn,  of  Kentucky 83 

John  R.  Mclean,  of  Ohio. 54 

Claude  Matthews,  of  Indiana 37 

Benjamin  R.  Tillnian,  of  South  Carolina 17 

Sylvester  Pennoyer,  of  Oregon 8 

Henry  M.  Teller,  of  Colorado 8 

Adlai  E.  Stevenson,  of  Illinois 7 

William  E.  Russell,  of  Massachusetts 2 

David  B.  Hill,  o^  New  York 1 

Not  voting .178 

The  abstention  from  voting  of  so  large  a  number  of  delegates 
was  ominous,  but  was  in  keeping  with  the  attitude  of  the  minority 
who  were  disgusted  with  the  platform,  and  incensed  with  the  treat- 
ment tliey  had  received  from  the  majority.  It  included  the  New  York 
and  New  Jersey  delegations,  and  parts  of  Connecticut,  Delaware, 
Rho<]e  Island,  Michigan  and  Wisconsin.  Through  four  more  ballots 
the  candidates  were  gradually  sifted  out,  until  on  the  fifth  the  vote 


■iwiiir 


■I 


or  political 
18  cannot  be 
alien  by  the 
Bsible.  The 
iv  judgment 
lanity.  The 
who  toil,  or 
jf  this  over- 
>e  laid  aside 
lo  are  deter- 
rd  shall  be 
n  restored." 
at  balloting 
k'er  Bryan's 
ter  his  plat- 
ot  applause, 
St  ballot  he 
■d  P.  Bland, 
•attered  the 

.  236 
.  119 
.  95 
.  85 
.  83 
.  54 
.  37 
.  17 
.   8 

8 

7 
.   2 

1 
.  178 

of  delegates 
he  minority 
th  the  treat- 
le  New  York 
:,  Delaware, 
nore  ballots 
fth  the  vote 


THE  8IXTEEN  TO  ONE  CAMPAIGN. 


477 


as  cast  stood:  Bryan,  BOO;  BInnd,  lOrt;  Pattison,  95;  Matthews,  31; 
Boies.  20;  Stevenson,  S;  not  voting,  102.  Changes  folh»wed  enough 
to  give  Bryan  the  neresHary  512,  and  he  was  declared  the  nominee. 

Five  ballots  were  taken  for  a  nominee  for  the  Vi<e-Presidency 
resulting  in  the  nomination  <if  Arthur  Hewall,  of  Maine,  a  man  known 
more  for  his  wealth  than  for  any  previous  political  activity.  Of  his 
characteristics  the  Chicago  Chrhnicle,  a  Democratic  pai>er,  said:  "He 
is  the  richest  man  in  Maine.  He  is  president  of  the  American  Ship- 
ping league,  an  ironclad  and  copjier-fastened  trust  of  ship  builders 
and  owners.  He  is  President  and  owner  of  the  National  bank  of  Bath, 
Me.  He  is  a  large  owner  of  stock  in  National  banks  at  Portland  and 
Boston.  He  is  ex  president  and  Is  now  one  of  the  directors  of  the 
Maine  Central  Hallway  Company,  described  as  the  most  grasping 
and  powerful  railway  «orporati<m  in  New  England.  He  is  a  stock- 
holder and  director  in  nearly  every  corporate  monopoly  in  the  State 
of  Maine  and  in  nmny  other  New  England  corimrations.  He  is  a 
lumber  baron  and  saw  log  king.  He  is  proprietor  of  the  biggest  ship- 
yard in  New  England.  He  is  a  typical  capitalist,  monopolist,  lobbyist 
and  plutocrat." 

The  action  of  the  Convention  Immediately  occasioned  a  wide- 
spread revolt  among  Democrats  who  had  been  trained  in  Jacksonian 
hard  money  ideas,  and  esi>ecially  among  business  men  in  the  Eastern 
and  Middle  Western  States,  Nor  was  the  revolt  confined  entirely 
to  these  sections,  for  a  number  of  the  oldest  Democratic  pafiers  in 
the  South  joined  in  it.  >>ithln  ten  days  after  the  ('Onvection 
adjourned  100  Democratic  dailies  In  different  parts  of  the  country 
had  repudiated  its  action.  The  number  was  soon  increased  to  150. 
and  many  of  them  expressed  their  dissent  in  the  strongest  terms. 
Four  members  of  <'leveland's  (^abinet  were  outspoken  in  their  denun- 
ciation of  the  platform,  and  while  the  President  himself  gave  no 
inuiediate  expression  of  opinion,  the  platform  was  known  to  be 
utterly  repugnant  to  his  views,  for  he  was  as  strongly  in  favor  of  a 
sound  currency  as  he  was  in  favor  of  tariff  revision.  Later  in  the 
campaign,  after  the  bolting  Democrats  had  called  another  Conven- 
tion and  nominated  a  separate  ticket,  he  expressed  himself  heartily 
in  favor  of  the  latter.  In  every  commercial  center  the  revolt  included 
many  of  the  most  capable  and  clear  headed  business  men  and  the 
most  responsible  business  firms.  Many  of  these  men  announce<1 
their  purpose  to  vote  the  Republican  ticket.  Others  met  in  Conven- 
tion at  Indianapolis,  September  3;  declared  that  in  view  of  the  grave 


■■•  Hii 


■pMMMH 


m 


HIHTOUY  OF  THE  KEl'lJHLK^VK  PABTV 


depai'tdivH  made  by  the  (*hii*aKo  Convention  from  Deiiiotiattc  prin- 
ciples tlie.v  oould  not  finpport  its  candidateti  nor  be  bound  l».v  ItH  artM. 
and  nominated  Jolin  M.  Palmer,  of  Illinoiti,  for  I'reMident,  and  Himon 
B.  Ilurlcner,  of  Kentiiclty,  for  Vice-President. 

Meantime  tlie  Itrvan  people  received  Bonje  encouragement  from 
<w(»  other  orKanixationH.  The  PopuliRt  party,  which  had  cast  over 
eleven  hundred  tliouBand  votes  at  the  last  Presidential  election,  and 
which  was  stronger  now  than  it  was  then,  met  in  8t.  I^ouis,  .Inly  24, 
endorsed  the  nomination  of  Bryan  and  named  Thomas  E.  Watson, 
of  Georgia,  for*  Vice-President.  The  same  day  an  organisation  of 
Silver  Republicans,  calling  itself  the  National  Silver  imrty,  met  in  th« 
same  City  and  endorsed  the  nomination?*  of  Bryan  and  Bewail.  Th« 
financial  plank  adopted  by  the  latter  gathering  declared:  "The  para- 
mount issue  at  this  time  in  the  Tnited  Spates  is  indisputably  the 
money  question.  It  is  between  the  gold  standard,  gold  bonds  and 
bank  currency  on  the  one  side,  and  the  bimetallic  standard,  no  bonds 
and  government  currency  on  the  other.  On  this  issue  we  declare 
ourselves  to  be  in  favor  of  a  distinctively  American  flnancial  system. 
We  are  unalterably  opposed  to  the  sing!^  ^xtM  standard  and  demand 
the  immt^iate  return  to  the  Constitutional  standard  of  gold  and 
silver  by  the  restoration  by  this  (Joverninent,  independent  of  any 
foreign  power,  of  the  unrestricted  coinage  of  both  gold  and  silver  into 
standard  money  at  the  ratio  of  16  to  1  and  upon  terms  of  exact  equal- 
ity as  they  existed  prior  to  1873;  the  silver  coin  to  be  a  full  legal 
tender,  equally  with  gold  for  all  debts  and  dues,  private  and  public, 
and  we  favor  such  legisla  ion  as  will  prevent  for  the  future  the 
demonetization  of  any  kind  of  legal  tender  money  by  private  contract. 
We  hold  that  the  povirer  to  control  and  regulate  a  paper  currency 
is  inseparable  from  the  power  to  coin  money;  and  hence  that  all 
currency  intended  to  circulate  as  money  should  be  issued,  and  its 
volume  controlled  by  the  General  Government  only  and  should  be 
legal  tender."  > 

The  Populist  Convention  demanded  a  graduated  income  tax  and 
declared  that  the  Supreme  Court  decision  relative  to  that,  subject 
was  a  misinterpretation  of  the  Constitution;  demanded  that  the 
Governnient  should  use  its  option  as  to  the  kind  of  lawful  money 
in  which  its  obligations  should  be  paid,  and  had  the  following  addi- 
tional tinaucial  clauses: 

We  demand  a  National  money,  safe  and  sound,  issued  by  the 
General  Government  only,  without  tlie  intervention  of  banks  of  issue. 


THK  HIXTKI    N  To  OXJ       AMI'AION. 


iKH-i'iitic  prill- 
11(1  by  itH  HctH, 
lit,  and  Hiiiiuii 

nKciiient  fruiii 
Imd  cant  ov<>r 

p|e<'tioii,  aiul 
imiifi,  July  24, 
8  E.  Watson, 
Kanieation  of 
't.v,  met  in  tlio. 

Bewail.  The 
I:  "The  paru- 
iHptitabl.v  the 
Id  bonds  and 
lard,  no  bondM 
le  we  declare 
mcial  B.VRtem. 
1  and  demand 

of  i^old  and 
ndent  of  any 
ind  silver  into 
•f  exact  equal- 
e  a  fall  legal 
te  and  public, 
le  future  the 
vate  contract, 
iper  currency 
lence  that  all 
sued,  and  its 
nd  should  be 

conie  tax  and 
that,  subject 
ded  that  the 
lawful  money 
dlowing  addi- 


ssued  by  the 
anks  of  issue. 


to  be  a  full  legal  tender  for  till  debtn.  pui.lic  ami  -ate,  at  i  jwiii. 
equitable  and  efttrienl  ineaiiH  of  diMtribiitioii  dir»-  „  t\u-  r  ***e  and 
through  the  lawful  disburHeiiientM  itt  the  govei      .«-iit. 

>\'e  deniaiid  the  free  and  unrestricted  colniii-  of  Mihei  ami  gold 
at  the  present  legal  ratio  of  HI  to  1.  without  wiiiriug  for  the  consent 
of  foreign  nations. 

We  demiiud  tlie  volume  of  circulating  medium  be  hihhhHIv 
increased  to  an  amount  siimcient  to  meet  tlie  demands  «»f  the  busi- 
ness and  population  of  this  country  and  to  restore  the  just  level  of 
prices  of  labor  and  production. 

We  denounce  the  sale  of  bonds  and  the  increase  of  the  public 
interest-bearing  bond  debt  nuide  by  the  present  mini inist rat  ion  as 
unne<e8snry  and  without  authority  of  law.  and  demand  that  no  more 
bonds  be  issued  except  by  8iie<-iflc  Act  of  Congress. 

We  demand  siuh  legislation  as  will  prevent  the  demonetization 
of  the  lawful  money  of  the  T'nited  Htates  by  private  contract. 

Kven  the  customary  quiet  of  the  Prohibitionists  was  disturbed 
by  the  paramount  issue,  for  their  Convention  held  at  Pittsburg.  May 
27,  had  split  on  this  subject.  The  original  body  nominated  Joshua 
Levering,  of  Maryland,  for  President,  and  Hale  Johnson,  of  Illinois, 
for  A'ice  on  a  straight  Prohibition  platform.  The  bolters  added  16 
to  1,  and  various  other  declarations  to  their  platform,  and  nominate<l 
C.  E.  Kentley,  of  Nebraska,  for  President,  and  J.  H.  Routhgate  for 
Vice.  The  bolters  called  themselves  the  National  party.  To  complete 
the  assortment  of  tickets  a  Bocialist  Labor  Convention  met  in  New 
York,  July  4,  demanded  changes  which  would  practically  revolution- 
ise our  Government,  and  named  Charles  H.  Matchett,  of  New  York, 
as  the  head  of  its  ticket,  with  Matthew  McGuire,  of  New  Jersey,  as 
his  associate. 

The  campaign  which  followed  was  one  of  the  most  exciting  in 
the  history  of  the  country.  Bryan,  who  has  rare  talents  as  a  cam 
paign  orator,  was  constantly  on  the  stump,  was  everywhere  greeted 
by  large  crowds,  and  made  a  profound  impression.  Silver  orators 
held  meetings  fn  almost  every  school  district,  in  the  yards  of  manu- 
factories, and  on  the  corners  of  city  streets.  The  manufacturing  and 
commercial  interests  soon  became  alarmed,  and  men  who  had  taken 
no  part  in  politics  for  years  now  came  out  with  liberal  contributions 
and  active  personal  work  for  the  sound  money  ticket.  Detroit  may 
be  taken  as  a  type  of  other  cities  of  its  size  among  the  manufacturing 
and  trade  centers.  Every  noon  sound  money  meetings  were  held  on 
the  vacant  first  floor  of  the  new  Majestic  building,  and  frequent  meet- 


lil 


'7'i' 


infffiHWffift'ini 


480 


HIHTOliV  OF  TIIK  KKlMUlLirAN  1»ABTY. 


ings  in  otlicr  vuciiut  Htor«'M.  The  beHt  talkers  iu  the  city  from  ainung 
lawyerM  hihI  '. 'iHineNN  men  were  enlbted  for  these  meetings,  and 
occaMioniill.v  not«'ti  M|MMil(erH  from  abroad  attended.  H|MHH-heH  were 
made  at  the  large  niannfa<'torieM  during  the  noon  hour,  the  I'reiii- 
dents  and  HuperinteudentH  of  the  (•(mipanies  fn>(|uentl.v  addresHing 
iheir  own  men.  Finally  nearly  every  large  faetory  in  the  city  wan 
eloHed  for  a  day,  to  give  opportunity  for  the  largest  parade  of  indus- 
trial interests  ever  seen  in  the  tity. 

Nor  was  there  any  laek  of  oratory  on  the  other  side;  for  after 

the  sound  money  men 
had  vacated  the  Majes- 
tic building  for  the 
day,  the  sliver  men  o*-- 
cupied  it.  Their  ora- 
tors talke<l  also  from 
the  City  Hall  steps,  the 
Campus  Martins,  often 
throughout  thedayanu 
far  into  the  evening. 
K  i  m  i  I  a  r  exiK>riences 
were  d  u  p  1 1  «•  a  t  e  d  in 
(Irand  Rapids,  Haginaw 
and  other  manufaetar- 
ing  cities  in  the  State, 
while  the  villages  and 
the  rural  districts  were 
thoroughly  canvassed. 
A  large  part  of  the 
work  was  done  by  local 
committees  who  paid 
their     own     expenses. 


makc'ur  a.  manna. 


At  the  same  time  the  Htate  Central  and  County  Committees 
were  doing  the  usual  work  of  providing  speakers  for  general 
meetings  and  distributing  documents.  What  was  true  of  Detroit 
and  Michigan  was  true  of  every  other  C^ity  and  State  north  of  the 
Ohio  river,  and  of  a  few  manufacturing  enters  in  the  Southern 
States.  The  circulation  of  documents  was  enormous.  There  were 
hundreds  of  different  speeches  and  compilations  issued,  and  the 
aggregate  circulation  was  estimated  at  50,000,0(M)  copies.  Under  ail 
these  influences  an  immense  vote  Was  polled,  the  aggregate  being 


ty  from  ainutiK 
iiii>etinKR,  and 
HiMHM'he*  wert' 
>ur,  the  Preiil- 
tly  addreiiiiiiK 
ti  the  clt.v  WHB 
irad(>  of  ioduH- 

side;  for  after 
id  money  men 
ited  the  Ma  Jen- 
ding  for  the 
silver  men  o<*- 
t.  Their  ora- 
ted also  from 
Hall  Mteps,  the 
Martins,  often 
Mi  the  day  and 

the  evening. 
I  r  exi»erience8 
l>  I  i  (■  a  t  e  d  in 
npids,  Haginaw 
>r  manufaetnr- 
»  in  the  Htate, 
e  villages  and 
districts  were 
ily    canvassed. 

part  of  the 
B  done  by  local 
.•es  who  paid 
wn  expenses, 
y  Committees 
s  for  general , 
pue  of  Detroit 
e  north  of  the 

the  Southern 
1.  There  were 
sued,  and  the 
ies.  Under  all 
^gregate  being 


THE  8IXTKKN  TO  ONE  CAMPAION.  481 

13,023,643,  against  12,154,542  in  1892.  All  parties  recognized,  at  the 
outset,  that  the  fighting  gnmnd  for  the  campaign  was  in  the  North- 
west, and  for  the  direction  of  affairs  in  that  territory  they  established 
headquarters  in  Chicago.  Tlieie  was  a  good  understanding  among 
the  fn'e  silver  allies,  and  in  all  the  un<ertain  states  they  named  joint 
Kle<'toral  tickets,  dividing  the  Electors  betwwn  the  DenHMrats,  I'opu- 
lists  and  Free  Hilver  Republicans,  in  proportion,  as  nearly  as  they 
could  estimate,  to  the  vote  which  each  section  would  cast  for  the 
combination.  Mix  weeks  before  election  the  result  was  considered 
doubtful,  but  the  actlvily  of  the  business  interests  had  such  an  effect 
that  as  election  day  approached  but  little  doubt  remained  of  the 
success  of  the  Hepublican  ticket. 

On  the  Ucpublican  side  the  campaign  brought  a  new  figure  into 
^'ational  poliii<s.  MarcuH  A.  Hunna,  a  wealthy  manufacturer  and 
capitalist  of  Cleveland,  and  a  personal  friend  of  Governor  McKin- 
ley's,  was  the  principal  mannjrer  <»f  the  campaign  made  by  the  friends 
of  tlie  latter  for  the  nominati<»ii.  and  was  afterwards  made  Chairman 
of  the  Republican  National  Committee.  He  proved  to  be  a  good 
organizer,  an  energetic  worker  and  resourceful  in  planning.  Neither 
on  his  part  nor  on  .that  of  Chairman  Jones  of  the  Democratic  National 
Committee  was  there  any  lack  of  vigorous  <'ondu<'t  or  skillful  man- 
agement of  tlie  campaign.  When  the  returns  were  in  the  electoral 
vote  for  the  several  candidates  figured  up  as  follows: 

McKinley  and  Hobart,  Republican 271 

Uryan  and  Bewail,  Democrat,  Populist  and  Silver 

Republican 149 

Bryan  and  Watson,  Democrat  and  Populist 27 

Prom  the  old  Southern  and  Border  States  McKinley  had  the  fol- 
lowing electoral  votes:  Delaware,  3;  Maryland,  8;  Kentucky,  12; 
West  Virginia,  6.  Of  the  Northern  States  which  Cleveland  carried 
in  1892,  McKinley  carried  the  following  in  1896:  Connecticut,  New 
Jersey,  New  York,  Indiana,  Hiinois  and  Wisconsin.  Bryan  carried 
all  of  the  new  Northwestern  States  except  North  Dakota,  their  vote 
on  Vice-President  being  divided  between  Bewail  and  Watson.  The 
popular  vote  for  President  was  as  follows: 

McKinley  and  Hobart 7,106,199 

Bryan  and  Bewail  and  Bryan  and  Watson 6,502,685 

Palmer  and  Buckner 132,871 

Levering  and  Johnson 131,757 

Bentley  and  Southgate 13,873 

Matchett  and  Maguire 36,258 


IKBRSSS 


482 


HISTORY  OP  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 


¥>'. 


i" 


k 


Con|j^8S,  during  President  McKinley's  term,  was  constituted  as 
follows: 

Fifty-flfth  Congress. 
Senate — Republicans,  47;  Democrats,  31;  Populists,  5;  Silver, 

5;  Independent,  1. 
House— Republicans,   203;   Democrats,   119;   Populists,   15; 
Silver,  3;  Fusion  14. 

Fifty-sixth  Congress. 
Senate- Republicans,    55;    Democrats,    24;    Populists,    4; 

Silver,  7. 
House— Republi<!ans,    185;    Democrats,    163;    Populists,    4; 
Silver,  1;  Fusion,  4, 

The  popular  vote  in  Michigan  was,  for  McKinley,  293,072;  Bryan, 
236,994;  Palmer,  6,905;  Levering,  4,938;  Bentley,  1,815;  Socialist  Labor, 
293;  scattering,  585. 

The  Presidential  Electors  from  Michigan  were:  At  Large— 
Josiah  C.  Gray,  Frank  VV.  Gilchrist.  By  Districts,  in  their  numerical 
order — John  Atkinson,  Oscar  J.  R.  Hanna,  Sumner  O.  Bush,  Harsen. 
D.  Smith,  William  O.  Webster,  G.  Willis  Bement,  Thomas  B.  Wood- 
worth,  Henry  C.  Potter,  Digby  B.  Butler,  Rasmus  Hanson,  Lorenzo 
\.  Barker,  Albert  C.  Hubbell. 

The  oflQcial  vote  for  Governor  at  the  same  election  was  as  follows: 

Hazen  S,  Pingree,  Republican 304,431 

Charles  R.  Sligh,  Fusion 221,022 

Robert  C,  Stafford,  Prohibition 5,499 

Ruf us  F.  Sprague,  National  Democrat 9,738 

John  Gilbersou,  National ]  ,944 

A  fusion  of  the  Democrats  and  Populists  elected  Albert  M.  Todd 
to  Congress  from  the  Third  District,  and  Ferdinand  D.  Brucker  in  the 
Eighth.  The  rest  were  Republicans,  as  follows:  (1)  John  B.  Corliss; 
(2)  George  Spalding;  (4)  Edward  L.  Hamilton;  (5)  Wm.  Alden  Smith; 
(6)  Samuel  W.  Smith;  (7)  Horace  G.  Snover;  (9)  Roswell  P.  Bishop;  (10) 
Rousseau  O.  Crump;  (11)  William  R.  Mesick;  (12)  Carlos  D.  Shelden. 
At  the  State  election  held  about  the  middle  of  President  McKin- 
ley's  term  in  1898,  the  vote  for  Governor  in  Michigan  was  as  follows: 

Hazen  8.  Pingtee,  Republican 243,239 

Justin  R.  Whiting,  Fusion 168,142 

Noah  W.  Cheever,  Prohibition 7,006 

Sullivan  Cook,  People's  Party 1,656 

George  Hasseler,  Socialist  Tikbor i.ioi 

The  Congressional  delegation  from  Michigan  was  again  solidly 
Republican;  (1)  John  B.  Corliss;  (2)  Henry  C.  Smith;  (3)  Washington 
Gardner:  (4)  Edward  L.  Hamilton;  (5)  William  Alden  Smith;  (6) 
Samuel  W.  Smith;  (7)  Edgar  W^eks;  (8)  Joseph  Fordney;  (9)  Roswell 
P.  Kshop;  (10)  Rousseau  O.  Crump;  (11)  William  S.  Mesick;  (12)  Carlos 
D.  Shelden. 


''wiii 


kHi 


/ 


PY.                              ..-        ■ 

constituted  as        ^,       J 

8,  5;  Silver, 

tnlistg,    15; 

pulists,    4; 

pulists,    4;          1 

293,072;  Bryan,  , 
Socialist  Labor,  ' 

:     At   Large — 

their  numerical                    i 

.  Bush,  Harsen. 

omas  B.  Wood- 

anson,  Lorenzo 

was  as  follows: 

304,431 

221,022 

5,499 

9,738 

],944 

Albert  M.  Todd 
Brucker  in  the 
ohn  B.  Corliss; 
.  Alden  Smith; 
P.  Bishop;  (10) 
los  D.  Shelden. 

esident  McKin- 
veas  as  follows: 

243,239 

168,142 

7,006 

1,656 

1,101 

8  again  solidlv 
[3)  Waahington 
en    Smith;    (6) 
ey;  (9)  Boswell 
ick;  (12)  Carlos 

mmmmmm 


y- 


^  £.'„^^e.  A.- z:^  H/t^Aa-^  rS Sra  A^y 


PM 


«r^v<^.. 


XXXVII. 

PRESIDENT  McKINLEY'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

Formation  of  the  New  Cabinet— Two  Matters  of  Grave  Domestic 
Importance— The  Currency  and  the  Tariff  Questions— Prompt 
Action  on  Both— Passage  of  the  Dingley  Tariff  Act— The 
Hawaiian  Islands  Annexed— Strained  Relations  With  Spain— 
The  Destruction  of  the  Maine— War  Breaks  Out  and  Is  Very 
Speedily  Terminated -Brilliant  Operations  in  Cuba,  Porto  Rico 
and  the  Philippines— Subsequent  I>e8ultory  Warfare  in  the 
Latter  Islands. 

President  McKinley  named  the  following  members  as  his  first 
Cabinet: 

Secretary  of  State-^ohn  Sherman,  of  Ohio. 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury— Lyman  J.  Gage,  of  Illinois. 
Secretary  of  \^^ar— Russell  A.  Alger,  of  Michigan. 
Secretary  of  the  Navy— John  I).  Lcmg,  of  Massachusetts. 
Attorney  General— John  W.  Griggs,  of  New  Jersey. 
Postmaster  General— John  A.  Gary,  of  Maryland.  * 
Secretary  of  the  Interior— (Cornelius  N.  Bliss,  of  New  York. 
Secretary  of  Agriculture— blames  Wilson,  of  Iowa. 

This  Cabinet,  however,  was  not  lasting,  for  before  the  Fifty-sixth 
Congress  met  in  December,  1899,  a  number  of  changes  had  occurred: 
John  Hay,  of  the  District  of  Columbia,  had  succeeded  John  Sherman 
as  Secretary  of  State;  Elihu  Root,  of  New  York,  was  Secretary  of 
War;  Charles  Emory  Smith,  of  Pennsylvania,  was  Postmaster  Gen- 
eral, and  Ethan  Allen  Hitchcock,  of  Missouri,  was  Secretary  of  the 
Interior. 

Vice-President  Hobart,  who  had  proved  an  able  and  impartial 
presiding  officer  and  who  stood  high  in  public  esteem,  died  November 
21,  1899,  and  was  succeeded  as  President  of  the  Senate  bv  William 
P.  Prye,  of  Maine. 

Two  matters  of  grave  domestic  importance  confronted  the  new 
Administration  when  it  first  came  into  power,  and  our  relations 


/ 


i 


484 


HIHTORY  OP  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 


with  tw6  foreign  countries  demanded  immediate  attention.  The 
most  important  of  the  domestic  matters  was  such  an  adjustment  of 
tariff  rates  as  would  produce  an  income  sufficient  for  the  needs  of 
the  Government,  and  at  the  same  time  revive  our  depressed  manufac- 
turing industries.  The  Ways  and  Means  Committee  of  the  last 
House,  of  wliich  Congressman  E.  N.  Dingley,  of  Maine,  was  a  member, 
had  already  spent  several  months  in  the  preparntion  of  a  Tariff  Bill. 
Their  method  was  in  marked  contrast  to  that  adopted  with  the  Mills 
and  Wilson  Bills.  Great  complaint  was  made  that  in  the  preparation 
of  these  two,  particularly  the  latter,  the  needs  of  very  important 
interests  were  entirely  ignored,  and  that, the  most  eminent  business 
men  of  the  country  c6uld  not  even  secure  a  hearing.  The  Bill  was 
prepared  behind  closed  doors  and  was  constructed  upon  theory,  with 
little  reference  to  the  facts  of  experience.  The  Dingley  Committee, 
on  the  other  hand,  set  apart  many  days  for  hearings  from  manufac- 
turers, importers  and  other  business  men.  The  report  of  the  evidence 
taken  at  these  meetings  makes  2,3(10  printed  pages  of  matter  bearing 
on  almost  every  phase  of  the  tariff  as  it  relates  to  the  investment  of 
capital,  the  employment  and  wages  of  labor  and  the  effect  on  import 
and  export  trade.  It  is  one  of  the  most  important  and  valuable  eco- 
nomic reports  ever  printed  by  the  Government. 

President  McKinley  called  Congress  together  in  special  session 
March  15,  only  eleven  days  after  he  took  the  oath  of  office.  His 
message  on  the  occasion  was,  in  part,  as  follows: 

With  unlimited  means  at  our  command,  we  are  presenting  the 
remarkable  spectacle  of  increasing  our  public  debt  by  borrowing 
money  to  meet  the  ordinary  outlays  incident  upon  Wen  an  eco- 
nomical and  prudent  administration  of  the  Government.  An 
examination  of  the  subject  discloses  this  fact  in  every  detail,  and 
leads  inevitably  to  the  conclusion  that  the  condition  of  the  revenue 
which  allows  it  is  jitnjustiAable  and  should  be  corrected.  We  And  by 
the  reports  of  the  Secuetary  of  the  Treastiry  that  the  revenues  for  the 
flscal  years  ending  June  30,  1892,  from  all  sources,  were  f 425,868,- 
2G0.22,  and  the  expenditures  for  all  purposes  were  |415,953,806.56, 
leaving  an  excess  of  receipts  over  expenditures  of  19,914,453.66.  The 
receipts  of  the  Government  from  all  sources  during  the  fiscal  year 
ending  June  30,  1893,  amounted  to  f461,716,66l.94  and  its  expendi- 
tures to  1459,374,887.65,  showing  an  excess  of  receipts  over 
expenditures  of  |2,341,674.29. 

Since  that  time  the  receipts  of  no  fiscal  year,  and  with  but  few 

exceptions  of  no  month  of  any  flscal  year  have  exceeded  the  expend!  • 

The  receipts  of  the  Government,  from  all  sources,  during  the 


m 


>ntion.  The 
djuBtment  of 
the  needs  of 
Bed  manufae- 

of  the  laBt 
as  a  member, 
a  Tariff  Bill, 
ath  the  Mills 
B  preparation 
vy  important 
lent  business 
The  Bill  was 
I  theory,  with 
y  Committee, 
rom  manufac- 
f  the  evidence 
latter  bearing 
investment  of 
ect  on  import 

valuable  eco- 

pecial  session 
)f  office.    His 

resenting  the 

>y  borrowing 

even  an  eco- 

irnment.     An 

'y  detail,  and 

the  revenue 

We  find  by 

'enues  for  the 

ere  1425,868,- 

15,953,806.56, 

,453.66.     The 

le  fiscal  year 

its  expend  t- 

•eceipts    over 

with  but  few 
the  expendi- 
's,  during  the 


PRESIDENT  McKIXIiEY'S  ADMINISTRATION. 


485 


hscal  year  ending  June  3U,  18i)4,  were  9372,802,4!)8.2!),  and  its  expendi- 
tures f442,605,T.58.s7,  leaving  a  deficit,  the  first  since  the  resumption 
of  specie  payments,  of  169,803,260.58.  Notwithstanding  there  was  u 
decrease  of  f  16,769,128.78  in  the  ordinary  expenses  of  the  Oovern- 
ment,  as  compared  with  the  previous  fist'al  year,  its  income  was  still 
not  sufficient  to  provide  for  its  daily  necessities,  and  the  gold  reserve 
in  the  Treasury  for  the  redemption  of  greenbacks  was  drawn  upon 
to  meet  them.  But  this  did  not  suffice,  and  the  government  then 
resorted  to  loans  to  replenish  the  reserve. 

The  receipts  of  the  Government  for  the  fiscal  year  ending  June 
30,  1895,  were  |390,373,203.30,  and  the  expenditures  |433,178,426.4», 
Bhowing  a  deficit  of  |42,805,223.18.  A  further  loan  of  flUO,000,000 
was  negotiated  by  the  Government  in  February,  1896,  the  sale  netting 
9111,166,246,  and  swelling  the  aggregate  of  bonds  issued  within  three 
years  to  |262,315,400.  For  the  fiscal  year  ending  June  30,  1896,  the 
revenues  of  tlie  government  from  all  sources  amounted  to  9409,475,- 
408.78,  while  its  expenditures  were  $434,678,654.48,  or  an  excess  of 
expenditures  over  receipts  of  $25,203,245.70.  In  other  words,  the 
lotal  receipts  for  the  three  fiscal  years  ending  June  30,  1896,  were 
insufficient  by  |137,811,729.46  to  meet  the  total  expenditures. 

Nor  has  this  condition  since  improved.  For  the  first  half  of  the 
present  fiscal  year  the  receipts  of  the  government,  exclusive  of  postal 
revenues,  were  ,$157,507,603.76,  and  its  ex^tenditures,  exclusive  of 
postal  service,  fl95,410,000.22,  or  an  excess  of  expenditures  over 
receipts,  of  $37,902,396.46. 

Congress  should  promptly  correct  the  existing  condition.  Ample 
i.evenueis  n?.jst  be  supplied  not  only  for  the  ordinary  expenses  of  the 
Government,  but  for  the  prompt  payment  of  liberal  pensions  and  the 
liquidation  of  the  principal  and  interest  of  the  public  debt.  In  rais- 
ing revenue,  duties  should  be  so  levied  upon  foreign  products  as  to 
preserve  the  home  market,  so  far  as  possible,  to  our  own  producers; 
to  revive  and  increase  nianufactories;  to  relieve  and  encourage  agri- 
culture; to  increase  our  domestic  and  foreign  commerce;  to  aid  and 
develop  mining  and  building,  auid  to  render  to  labor  in  every  field  of 
useful  occu]  ation  the  liberal  wages  and  adequate  rewards  to  which 
skill  and  industry  are  justly  entitled. 

Mr.  Dingley  was  appointed  Chairman  of  the  Ways  and  Means 
Committee  of  the  new  House,  and  on  the  19th  of  March  reported  the 
Bill  with  a  long  statement  of  the  changes  which  it  made  from  the 
existing  tariff,  togetlur  with  a  statement  somewhat  similar  to  that 
which  the  President  had  made,  of  the  need  of  increased  revenues,  and 
an  estiniaie  of  the  extent  to  which  the  tariff  changes  would  meet 
this  need.  The  most  important  changes  were  in  the  wool  and  sugar 
schedules.  The  tarifi'  on  wool  and  woolen  goods  was  restored  to  a 
protective  rate.    That  on  sugars  was  changed  from  an  ad-valoreui 


ll 


■11 
f  f 


■v-=,-Ri;^;.|tii*,;5PiV,i' 


Ti^^^f-^'W' 


^« 


486 


HISTORY  OP  THE  REPUHLICAN  PARTY. 


duty  t6  a  Bpeciflf  rate  of  1.63  cents  per  pound,  with  a  i-ountervailing 
duty  equivalent  to  the  export  bounty  paid  by  any  country  sending 
HUgarH  to  us.  A  large  number  of  other  increages  were  made,  and 
ihe  reciprocity  policy  was  restored  and  its  scope  enlarged.  The 
House  passed  the  Bill  April  2.  The  Senate  Finance  Committee  spent 
about  a  month  upon  it,  reporting  it  May  7.  The  Senate  had  the  Bill 
under  consideration  foi'  two  months,  and  passed  it,  with  numerous 
amendments,  July  7.  It  then  went  to  a  Conference  Committee, 
where  the  different  points  of  disagreement  were  adjusted,  and  it 
Anally  passed  the  House  July  19,  and  the  Senate  Are  days  later.  It 
went  into  operation  immediately,  and  its  beneAcent  effects  in  reviv- 
ing manufacturing  industries  and  increasing  the  revenue  were 
speedily  felt. 

The  question  of  our  relations  with  the  Hawaiian  Islands  came  up 
again  early  in  McKinley's  term.  This  was  not,  by  any  means  a  new 
question.  As  early  at  1842  President  Tyler  sent  a  message  to  the 
Senate  in  relation  to  these  islands.  Fillmore,  in  1850,  reiterated  the 
statements  made  by  Tyler  in  favor  of  the  annexation  or  protection 
of  the  islands  by  our  Government.  Franklin  IMerce,  in  1854,  desired 
the  aunexation  of  Hawaii  and  authorized  the  negotiation  of  the  treaty 
of  annexation  Qf  that  year,  but  the  treaty  was  not  conArmed  by  the 
Senate.  President  Buchanan,  in  1849,  as  Secretary  of  State,  stated 
that  English  or  French  control  of  Hawaii  would  be  highly  injurious 
to  the  United  States.  The  annexation  of  Hawaii  was  favored  by 
President  Grant.  President  Arthur  was  in  full  sympathy  with  the 
Americanizing  of  Hawaii,  and  President  Harrison  caused  an  annexa- 
tion treaty  to  be  negotiated  in  Hawaii. 

President  McKinley,  early  in  his  Administration,  negotiated 
another  annexation  treaty  which  he  sent  to  the  Senate,  June  17, 1897. 
Oommissioners  were  named  on  the  part  of  both  countries  with  full 
power  to  carry  oi  *■  the  terms  of  the  treaty.  These  provided  for  the 
cession  by  the  Hawaiian  Government  to  the  United  States  of  all  the 
territory  of  the  islands,  with  their  rights  of  sovereignty,  all  public 
buildings  and  other  property,  the  United  States  to  assume  the  public 
debt  of  the  islands  to  the  extent  of  f4,000,00U.  Provision  was  also 
made  for  the  exclusion  of  Chinese  immigration,  for  the  adjustment 
of  treaties  with  other  powers,  and  for  the  Government  of  the  islands 
during  the  transition  period.  This  treaty  was  not  acted  upon  during 
the  special  session  of  Congress,  and  during  the  regular  session  it 
became  evident  that  it  coiild  not  secure,  in  the  Senate,  the  two-thirds 


MWBiiwiiiiiiiii 


w^ 


PRESIDENT  MoKIXLEY'H  ADMIXIHTRATION. 


487 


ountervailiDK 
intry  sending 
re  made,  and 
Qiarged.  The 
nniittee  spent 
e  had  the  Bill 
1th  numerous 
;e  Committee, 
justed,  and  it 
lays  later.  It 
fects  in  reviv- 
revenue    were   ' 

lands  came  up 
'  means  a  new 
lessage  to  the 
reiterated  the 
or  protection 
1  1854,  desired 
n  of  the  treaty 
aflrmed  by  the 
^  State,  stated 
ghly  injurious 
as  favored  by 
lathy  with  the 
)ed  an  annexa- 

on,  negotiated 

June  17, 1897. 

tries  with  full 

ovided  for  the 

ates  of  all  the 

nty,  all  public 

ime  the  public 

ision  was  also 

lie  adjustment 

of  the  islands 

!d  upon  during 

liar  session  it 

the  two-thirds 


vote  neoesHury  to  its  ratitieation.  But  the  same  puritose  was  accom- 
plished by  nn<itlier  method.  A  tender  of  the  islands  to  the  United 
States,  on  very  much  the  same  terms  as  those  named  in  the  treaty 
was  formally  made  by  President  Dole,  and  this  was  accepted  by 
Congress  by  Joint  resolution,  which  required  only  a  majority  vote  of 
each  House.  Some  objection  was  made  to  this  method  when  it  was 
first  proposed,  as  being  an  evasion  of  the  (constitutional  provision 
requiring  a  two-thirds  vote  of  the  Senate  for  the  ratification  of  a 
treaty.  The  claim  was  made  that  even  if  the  proposed  transfer  was 
not,  in  terim*,  a  treaty,  yet  it  amounted  to  the  same  thing.  But 
between  the  time  when  annexation  was  proposed  in  18U7,  and  the 
lime  when  the  joint  resolution  eauie  up  in  18U8,  the  Spanish  war  had 
intervened,  showing  the  great  importance  to  the  United  States  of  a 
convenient  coaling  and  naval  station  in  the  Pacitlc,  and  the  danger 
that  might  come  to  our  interests,  in  case  the  isiunds  should  fall  into 
the  hands  of  a  hostile  naval  power.  Whatever  anti-annexation 
feeling  had  before  existed  was  nearly  obliterated,  and  the  Joint 
resolution  now  met  with  favor.  It  passed  the  House  June  15,  by  the 
decisive  vote  of  2U])  to  91.  The  Senate  debate  on  the  matter  con- 
tinned  from  June  '20  to  July  0,  and  covennl  every  phase  of  the 
question.  The  resolution  Anally  passed  that  body  by  42  to  21,  Just 
two-thirds  of  those  voting.  The  President  signed  the  resolution  the 
next  day,  and  about  a  month  later  President  Dole,  on  presentation  of 
a  certified  copy  of  the  resolution,  formally  delivered  over  to  Bear 
Admiral  Miller,  representing  the  United  States,  the  sovereignty  and 
public  property  of  the  islands.  On  the  I2tli  of  August  the  American 
flag,  which  President  Cleveland  had  ordered  down,  was  again  raised 
over  the  Government  buildings,  this  time  to  remain.  In  accordance 
with  the  terms  of  the  joint  resolution,  the  President  directed  that  the 
civil,  judicial  and  military  systems  of  Hawaiian  ofHcials  shculd  con- 
tinue until  Congrcjs  could  provide  a  form  of  Government  suited  to 
the  new  conditions.  This  was  accomplished,  upon  recommendations 
of  Commissioners  appointed  to  make  the  necessary  investigations, 
and  early  in  1899  a  Territorial  Government  for  the  iBlan<^<4  was  fully 
establicihed. 

The  condition  of  Cuba  had  for  nmny  years  before  this  time  been 
a  matter  of  great  concern  to  the  people  of  the  United  States.  To  go 
no  further  back,  the  ten  years'  struggle  which  the  Cubans  made  for 
freedom,  in  the  period  from  1868  to  1878,  excited  the  liveliest  sympathy 
in  this  v"cuntry,  which  wa«  several  times  on  the  point  of  intervention. 


m 

i 


V  '■■-& 


488 


HISTORY  OP  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 


W 


That  war  cloBed  with  proniiflefi  of  reform  in  the  riihan  OovernmeDt, 
which  Spain  made  only  to  break.  The  next  revolt  o<'<'urred  in  1895 
when  Oeneral  (iomez  landed  with  500  men  near  Santiago  de  Cuba, 
and  Boon  raised  an  army  which  marched  across  the  island  and  even 
threatened  Havana.  Spain  increased  her  armies  on  the  Island  to 
100,000  men,  a  force  suflicient  to  wipe  out  the  insurgents  if  they  could 
liave  been  brought  into  an  open  light.  The  insurgents,  however, 
carried  on  a  desultory  warfare,  harassing  the  Spaniards  at  every 
point,  but  avoiding  conflicts  with  superior  numbers.  On  the  part  of 
the  Spaniards  the  war  was  conducted  with  the  greatest  cruelty  in  all 
its  details.  The  Spanish  General  Weyler  was  shown  to  have  been 
privy  to  the  assassination  of  General  Maceo,  the  ablest  of  the  Cuban 
generals,  and  his  policy  of  concentration  had  resulted  in  the  death 
of  scores  of  thousands  of  non-combatants  through  exposure  and  star- 
vation. The  "reconcentrados,"  as  they  were  called,  were  obliged 
to  leave  their  farms  and  plantations,  and  were  huddled  together  in 
certain  designated  towns,  without  sutHcient  protection  from  the  ele- 
ments, and  with  but  a  scant  supply  of  food.  The  wholesale  destruc- 
tio'a  of  lile  thus  occasioned  looked  very  much  as  if  a  policy  of 
extermination  had  been  determined  upon. 

The  Fifty-fourth  Congress  adopted  a  resolution,  expressing 
detestation  of  tjie  Spanish  methods  in  Cuba,  and  sympathy  for  the 
Cubans.  There  was  a  disposition  to  make  this  a  joint  resolution 
granting  belligerent  rights  to  the  patriots,  but  the  influence  of  Presi- 
dent Cleveland  went  against  this.  Many  bitter  criticisms  were  made 
upon  the  Administration  in  this  connection.  The  President,  espec- 
ially, was  charged  with  going  much  beyond  his  duty  in  enforcing 
neutrality.  He  undertook  to  police  the  seas  beyond  the  three-mile 
limit,  and  to  seize  vessels  carrying  munitions  of  war,  for  violating 
neutrality.  He  went  so  far  beyond  the  requirements  of  international 
law  that  in  only  cme  case  did  the  courts  sustain  him.  The  ctute  of  a 
vessel  called  the  Competitor  presented  such  an  outrageous  infringe- 
ment of  neutral  rights  that  the  Government  was  at  last  Aroused  to 
a  mild  form  of  intervention.  The  Competitor  was  seized  while  trying 
to  land  munitions  of  war  for  the  insurgents.  Her  crew  were  sum- 
marily tried  by  court  martial.  Without  being  allowed  time  for  the 
preparation  of  their  case,  or  counsel  of  their  own  choosing,  they 
were  found  guilty  and  sentenced  to  be  shot.  Fortunately,  the 
sentence  could  not  be  carried  out  until  it  had  been  approved  from 
Madrid,  and  this  gave  opportunity  for  an  American  protest  which 


PRESIDENT  MrKINLEY'8  Al»MINI8TRATION. 


480 


(lovernment, 

urred  in  1800 

laKo  de  Cuba, 

land  and  even 

the  Island  to 

i  if  they  could 

ntB,  however, 

urdB  at  every 

)n  the  part  of 

cruelty  in  all 

to  have  been 

of  the  Cuban 

i  in  the  death 

isure  and  atar- 

were  obliged 

ed  together  in 

from  the  ele- 

legale  destruc- 

r   a   policy  of 

n,   expressing 
ipathy  for  the 
int  resolution 
lence  of  Presi- 
ms  were  made 
isident,  eapec- 
r  in  enforcing 
the  three-mile 
,  for  violating 
international 
The  ciute  of  a 
;eous  infringt>- 
ist  aroused  to 
i  while  trying 
ew  were  sum- 
time  for  the 
boosing,  they 
tunately,   the 
pproved  from 
>roteBt  which 


was  heeded.  The  crew  of  the  Competitor  were  convicted  by  the 
court  martial  of  piracy  and  treason.  But  their  act  had  none  of  the 
elements  of  piracy,  and  it  could  not  be  treason,  because  none  of  those 
accused  were  Hpanish  subjects.    One  of  them  was  an  American. 

The  feeling  on  the  subject  of  the  Cuban  war  was  so  strong  that 
in  the  fall  campaign  of  180tt  it  found  its  way  into  many  State  Conven- 
tions, and  into  the  National  Conventions.  The  Kepublicuns  in  their 
fe}t.  Louis  platform  declared  that  ''the  Government  of  the  United 
Btates  should  actively  use  its  influence  and  good  offices  to  restore 
peace  and  give  independence  to  the  Island,"  while  the  Democratic 
platform  simply  extended  ''sympathy  to  the  people  of  Cuba  in  their 
heroic  struggle  for  liberty  and  independence." 

At  a  special  session  of  the  Fifty-flfth  Congress,  called  by  Presi- 
dent McKinley  in  March,  1897,  the  Senate  passed  a  resolution  recog- 
nizing the  belligerency  of  the  insurgents,  but  the  House  failed  to  take 
action  upon  it.  President  McKinley  brought  sufficient  pressure  to 
bear  upon  the  Spanish  Government  to  secure  the  recall  of  General 
Weyler,  and  a  decree  of  autonomy  for  the  Island.  The  insurgents, 
however,  distrusted  the  sincerity  of  the  latter  and  kept  up  the  war. 

.  In  his  annual  message  to  Congress,  December  G,  1897,  President 
McKinley  explained  at  length  the  new  duties  and  responsibilities  that 
a  recognition  of  Cuban  belligerency  would  impose  upon  this  country, 
declared  that  for  the  present  such  recovnition  was  unwise  and  inad- 
missible, and  added: 

It  is  honestly  due  to  Spain  and  to  our  friendly  relations  with 
Spain  that  she  should  he  given  a  reasonable  chance  to  realize  her 
expectations  and  to  prove  the  asserted  efficiency  of  the  new  order  of 
things,  to  which  she  stands  irrevocably  committed.  She  has  recalled 
the  commander  whose  brutal  orders  inflamed  the  American  mind  and 
shocked  the  civilized  world.  She  has  modified  the  horrible  order  of 
croncentration  and  has  undertake  to  care  for  the  helpless  and  permit 
those  who  desire  to  resume  the  cultivation  of  their  fields  to  do  so, 
and  assures  them  of  the  protection  of  the  Spanish  Government  in 
their  lawful  occupations.  She  ha»  just  released  the  Competitor  pris- 
oners, heretofore  sentenced  to  death,  and  who  have  been  the  subject 
of  repeated  diplomatic  correspondence  during  both  this  and  the  pre- 
ceding Administration. 

Not  a  single  American  citizen  is  now  in  arrest  or  confinement  in 
Cuba  of  whom  this  Government  has  any  knowledge.  The  near  future 
will  demonstrate  whether  the  indispensable  condition  of  a  righteous 
peace,  just  alike  to  the  Cnbuus  and  to  Spain,  as  well  as  equitable  to 
all  our  interests  so  intimately  involved  in  the  welfare,  of  Cuba,  is 


'^i. 


1  r 
■  t 

r 


i';* 


'r  \: 


U^ 


490 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  I'AKTY. 


Hkely  to  hv  attuiiied.  If  not,  the  exigency  of  further  and  other 
action  by  the  United  States  will  remain  to  be  taken.  When  that  time 
comes,  that  action  will  be  determined  in  the  line  of  indisputable  riglil 
and  duty.  It  will  be  faced,  without  misgiving  or  hesitancy,  in  the 
light  of  the  obligation  this  Government  owes  to  itself,  to  the  people 
who  have  conHded  to  it  the  protection  of  their  interests  and  honoi, 
and  to  humanity. 

The  attitude  of  the  Spanish  resideute  of  Havana  became  more 
and  more  threatening,  and  in  Januaiy  the  battleship  Maine  was  sent 
to  that  port.  She  was  an<hored  at  a  point  in  the  harbor  indicateil 
by  the  Spanish  authorities,  and  on  the  IRth  of  February  was  blown 
up  by  an  outside  explosion  with  the  loss  of  »  large  part  of  her  crew. 
Five  days  later  United  States  C^onsul  (General  l^ev,  wrote  from 
Havana,  referring  to  the  arrests  of  Americans  there: 

I  am  under  orders  frcmi  Washington,  and  I  must  obey  instruc- 
tions from  headquarters.  The  department  authorizes  me  to  act  a 
certain  way,  and  I  but  carry  out  my  orders.  I  came  here  unprejudiced 
and  determined  to  form  my  opinions  by  what  came  directly  under  my 
observation.  From  the  moment  I  landed  njy  American  blood  began 
to  boil,  and  if  I  stay  here  much  longer  and  am  forced  to  witness  all 
the  indignities  heaped  upon  my  countrymen  without  restraint  it  will 
literally  boil  away.  They  trample  on  our  flag.  They  hiss  us  in  the 
streets.  Americans  are.  murdered,  robbed  and  imprisoned.  Indigni- 
ties are  heaped  upon  our  women,  and  every  atrocity  (;onceivahle  for  a 
Spaniard  to  put  on  Americans  is  thrust  upon  uh. 

About  the  same  time  Spanish  sympathizers  in  that  City  openly 
declared  that  if  more  American  warships  were  sent  they  would 
destroy  the  American  consulate,  and  thus,  by  their  own  acts  force  a 
war  with  the  United  States. 

A  Naval  Court  of  Inquiry  into  the  Maine  disaster  was  ordered, 
and  reported  that  the  battleship  was  destroyed  by  a  submarine  mine. 
Squadrons  of  United  States  vessels  were  concentrated  at  Key  West 
and  Hampton  Roads,  and  on  the  11th  of  April  the  President  sent  a 
mjCKsage  to  Congress  asking  for  authority  "to  take  measures  to  secure 
a  full  and  final  termination  of  hostilities  between  the  Government  of 
Spain  and  the  people  of  Cuba,  and  to  secure  in  the  Island  the  estab- 
lishment of  a  stable  government,  capable  of  maintaining  order  and 
observing  its  international  obligations,  insuring  peace  and  tranquil- 
lity and  the  security  of  its  citizens,  as  well  as  our  own,  and  to  use  the 
military  and  naval  forces  of  the  United  States  as  may  be  necessary 
for  this  purpose."    He  alsa  asked  for  an  appropriation  for  feeding  the 


t>r  and  other 
hen  that  time 
tputable  right 
itancy,  in  the 
to  the  people 
t8  and  honor, 


became  morn 
aine  was  sent 
>bor  indicateil 
ry  was  blown 
t  of  her  crew. 
,  wrote    from 


obey  instruo- 
nie  to  act  a 
'  unprejudiced 
ctly  under  my 
ti  blood  began 
to  witness  all 
straint  it  will 
hiss  UB  in  the 
ned.  Indigni- 
iceivable  for  a 


t 


City  openly 
they  would 
acts  force  a 


was  ordered, 
imarine  mine, 
at  Key  West 
sid^nt  sent  a 
ures  to  secure 
overnnient  of 
ind  the  estab- 
ng  order  and 
and  tranquil- 
nd  to  use  the 
be  necessary 
)r  feeding  the 


'yt\ 


/•4„^,*,>,-  .'^ 


PRKKIDENT  MiKINLKY'H  .vnMINIHTH.XTlON. 


401 


starving  UeconceutrHdoM.  rongress  made  the  appropriation,  and  on 
April  ])  adopted  a  Joint  resolution  favoring  Cubun  indeiiendence,  and 
authorising  intervention.  The  Hpanish  <htvernmeiit  showed  its 
understanding  of  the  reMolutions  by  standing  Oencral  Ktewart  L. 
Woodford,  American  Minister  at  Madrid,  his  pass|iortH.  The  date  of 
this  act,  April  21,  is  accepted  us  tlie  lieginning  of  a  state  of  war 
between  the  Tnited  Htates  and  Hpain,  though  the  fornnil  declaration 
was  not  made  by  Congress  till  the  25th. 

The  short  war  that  followed  was.  on  the  part  of  the  T7nited  States, 
one  of  the  most  brilliant  in  the  military  and  naval  annals  of  the 
world.  Our  Navy  was,  in  one  sense,  untritnl,  for  since  the  War  of 
the  Rebellion  it  had  seen  no  active  serviire.  Within  that  period  the 
old  types  of  vessels  had  almost  entirely  disappeared,  and  new  kinds 
had  been  put  in  commissitm.  Hut  in  able  seamanship  on  the  part  of 
officers,  in  One  discipline  on  the  part  of  the  marines,  in  ex|)ert  marks- 
manship on  the  part  of  gunners,  a  record  was  made  worthy  of  the 
splendid  cruisers  and  battleships,  to  the  building  of  which  four  dif- 
ferent Administrations  had  devoted  tteir  energies.  Hy  the  daring 
and  brilliant  a(-hievenu>nts  of  Commodore  Dewey  in  passing  the  forts 
near  the  entrance  to  Manila  Day  and  attacking  the  vessels  which  had 
tendezvoused  there,  one  of  the  best  of  the  Mpanish  fleets  was  annihi- 
lated. In  the  running  light  olT  Santiago  Hay  another  was  destroyed, 
and  it  was  only  a  few  weeks  after  the  beginning  of  the  war  before 
the  Spanish  nav.y  was  swept  fnmi  the  seas.  The  vessels  that  were 
not  destroyed  or  captured  remained  sheltereil  in  her  home  ports,  not 
venturing  into  oi>en  water  outside  the  Straits  of  Oibraltar.  The 
direct  losses  of  her  Navy  were  twelve  cruisers,  representing  a  dis- 
placement of  49,U74  tons;  two  tor|iedo  boat  destroyers  and  twenty -one 
gunboats. 

The  operations  on  land  were  e<|ually  memorable.  In  an  incredi- 
bly short  space  of  time,  a  volunteer  force  of  8,785  officers  and  207,244 
enlisted  men  was  raised  and  equipped  as  an  addition  to  the  2,323 
officers  and  56,365  enlisted  men  of  the  Regular  Army.  In  the  few 
engagements  that  they  had  they  maintained  the  old  American  repu- 
tation for  endurance  and  bravery.  In  the  engagements  of  Juragua, 
San  Juan  Hill  and  El  Caney  the  volunteer  officers  and  men  won 
laurel  wreaths  as  green  as  those  which  adorned  the  brows  of  their 
comrades  in  the  Navy. 

Three  months  and  twenty-two  days  sufficed  to  end  the  war  by 
the  protocol  to  a  treaty,  though  the  treaty  itself  was  not  signed  till 


RMHSII 


IIIHTOUV  OF  TIIK  HKIMHLK'AN  PAIITY. 

l>e(t»iiibtfr  10,  18J»H.  TIm'  |>riii(i|ial  hiII«I««h  ot  »ln-  ((iiiipN'tcd  ftaty 
provided  for  i\w  cviKunfioii  of  ('iibu  hv  tlu'  H|miiiaidH,  the  lefmion 
of  l»or(o  Kl«o,  (^uuiii  and  tlie  l>hili|ipim>  liilandN,  and  for  the  acquire- 
ment bv  the  inltiHi  Htate»  of  piil>li<>  proiH'rt.v.  and  the  relincpilMh- 
ment  of  arehiven;  determined  the  HtatiiH  of  HpaniMh  MubjeetH  renminlng 
in  the  eiHled  terrltorieH  and  of  ineompleted  rontra<tH  and  law  hiiUb; 
gave  KuaranteeH  of  the  Hame  terniis  to  HpaniMh  HhippinK  and  mer- 
ebandlHe  aii  to  that  of  the  Inited  KtateH  in  tlie  iniilipplneit  for  ten 
.veam,  and  Kiiui'Hnte(>d  reliKiouH  freedom  in  the  itnied  territorieH  <m 
the  ttanie  terniM  n»  the  treaty  for  the  eeHHion  of  Florida. 

For  I'orto  Kico,  which  tliUM  became  a  poHseggion  of  the  United 
States  a  complete  form  of  civil  Kovernment.  with  provi»ion  for  raiHlnj? 
the  needed  revenue  was  adopted  at  the  first  session  of  the  Fifty- 
dixth  <'on};reHH. 

Tnder  the  treaty  Hpain  abandoned  all  jjretensions  to  rule    in 
Cuba,  but  the  C'n'.ted  Htates  (Government  had  previously  announced 
its  purpose  to  giv*.  that  Island  an  independent  government  as  soon 
as  circumstiuues  would  permit.       In  (><tober,  ISMMl,  Major  Oeneral 
lAH)nard  Wood,  Governor  Oeneral,  was  able  to  report  a  most  remark- 
able improvement  in  the  condition  of  the  Island.     Every  town  of 
consequence  had  been  provided  with  a  hospital  well  equipped  and 
with  all  necessary  supplies;  the  prisons  had  been  overhauled  and 
their    sanitary    conditions    greatly    improved;    many    hundreds    of 
accused   persons,   held   long  in    detentitm  without   trial,  had    been 
released;  courts  had  been  stimulated  and  urged  to  a  prompt  perform- 
ance of  their  duties,  and  many  judges,  found  derelict  in  their  duty, 
hud  been  dismissed;  inspectors  of  prisons  had  been  appointed  whose 
mstructions  required  them  to  visit  every  prison  at  least  once  in 
three  months;  correctional  courts  had  been  established  for  the  trial  of 
minor  offenses,  with  the  privilege  of  jury  trial;  over  3,0(M>  schools  had 
been  established  with  3,000  teachers  and  150,000  pupils;  public  build- 
ings had  been  repaired  and  the  streets  in  all  the  large  cities  had 
undergone  extensive  paving  and  sewer  improvements;  a  thoroughly 
efficient  nmil  service  had  been  established;  nearly  7(M)  miles  of  jmst 
roads  had  been  built,  and  many  hundred  miles  of  old  roads  had  been 
put  in  repair  and  made  passable;  bridges  had  been  rebuilt,  and  public 
works,  involving  milliona  of  dollars  had  been  taken  up  and  com- 
pleted; a  complete  overland  telegraph  had  been  established.    The 
Island  had  been  restored  to  such  order  that  a  traveler  might  journey 
from  one  end  of  it  to  the  other,  without  fear  of  being  assailed  by  a 


1^ 


nl^ 


f  ■ 


I 


I,  tli(>  ct'Hiiion 
r  \\\v  uoquir(>- 
i(>  rt>llu(|niMh- 
rtH  reiiiiUniiiK 
iid  luw  HiiitH; 
iiiK  and  iiier- 
ipiiieH  for  ten 
ti'rrit«rl»*H  on 

of  the  United 
on  for  rniHinK 
of  the  Flfty- 

18  to  rule    in 

ily  announced 

inent  as  soon 

lajor  Oeneral 

most  reuiarli- 

very  town  of 

equipi)ed  and 

erhauled  and 

iiundreds    of 

al,  had    been 

ttnpt  perform - 

in  their  duty, 

lointed  whoHe 

east  once  in 

)r  tlie  trial  of 

BchoolB  had 

public  build- 

Ke  cities  had 

a  thoroughly 

miles  of  \M»t 

ads  had  been 

t,  and  public 

up  and  com- 

iliHhed.     The 

ight  journey 

iBBailed  by  a 


I'KKHIDKNT  McKINLKYH  ADMINISTRATION. 


498 


robber,  iind  without  behiK  Holiched  by  h  be^uar.  Meantime  flnanoial 
and  induHtrinl  t-oiidilionH  had  been  Mteiidiiy  improving;.  The  Govern- 
ment wiiH  Heif-Hupportng  and  had  an  unincumbered  bnlnnce  of  $1,500,- 
000  in  the  TrniHiiry.  A  moHl  etHcient  cuHtoiiiH  xervice  had  b»H»n 
eittabliHlied  of  which  many  of  the  oftlcerH  were  CnbiuiH,  and  the  quar- 
antine Mervice  Imd  been  thoroughly  equipped  Hud  waH  rigidly 
enforced.  Tlu'  tobacco  crop  for  the  yeiir  whh  an  (MionuoiiH  one;  the 
sugar  produced,  which  had  fallen  to  almost  nothing  during  (lie  devas- 
tating wiir  between  Hpain  and  Cuba,  was,  in  the  season  (»f 
HMKI,  more  tluin  hiilf  as  large  as  during  the  palihiest  and 
most  iieticefui  days  tiefore  the  war,  and  all  other  induK 
tries  had  been  stimulated.  I'nder  the  influence  of  this  won 
derful  progress  the  people  were  j-ontent,  and  received  with  faith 
the  promises  of  the  I'nited  States  to  establish  a  stable  government 
in  which  they  should  have  their  share.  Two  genera!  elections  had 
been  held,  one  on  June  15,  1000,  for  municipal  officers  throughout  the 
Island,  and  one  Heptemberl5,  for  delegates  to  the  Constitutional  Con- 
vention. Hoth  elections  were  conducted  without  .Vmerican  officials, 
either  military  or  civil,  being  at  a  single  polling  place  in  Cuba,  and 
without  any  intei-ference  whatever  on  the  part  of  the  Amerieau  mili- 
tary or  civil  authorities.  There  was  not  a  single  disturbance  in 
either  election. 

The  whole  story  was  one  of  marvelous  reconstruction,  rapid 
progress,  and  high  regard  for  the  welfare  of  the  people  such  as  had 
never  before  been  approached  in  the  colonial  history  of  any  country. 

In  the  Philippine  Islands  matters  were  more  difficult  of  adjust- 
ment. Armed  bands  of  Insurgents,  under  the  lead  of  Aguinaldo, 
maintained  a  desultory  warfare  throughout  the  Island  of  Luzon 
through  the  year  1809  and  nearly  all  of  1900.  It  is  a  well  established 
fact  that  they  derived  great  encouragement  from  the  "Anti-Imper- 
ialist" talk  of  u  few  prominent  Republicans  and  many  Democrats, 
including  the  head  of  the  Democratic  tii'ket. 

The  diploma<-y  of  the  Ignited  States  won  great  praise  from  other 
Nations  during  the  troubles  that  occurred  in  China  in  1900.  A  strong 
force  of  insurgents,  or  revolutionists,  under  the  name  of  the 
"Boxers"  opened  what  they  intended  to  be  a  war  of  extermination 
against  all  foreigners,  destroyed  many  of  the  mission  stations  and 
besieged  the  legations  of  all  the  great  Powers  at  Pekin.  The  United 
States,  (ireat  Britain,  Russia,  Oermany,  Austria,  Prance  and  Japan, 
united  in  sending  troops  for   the   rescue  of  their   ambassadors  and 


raw 


mm 


494 


HIBTOKY  OP  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 


consulB  and  the  protection  of  their  interests.  It  was  through  the 
influence  of  the  United  Btates  that  commtinication  was  first  opened 
with  the  besieged  legations,  and  it  was  largely  through  the  same 
Influence  that  a  disposition  shown  by  other  Powers  to  obtain  indem- 
nity by  the  acquisition  of  Chinese  territory  received  its  first  check, 
and  the  dismemberment  of  the  Chinese  Empire  was  for  the  time  at 
least  prevented. 

In  financial  and  industrial  results  the  achievements  of  the  first 
McKinley  Administration  were  most  marked.  The  Currency  Bill, 
passed  at  the  first  regular  session  of  the  Fifty-fifth  Congress,  settles 
a  number  of  questions  which  have  been  agitating  the  public  for  some 
years.  It  establishes,  by  definite  statute,  the  gold  standard  in  finan- 
cial transactions.  By  forbidding  the  reissue  of  greenbacks  once 
redeemed,  it  stops  the  ''endless  chain"  method  of  drawing  gold  from 
the  Treasury.  By  authorizing  National  banks  to  issue  currency  up 
1o  the  face  value  of  bonds  deposited,  and  by  reducing  from  150,000 
to  125,000,  the  capital  necessary  for  establishing  such  banks,  it  npeni^ 
the  way  for  an  increase  of  currency  when  needed,  and  for  fnrnishing 
banking  facilities  to  the  smaller  towns.  By  fixing  the  denominations 
of  silver  certificates  at  flO  and  below,  and  of  I"^nited  Statt>  aotes  at 
|10  and  above,  it-gives  a  larger  circulation  to  the  former,  at  the  same 
time  that  it  provides  for  the  gradual  retirement  of  the  Treasury 
notes.  It  provides  for  the  refunding  of  the  National  debt  in  bonds 
drawing  only  two  per  cent,  interest.  This  is  a  lower  rate  of  interest 
than  that  paid  by  any  other  (xovernment,  and  when  it  was  proposed 
predictions  were  abun'lant  that  the  bonds  could  not  be  floated.  Yet 
within  three  months  of  the  time  the  Curren<'y  Bill  passed,  |300,000,- 
000  of  the  two  per  cents  had  been  taken.  They  were  then  quoted 
at  1.06  while  British  2^  per  cent,  bonds  were  selling  at  .08. 

When  President  |4cKinley  called  the  extra  session  of  Congress 
in  March,  1897,  he  urged  that  ample  revenues  be  provided; 
that  "duties  should  be  so  levied  as  to  preserve  the  honie  market 
so  far  as  possible  to  our  own  producers;  to  revive  and  increase 
manufactures;  to  relieve  and  encourage  agriculture;  to  increase 
our  domestic  and  foreign  commerce;  to  aid  and  develop  mining  ana 
building;  and  to  render  to  labor  in  every  field  of  useful  occupation  the 
liberal  wages  and  adequate  rewards  to  which  skill  and  industry  are 
justly  entitled." 

A  great  mass  of  figures  might  be  given  to  show  that  all  these 
results  have  been  achieved.    But  a  few  will   suflice.    During  the 


(h"*" 


through  the 
first  opened 
;h  the  same 
btain  indem- 
first  check, 
the  time  at 

I  of  the  first 
irrency  Bill, 
;res8,  settles 
t)lic  for  some 
[ard  in  flnan- 
nbacks  once 
ag  gold  from 

currency  up 
from  150,000 
nks,  it  opens 
or  furnishing 
enominations 
att .  notes  at 
,  at  the  same 
the  Treasury 
lebt  in  bonds 
ite  of  interest 
was  proposed 

floated.  Yet 
sed,  1300,000,- 
>  then  quoted 

.98. 
i  of  (longress 
bt-    provided; 
honie  market 

and  increase 
■  ;  to  increase 
>p  mining  ana 
occupation  the 
1  industry  are 

that  all  these 
.    During  the 


PRESIDENT  McKINLEY'S  ADMINISTRATION.         495 

thirty-five  months  the  Wilson  Tariff  was  in  operation  there  was  a 
total  deficit  of  more  than  »1(»8,000,000  in  the  public  revenues.  In  the 
flrnt  thirty-two  months  of  the  operation  of  the  Dingley  tariff  the 
surplus  revenues,  eliminating  war  receipts  and  expenditures,  and  the 
amounts  derived  from  the  Pacifli-  Railroad  settlements,  exceeded 
¥45,000,000. 

The  story  of  improved  trade  and  industry  is  succinctly  told  by 
the  following  table  of  exports  and  imports  for  the  fiscal  year  ending 
June  30,  1896,  under  the  Wilson  tariff  and  a  Democratic  Administra- 
tion, as  compared  with  those  of  the  year  ending  June  30,  1900,  under 
ihe  Dingley  tariff  and  a  Republican  Administration: 

IMPORTS. 

1896.  1900. 

Articlesof  food  and  animals....  1237,025,045      |218,479,098 

Articles  in  crude  condition  for 
use  in  manufactures 209,368,717        302,264,106 

Articles  wholly  or  partly  manu- 
factured for  use  as  materials 
in  manufacture  and  the 
mechanics  arts   94,733,719  88,433,549 

Articles  manufactured  ready  for 
consumption   145,274,039        128,885,697 

Articles  of  voluntary  use,  luxu- 
ries, etc 93,323,154         111,652.220 

Total 1779,724,674      #849,714,670 

EXPORTS. 

Products  of  Agriculture 1569,879,297  f  835,912,952 

Manufactures 228.571,178  432,284,366 

Mining   ....  20,045,654  38.997.557 

Forest :iit,718,204  52.309,484 

Fisheries  6,850,392  6,289,664 

Miscellaneous  4,135,762  4,682,142 

Total  .....    1863,200,487   f  1,394,186,371 

The  benefit  of  the  change  to  nmuufacturers  is  shown  in  the  fact 
that  in  spite  of  enormously  increased  consumption  the  imports  of 
manufactured  goods  ready  f&r  final  use  diminished,  while  the  imports 
of  crude  materials  to  be  used  in  manufactures  increased  about  |93,- 
000,000.  American  labor  received  the  benefit  of  wages  paid  for 
working  up  these  crude  materials.  The  exports  of  manufactured 
articles  in  four  years  increased  |203,713,188,  or  almost  90  per  cent. 


»»».':' 


r 


TWELFTH  REPUBLICAN  CONVENTION. 

Large  aud  HarinoniouB  Gathering  at  Philadelphia— Members 
Present  Who  Were  Delegates  to  the  First  Republican  Conven- 
tion in  the  Same  qity— Admirable  Presentation  of  Campaign 
Issues  by  the  Chairman— A  Strong  Platform  Adopted— President 
McKinley  Unanimously  Renominated— I-arge  Number  of  Per- 
sons Mentioned  for  the  Vice-Presidency— The  Nomination  Final- 
ly Thrust  Upon  an  Unwilling  Candidate. 

The  preliminaries  to  the  Twelfth  Republican  National  Conven 
tion  lacked  the  interest  that  attends  a  contest  between  a  number  of 
aspirants  for  the  chief  honors  of  the  Nation.    From  the  time  the 
call  was  issued  till  the  last  Territory  had  named  its  delegates  r> 
other  name  was  mentioned  for  the  Presidency  except  that  of  Willis  ' 
McKinley.    There  was  a  mild  preliminary  skirmish  over  the  nomii^j. 
tion  for  the  Vice-Presidency,  but  even  that  wan  settled  before  the 
time  came  for  making  the  nomination.    The  number  of  contesting 
delegations  was  unusually  small  and  those  were  settled  by  the  Com- 
mittee on  Credentials.    There  was  only  one  thing  during  the  whole 
proceedings  that  threatened  any  acrimonious  debate.    That  was  the 
Old,  old  proposition  to  change  the  representation  in  future  National 
Conventions,  so  as  to  put  it  on  the  basis  of  Republican  votes  cast 
Instead  of  on  population.    The  Southern  delegates  were  prepared  to 
oppose   this,    but   it    was   withdrawn    without    giving   oi>portunity 
for    discussion.      So    it    turned    out    that    in    this    Convention    of 
more  than   900   delegates   there   was    not   a   division    nor  a    roll 
call   on   any   disputed   question,   nor   an   occasion   for   any   parlia- 
mentary tangle.    No  one  objected  to  the  temporary  organization 
nor  to  the  permanent  organization,  nor  to  the  report  of  the  Commit- 
tee on  Rules,  nor  to  that  of  the  Committee  on  Platform,  nor  to  the 
nomination  for  President,  nor  to  that  of  Vice-President.    It  was  the 
first  time  in  the  history  of  parties  that  candidates  for  both  these  high 


V 


:^ 


TWELFTH  REPUBLICAN  CONVENTION. 


497 


ia — Members 
ican  Conven- 
af  Campaign 
(d — President 
aber  of  Per- 
ination  Final- 


ional  Conven- 
a  number  of 
the  time  the 
delegates  r. 
at  of  Willia  » 
r  the  nomitL^ 
ed  before  the 
of  contesting 
i  by  the  Com- 
ing the  whole 
That  was  the 
iture  National 
an  votes  cast 
•e  prepared  to 
5   oi>portunity 
:5onvention    of 
Q    nof  a   roll 
r   any  parlia- 
organization 
f  the  Conunit- 
rm,  nor  to  the 
it.    It  was  the 
)oth  these  high 


I  ' 


offices  have  been  nominated  by  unanimous  vote  on  the  first  ballot 
There  were  none  of  the  frenzied  demonstrations  of  applause,  lasting 
ten  or  fifteen  minutes  that  have  sometimes  occurred  when  a  close 
contest  between  candidates  has  wrought  a  Convention  up  to  a  high 
pitch  of  excitement;  but  there  was  still  abundant  enthusiasm  and 
j.upreme  confidence  in  the  result  of  the  coming  contest. 

The  business  sessions  were  held  at  Convention  Hall,  Philadel- 
phia, commencing  Tuesday,  June  19.  They  were  preceded,  the 
evening  before,  by  a  parade  that  has  never  been  equaled  by  any  afifair 
of  the  kind  in  any  gathering  of  any  party.  About  30,000  men  marched 
in  line,  making  five  miles  of  party  enthusiasm,  and  it  was  viewed 
by  300,000  spectators,  who  yelled  themselves  hoarse  in  the  glare 
of  red  light  and  to  the  accompaniment  of  patriotic  airs.  The  marching 
army  represented  the  supporters  of  McKinley  Republicanism,  from 
the  bluffs  of  Maine  to  the  shores  of  California.  Prominent  in  the 
rainks  were  the  Young  Men's  Blaine  Club  >  '  Cincinnati,  the  Cook 
County  Marching  Club  of  Chicago,  the  First  Regiment  Band  of  Cin- 
cinnati, the  Pioneer  Corps  of  Westchester,  Pa.,  and  the  Cook  Fife 
and  Drum  Band  of  Denver.  Senators  Hanna,  Piatt  and  Quay,  Gov- 
ernor Roosevelt,  Lieutenant-Governor  Woodruff  and  other  prominent 
party  leaders  reviewed  the  trudging  thousands  and  waved  their 
handkerchiefs  until  they  were  tired. 

As  the  assemblage  gathered  on  Tuesday,  there  were  occupying 
prominent  seats  upon  the  platform  four  men  who  were  delegates  to 
the  first  Convention  of  the  party  held  in  Philadelphia,  June  17,  1856. 
All  were  members  of  the  regular  Ohio  delegation.  Three  of  them 
were  prominent  in  the  Ahti-Slavery  fight  that  led  to  the  Convention 
held  in  Pittsburg,  February  22,  1856,  which  was  the  precursor  of  the 
Philadelphia  gathering  and  these  men  therefore  claim  to  be  among 
those  who  were  chiefly  instrumental  in  forming  the  Republican  party. 
The  three  men  who  were  first  at  Pittsburg  and  later  at  Philadelphia 
were  Judge  Rush  R.  Bloane,  Sandusky,  O.;  General  B.  Brinkerhoff, 
Mansfield,  O.;  and  Hon.  George  R.  Trey,  Springfield,  O.  Judge  W. 
H.  I 'pson,  of  Akron,  Oi,  was  at  the  Philadelphia  Convention,  but  not 
at  that  in  Pittsburg. 

Among  the  distinguished  members  of  the  party  whose  entrance 
was  greeted  with  demonstrations  of  applause,  were  Cornelius  N 
Bliss,  of  New  York,  who  had  been  urged  to  go  on  the  ticket  as  Vice 
President,  but  who  had  absolutely  refused  the  use  of  his  name; 
Governor  Theodore  Roosevelt,  of  New  York,  who  had,  up  to  that 


!mm 


WP** 


498 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 


i 


time,  put  the  same  honor  from  him;  Senator  Wolcott,  of  Colorado, 
who  had  free  silver  leaninRS  in  1894  and  1896,  but  who  stayed  with 
the  party,  in  which  he  was  again  in  full  fellowship;  Senator  J.  B.  For- 
.  aker,  of  Ohio;  Henry  Cabot  Lodge,  of  Massachusetts;  Cushman  K. 
Davis,  of  Minnesota;  Chauncey  M.  Depew,  of  New  York;  Senator  Fair- 
banks, of  Indiana,  who  wtis  also  a  Vice  Presidential  possibility,  and 
not  by  any  means  the  least  observed.  Senator  Mark  Hanna  of  Ohio. 
Mr.  Hanna,  as  chairman  of  the  National  Committee,  called  the 
Convention  to  order,  paid  a  graceful  tribute  to  the  City  of  Philadel-      , 
phia  in  which  it  was  held,  predicted  success  in  the  coming  campaign, 
and  expressed  his  gratitude  for  the  loyal  and  efficient  service  which 
the  National  Committee  rendered  during  the  campaign  four  years      ' 
previous.    He  then  introduced  Senator  Wolcott,  of  Colorado,  as  Tem- 
porary Chairman.      Mr.  Wolcott's  address  was  an  admirable  pre- 
sentation of  the  issues  of  the  coming  campaign.    He  referred  to  the 
destructive  effects  of  four  years  of  Democratic  misrule  upon  the 
industries  and  credit  of  the  country,  and  continued: 

Facing  these  difficulties,  the  President  immediately  ujmn  his 
inauguration  convened  Congress  in  extra  session,  and  in  a  message 
of  force  and  lucidity  summarised  the  legislation  essential  to  our 
National  prosperity. '  The  industrial  history  of  the  United  States  for 
the  past  four  years  is  the  tribute  to  the  wisdom  of  his  judgment.  It 
is  quickly  epitomized.  The  tariff  measure  under  which  we  are  now 
conducting  business  was  preceded  by  an  unusual  volume  of  impor- 
tations based  upon  common  kncjwledge  that  certain  duties  were  to 
be  raised;  the  bill  met  the  popular  demand  that  duties  on  many  of 
the  necessaries  of  life  should  be  lowered  and  not  raised;  advances 
in  invention  and  new  trade  conditions  made  it  unnecessary  and 
unwise  to  revert  to  the  higher  tariff  provisions  of  the  law  of  1890; 
the  increases  in  the  revenue  provisions  were  slight.  Yet,  notwith- 
standing all  these  facts,  tending  to  reduce  income,  the  revenues  from 
the  Dingley  bill  marched  steadily  upwards,  until  soon  our  normal 
income  exceeded  our  normal  expenditure,  and  we  paased  from  a  con- 
dition  of  threatened  insolvency  to  one  of  national  solvency^ 

This  tells  but  a  small  fraction  of  the  story.  Under  the  wise 
provisions  of  our  tariff  laws  and  the  encouragement  afforded  to  cap- 
ital by  a  renewal  of  public  confidence,  trade  commenced  to  revive. 
The  looms  were  no  longer  silent  and  the  mills  deserted;  railway  earn- 
ings increased,  merchants  and  banks  resumed  business,  labor  found 
employment  at  fair  wages,  our  exports  increased,  and  the  sunshine 
of  hope  again  illumined  the  land.  Th-  figures  that  illustrate  the 
growing  prosperity  of  the  four  years  of  Republican  administration 
well  might  stagger  belief.    There  isii't  an  idle  mill  in  the  country 


-■  '^r^ 


of  Colorado, 
stayed  with 
or  J.  B.  For- 
Cushman  K. 
Senator  Fair- 
ssibility,  and 
nna  of  Ohio, 
e,  called  the 
of  Philadel- 
ng  campaign, 
lervice  which 
a  four  years 
•ado,  as  Tern- 
mi  rable  pre- 
ferred to  the 
lie  upon  the 

sly  upon  his 
in  a  message 
jntial  to  our 
:ed  States  for 
judgment.  It 
I  we  are  now 
me  of  impor- 
ities  were  to 
8  on  many  of 
ed;  advances 
ecessary  and 

law  of  1890; 
Yet,  notwith- 
•evenues  from 
n  our  normal 
d  from  a  cou- 
sncyi 

ider  the  wise 
forded  to  cap- 
ped to  revive. 

railway  earn- 
3,  labor  found 

the  sunshine 
illustrate  the 
idministration 
0  the  country 


TWELFTH  REPUBLICAN  CONVENTION. 


today.  The  mortgages  on  western  farms  have  been  paid  by  the  tens 
of  thousands,  and  our  farmers  are  contented  and  prosperous.  Our 
exports  have  reached  enormous  figures;  for  the  last  twelve  months 
onr  exports  of  merchandise  will  exceed  our  imports  by  1550,000,000. 
Our  manufactured  articles  are  finding  a  market  all  over  the  world 
and  in  constantly  increasing  volume.  We  are  rapidly  taking  our 
place  as  one  of  the  great  creditor  nations  of  the  w^orld.  Above  and 
beyond  all,  there  is  no  man  who  labors  with  his  hands,  in  all  onr 
broad  domain,  who  cannot  find  work,  and  the  scale  of  wages  was 
never  in  our  history  as  high  as  now. 

Passing  over,  for  the  moment,  the  events  associated  with  the 
war,  let  me  refer  briefly  to  other  legislation  of  the  past  four  years. 
We  passed  a  National  Bankrupt  Act,  a  measure  rendered  essential 
by  four  years  of  Democratic  rule,  and  under  its  beneficent  provisions 
thousands  of  honest  men  who  were  engulfed  in  disaster  because  of 
the  blight  of  the  Democratic  policy,  are  again  enabled  to  transact 
business  and  share  the  blessings  of  Republican  prosperity. 

Senator  Wolcott  *hen  recounted  the  achievements  of  the  past  four 
years  in  the  annexation  of  the  Hawaiian  Islands,  the  settlement  of 
the  Pacific  Railroad  obligations,  the  passage  of  the  Currency  Act  and 
the  successful  conduct  of  the  Spanish  War;  spoke  about  the  respon- 
sibilities of  the  Nation  in  connection  with  its  new  possessions,  and 
made  a  strong  declaration  in  favor  of  the  retention  of  the  Philippines. 
His  remarks  on  each  one  of  these  topics  were  met  with  approving 
cheers;  but  the  most  enthusiastic  applause  greeted  his  declaration 
in  favor  of  retaining  the  Philippines,  and  the  statement  that  on  the 
money  question  the  East  and  the  West  were  no  longer  divided. 

The  Michigan  delegation  was  composed  as  follows:  At  large- 
Frank  J.  Hecker,  of  Detroit;  Delos  A.  Blodgett,  of  Grand  Rapids; 
William  McPherson,  Jr.,  of  Howell;  William  E.  Parnall,  of  Calumet. 
By  Districts— (1)  William  Livingstone  and  August  Marxhausen,  of 
Detroit;  (2)  Charles  L.  Edwards  of  Carleton,  and  I^eslie  B.  Robertson, 
of  Adrian;  (3)  Edward  N.  Dingley,  of  Kalamazoo,  and  George  E. 
Howes,  of  Battle  Creek;  (4)  George  E.  Bardeen,  of  Otsego,  and  George 
M.  Valentine,  of  Benton  Harbor;  (5)  Henry  Spring  of  Grand  Rapids, 
and  Brinton  F.  Hall,  of  Belding;  (6)  Frederick  W.  Higgins,  of  Wood- 
mere,  and  Russell  C.  Ostrander,  of  Lansing;  (7)  John  E.  Wallace,  of 
Port  Austin,  and  Charles  F.  Moore,  of  St.  Clair;  (8)  Ralph  Loveland, 
of  Saginaw,  and  Harvey  B.  McLaughlin,  of  Vernon;  (9)  A.  Oren 
Wheeler,  of  31anistee,  and  Earl  Fairbanks,  of  Luther;  (10)  Edward 
F.  Land,  of  An  Sable,  and  Victor  D.  Sprague,  of  Cheboygan;  (11)  Ren 
Barker,  of  Reed  City,  and  William  H.  C.  Mitchell,  of  Traverse  City; 


m:  '•'mmmmu 


masssss 


,_•_,  .:a'v'iiif'i«y:I*'' 


500 


HISTORY  OP  THE  REPlIltLICAN  PAKTY 


(12)  Murray  M.  Duncan,  of  Ighpeming,  and  Thomas  F.  Cole,  of  Iron- 
wood. 

William  Livingstone  was  Chairman  and  Brinton  F.  Hall  Hetio- 
tary  of  the  delegation,  and  Convention  ofllcers  and  members  of  com- 
mittees were  as  follows:  Permanent  Organi/.ation,  I^slie  B.  llobert- 
son;  Rules  and  Order  of  Business,  William  McPherson,  jr.;  Creden- 
tials, Russell  C.  Ostrander;  Resolutions,  Edward  N.  Dingley;  to  notify 
Presidential  nominee.  Col.  F.  J.  Hecker;  to  notify  Vice-Presidential 
nominee,  William  E.  Parnall;  member  of  National  Committee,  Williaui 
H.  Elliott. 

An  interesting  incident  of  the  second  day's  proceedings  was  the 
marshaling,  upon  the  platform,  of  fifteen  surviving  members  of  th.; 
Republican  Convention  at  Pittsburg,  February  22,  1856,  one  of  their 
number  bearing  a  tattered  American  flag  which  had  been  presented 
as  a  relic  of  that  occasion.    Senator  Henry  Cabot  Lodge,  of  Massa- 
chusetts, designated  as  Permanent  Chairman  of  the  Convention,  was 
escorted  to  the  platform  by  Governor  Shaw,  of  Iowa,  and  Governor 
Roosevelt,  of  New  York,  amid  great  applause.    Senator  Lodge  gave 
the  Convention  another  good  instalment  of  sound  Republican  doc 
trine  and  encouragement.    He  mentioned  the  chief  incidents  of  Presi- 
dent McKinley's  Administration,  referred  to  other  achievements  of 
the  party,  but  added  that  we  did  not  expect  to  live  upon  the  past. 
The  Republican  party  was  pre-eminently  a  party  of  action,  and  its 
march  was  ever  forward.    He  then  considered  our  duties  with  refer- 
ence to  our  new  possessions  and  to  other  new  problems  that  are 
before  us.    His  reference  to  Hawaii  and  the  presence  of  representa 
tives  of  that  new  acquisition  brought  the  delegates  to  their  feet  in 
a  lusty  greeting  to  the  Hawaiians.     Mr.  Lodge's  reference  to  the 
policy  of  the  Government  toward  Cuba  and  the  Philippines,  brought 
out  frequent  manifestations  of  approval.    His  brilliant  tribute  to  the 
American  soldiers  fighting  in  the  Tropics  closed  with  the  sentence: 
'•They  are  our  soldiers  and  we  will  sustain  them."    In  the  reception 
of  the  speeches  of  both  Senators  Wolcott  and  Lodge,  and  throughout 
the  proceedings  the  Convention  showed  that  the  opposition  war  cry 
of  "Anti-Imperialism"  had  no  terrors  for  a  Republican  body.    The 
day's  proceedings  closed  with  the  reading  of  the  report  of  the  Com- 
mittee on  Resolutions,  which  was  adopted  without  dissent,  as  fol- 
lows: 

The  Republicans  of  the  United  States  through  their  chosen 
representatives,  met  in  National  Convention,  looking  back  upon  an 


Ha 


TWELFTH  RErUBLlCAN  CONVENTION. 


601 


)le,  of  Iron- 
Hall  Hetio- 
jers  of  <'oi\»- 
e  B.  Ilobert- 
jr.;  Cn'deu- 
ey;  to  notify 
Presidential 
tee,  William 

ngs  was  the 
(ibers  of  th.? 
one  of  their 
m  presented 
e,  of  Massa- 
vention,  was 
nd  Governor 
Lodge  gave 
lublican  dot- 
>nt8  of  Presi- 
ievements  of 
ton  the  past, 
tion,  and  its 
s  with  refer- 
>mB  that  are 
f  representa 
their  feet  in 
rence  to  the 
ines,  brought 
ribute  to  tlie 
the  sentence: 
the  reception 
d  throughout 
ition,  war  cry 
a  body.    The 
:  of  the  Coni- 
Bsent,  as  fol- 

their   chosen 
tack  upon  an 


unsurpassed  record  of  acliievenient  and  looking  forward  into  a  great 
Held  of  duty  and  opportunity,  and  appealing  to  the  judgment  of  their 
countrymen,  make  these  declarations: 

The  exjiectation  in  which  the  American  iK?ople,  turning  from 
the  Democratic  party,  entrusted  ]Kiwer  four  years  ago  to  a  Repub- 
lican Chief  Magistrate  and  a  Republican  Congress,  has  been  met  and 
satisfied.  When  the  people  then  assembled  nt  the  polls,  after  a  term 
of  Democratic  legislation  and  administralion,  business  was  dead 
industry  paralyzed  and  the  national  credit  disastrously  impaired. 

The  country's  capital  was  hidden  away  and  its  labor  distressed 
and  unemployed.  The  Democrats  had  no  other  plan  with  which  to 
improve  the  ruinous  conditions,  which  they  had  themselves  prodmed. 
than  to  coin  silver  at  the  ratio  of  10  to  1,  The  Republican  party, 
denouncing  this  plan  as  sure  to  produce  conditions  even  worse  than 
those  from  which  relief  was  sought,  promised  to  restore  prosperity  by 
means  of  two  legislative  measures— a  protective  tariff  and  a  law 
niaking  gold  tlie  stai^dard  of  value.  The  people  by  great  majorities 
issued  to  the  Republican  party  a  commission  to  enact  these  laws. 

This  commission  has  been  executed,  and  the  Republican  promise 
is  redeemed,  Prosperity  ihore  general  and  more  abundant  than  we 
have  ever  known  has  followed  these  enactments.  There  is  no  longer 
controversy  as  to  the  status  of  any  Government  obligations.  Everv 
American  dollar. is  a  gold  dollar  or  its  assured  equivalent,  and  Ameri- 
can credit  stands  higher  than  that  of  any  other  Nation. 

Capital  is  fully  employed  and  labor  everywhere  is  profitably  oi  «u 
pied.  No  single  factor  more  strikingly  tells  the  storv  of  what 
Republican  government  means  to  the  country  than  this— that  during 
the  whole  period  of  107  years  fronj  1790  to  1807  there  was  an  excess 
of  exports  over  imports  of  only  1883,028,407.  Tliere  has  been  in  the 
short  three  years  of  the  present  Republican  Administration  an  excess 
of  exports  over  imports  in  the  enorniAUs  sum  of  |l,483,537,094. 

And  while  the  American  people  sustained  by  this  Republican  leg 
islation  have  been  achieving  these  splendid  triumphs  in  their  business 
and  commerce,  they  have  conducted  and  in  victory  concluded  a  war  for 
liberty  and  human  rights.  No  thought  of  National  aggrandizement 
larnished  the  high  purpose  with  which  American  standards  were 
unfurled. 

It  was  a  war  unsought  and  patiently  resisted,  but  when  it  came  tjie 
American  Government  was  ready.  Its  fleets  were  cleared  for  action. 
Its  armies  were  in  the  field,  and  the  quick  and  signal  triumph  of  its 
forces  on  land  and  sea  bore  equal  tribute  to  the  courage  of  American 
soldiers  and  sailors  and  to  the  skill  and  foresight  of  Republican  states 
manship.  To  ten  millions  of  the  human  race  there  was  given  "a  new 
birth  of  freedom,*'  and  to  the  American  people  a  new  and  nobh-  respon 
sibility. 

We  indorse  the  Administration  of  William  McKiniev.  Its  acts 
have  been  established  in  wisdom  and  in  patriotism,  apd  at  home  and 


¥assi»srsfc;-,rsi*iv-5??is 


■irSStS'-'.'^'V-SWI^l^^^SF-'^  '!'■ 


riT 


602 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 


abroad  it  ban  distinctly  elevated  and  extended  tbe  intluence  of  tbe 
Ameriean  Nation.  Walking  untried  patbH  and  facing  unforeseen 
responHibilities,  President  Mi'Kinley  lias  t^'en  in  every  situation  tbe 
true  American  patriot  and  tbe  uprigbt  sratesuiau,  clear  in  vision, 
strong  in  judgment,  tirm  in  action,  always  inspiring  and  deserving  (be 
confidence  of  bis  countrymen. 

In  asking  tbe  American  people  to  indorse  tliis  Republican  record 
and  party,  we  remind  tbem  of  tbe  fact  tbat  tbe  menace  to  tbeir  pros- 
perity bas  always  resided  in  Democratic  principles  and  no  less  in  tbe 
general  incapacity  of  tbe  Democratic  party  to  conduct  public  affairs. 

The  prime  essential  of  business  pros{)erity  is  public  confidence  in 
tbe  good  sense  of  tbe  Government  and  in  its  ability  to  deal  intelli- 
gently witb  eacb  new  problem  of  administration  and  legislation. 
Tbat  confidence  tbe  Democratic  party  bas  never  earned.  It  is  hope- 
lessly inadequate,  and  the  country's  pros])erity  when  Democratic 
success  at  the  polls  is  announced,  halts  and  ceases  in  mere  anticipa- 
tion of  Democratic  blunders  and  failures. 

We  renew  our  allegiance  to  tbe  principle  of  tbe  gold  standard  and 
declare  our  confidence  in  the  wisdom  of  the  legislation  of  tbe  Fifty- 
sixth  Congress  by  which  the  parity  of  all  our  money  and  the  stability 
of  our  currency  upon  a  gold  basis  has  been  secured.  We  recognize 
that  interest  rates  are  a  potent  factor  in  production  and  business 
activity,  and  for  tbe  purpose  of  further  equalixing  and  of  further  low- 
ering tbe  rate  of  interest,  we  favor  such  monetary  legislation  as  will 
enable  the  varying  needs  of  tbe  season  and  of  all  sections  to  be 
promptly  met  in  order  that  trade  may  be  evenly  sustained,  labor 
steadily  employed,  and  commerce  enlarged.  Tbe  volume  of  money  in 
circulation  was  never  so  great  per  capita  as  it  is  to-day. 

We  declare  our  steadfast  opposition  to  the  free  and  unlimited 
coinage  of  silver.  No  measure  to.  that  end  could  be  considered  which 
was  without  the  support  of  the  leading  commercial  countries  of  the 
world. 

However  firmly  Republican  legislation  may  seem  to  have  secured 
tbe  country  against  the  peril  of  base  and  discredited  currency,  tbe 
election  ot  a  Democratic  President  could  not  fail  to  impair  the 
country's  credit  and  to  bring  once  more  into  question  the  intention  of 
tbe  American  people  td  maintain  upon  tbe  gold  standard  the  parity  of 
tbeir  n^oney  circulation.  The  T)emocratic  party  must  be  convinced 
that  tbe  American  people  will  never  tolerate  tbe  Chicago  platform. 

We  recognize  the  necessity  and  propriety  of  tbe  honest  operation 
of  capital  to  meet  new  businegs  conditions,  and  especially  to  extend 
our  rapidly  increasing  foreign  trade,  but  we  condemn  all  conspiracies 
and  combinations  intended  to  restrict  business,  to  create  monopolies, 
to  limit  production,  or  to  ccmtrol  prices,  and  favor  such  legislation  as 
will  effectively  restrain  and  prevent  all  such  abuses,  protect  and  pro- 
mote competition,  and  secure  tbe  rigbtn  of  producers,  laborers,  and  all 
who  are  engaged  in  industry  and  commerce. 


TWELFTH  RKPl'JILKWN  CONVENTION. 


non 


lence  of  the 
unforeseen 
ituation  the 
ir  in  vision, 
efterving  1  Ih« 

iliean  record 
0  their  proH- 

0  less  in  the 
iiblic  affairs. 
;onfldence  in 

deal  intelli- 
legislation. 
It  is  hope- 
Democratic 

ere  anticipa- 

itandard  and 
of  the  Fifty- 
the  stability 
Ve  recognize 
ind  business 
further  low- 
ation  as  will 
ctions  to  be 
ained,  labor 
of  money  in 

Dd  unlimited 
idered  which 
ntries  of  the 

have  secured 
currency,  the 

1  impair  the 
?:  intention  of 
the  parity  of 
be  convinced 

0  platform, 
est  operation 
illy  to  extend 

1  conspiracies 
s  monopolies, 
legislation  as 
)tect  and  pro- 
torers,  and  all 


We  renew  our  fiiifh  in  flie  poiir.v  of  protcrtion  Ut  .Vuierirun  labor. 
In  that  iM)li«y  «ur  induslrleH  have  Ihvu  cHiabllslied,  diversifled  and 
maintained.  Hy  protecting  the  home  iiuiiket  <'onipi>tition  has  been 
Htimulated  and  production  cheapened. 

Opportunity  to  the  Inventive  genius  of  our  people  has  been  secured 
and  wages  in  every  department  of  labor  maintained  at  high  rates, 
higher  now  than  ever  befor»',  tuid  iiiways  diMtlnguishing  our  working 
people  in  their  Iwtter  condition  of  life  from  those  of  anv  comi»etlntf 
«*ountry.  .  »        » 

Enjoying  the  bleKsings  of  tiie  Ameruan  conanon  school,  secure  In 
the  right  of  seif-government,  iind  jtrotected  in  the  occupancy  of  their 
own  marketR,  their  constantly  in<  reaHing  knowUnlge  and  skill  have 
enabled  them  finally  (o  enter  the  markets  of  the  world. 

We  favor  the  asHociated  policy  of  reciprocity,  ho  directed  as  to 
open  our  nmrkets  on  favorable  terms  for  what  we  do  not  ourselves 
produce  in  return  for  free  foreign  nmrkets. 

In  the  further  Interest  of  Am<>rlcan  workmen  we  favor  a  more 
effective  restru  lion  of  the  Immigration  of  cheap  labor  from  foreign 
lands,  the  extension  of  ojiportunities  of  education  for  working  chil 
dren,  the  raising  of  the  age  limit  for  child  labor,  the  protetlion  of  free 
labor  as  against  contract  «-onvict  labor,  and  an  effective  svstem  of 
labor  insurance. 

Our  present  dep(>ndence  on  foreign  shipping  for  nine-tenths  of  our 
foreign  carrying  is  a  great  loss  to  the  iixlustry  of  this  country.  It  is 
also  a  serious  danger  to  our  trade,  for  its  sudden  withdrawal  in  the 
event  of  European  war  would  seriously  cripple  <nir  expanding  foreign 
commerce.  The  national  defense  and  naval  efflciencv  of  this  countrv 
moreover,  supply  a  comiielling  reas<m  for  legislation  which  will  enable 
us  to  recover  our  former  |ilace  aumrig  the  trade  carrving  fleets  of  the 
world. 

The  nation  owes  a  d«tbt  of  profound  gratitude  to  the  soldiers  and 
sailors  who  have  fought  its  battles,  and  it  is  the  government's  duty 
to  provide  for  the  survivors  and  for  the  widows  and  orphans  of  those 
who  have  fallen  in  the  country's  wars. 

The  pension  laws,  founded  on  this  just  sentiment,  should  be  lib- 
eral,, and  should  be  liberally  administered,  and  preference  should  be 
given  wherever  practicable  with  respect  to  emplovment  in  the  public 
service  to  soldiers  and  sailors  and  to  their  widows  and  orphans. 

We  commend  the  policy  of  the  Republican  party  in  maintaining 
the  efficiency  of  the  civil  service.  The  Administration  has  acted 
wisely  in  its  eflorts  to  secure  for  public  service  in  Cuba,  Porto  Rico 
Hawaii  and  the  rhilippine  Islands  only  those  whose  fitness  has  been 
determined  by  training  and  exi)erience.  We  believe  that  employment 
in  the  public  service  in  these  territories  should  be  confined  as  far  as 
practicable  to  their  inhabitants. 

It  was  the  plain  purpose  of  the  Fifteenth  Amendment  to  the  Con 
stitution  to  prevent  discrimination  on  account  of  race  or  color  in 


1-r 


54)4 


HIHTORY  OF  THK  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 


regafd  to  the  elective  franthiBe.  Devhes  of  State  GoverninentH, 
whether  by  stalutor.v  or  Constitutional  enactment,  to  avoid  the 
purpose  ol  this  amendment  are  revolutionary  and  should  be  con- 
demned. 

Public  movements  looking  to  a  permanent  improvement  of  the 
roads  and  highways  of  the  country  meet  with  our  cordial  approval, 
and  we  recommend  this  subject  to  the  earnest  consideration  of  the 
people  and  of  the  legislatures  of  the  several  states. 

We  favor  the  extension  of  the  rural  free  delivery  servii-e  wherever 
its  extension  may  be  justified. 

In  further  pursuance  of  the  constant  policy  of  the  Republican 
party  to  provide  free  homes  on  the  public  domain,  we  recommend 
adequate  National  legislation  to  reclaim  the  arid  lands  of  the  United 
States,  reserving  control  of  the  distribution  of  water  for  irrigation  to 
the  respective  states  and  territories. 

We  favor  home  rule  for  and  the  early  admission  to  Statehood  of 
the  Territories  of  New  Mexico,  Arizona  and  Oklahoma. 

The  Dingley  Act,  amended  to  provide  sufflcient  revenue  for  the 
conduct  of  the  war,  has  so  well  i)erformed  its  work  that  it  has  been 
possible  to  reduce  the  war  debt  in  the  sum  of  f40,(M)0,0()0.  So  ample 
are  the  Government's  revenues  and  so  great  is  the  public  confidence 
in  the  integrity  <»f  its  obligations  that  its  newly  funded  2  per  cent, 
bonds  sell  at  a  premium.  The  country  is  now  justified  in  expecting 
that  it  will  be  the  policy  of  the  Republican  party  to  bring  about  a 
reduction  of  the  war  taxes. 

We  favor  the  construction,  ownership,  control  and  protection  of 
an  Isthmian  canal  by  the  Government  of  the  United  States. 

New  markets  are  necessary  for  the  increasing  surplus  of  our  farm 
products.  Every  effort  should  be  made  to  open  and  obtain  new 
markets,  especially  in  the  Orient,  and  the  Administration  is  warmly 
to  be  commended  for  its  successful  effort  to  commit  all  trading  and 
colonizing  nations  to  the  policy  of  the  open  door  in  China.  In  the 
interest  of  our  expanding  commerce  we  recommend  that  Congress 
create  a  Department  of  Commerce  and  Industries  in  the  charge  of  a 
Secretary  with  a  seat  in  the  Cabinet.  The  United  States  Consular 
system  should  be  reorganized  unde»  the  supervision  of  this  new 
department  upon  such  a  basis  of  appointment  and  tenure  as  will 
render  it  still  more  serviceable  to  the  Nation's  increasing  trade. 

The  American  Government  must  protect  the  person  and  property 
of  every  citizen  whenever  they  are  wrongfully  placed  in  peril. 

We  congratulate  the  women  of  America  upon  their  splendid 
record  t)f  public  service  in  the  Volunteer  Aid  Association,  and  as 
nurses  in  camp  and  hospital  during  the  recent  campaigns  of  our 
armies  in  the  Eastern  and  Western  Indies,  and  we  appreciate  their 
faithful  co-operation  in  all  works  of  education  and  industry. 

President  McKinley  has  conducted  the  foreign  affairs  of  the 
United    States  with    distinguished  credit  to  American    people.     In 


m 


Jovernmentt, 
to  avoid  th«' 
ould   be  ooii- 

ement  of  th«> 
lial  approval, 
Tation  of  the 

vi<-e  wherever 


(  ( 


le  Republican 
e  recommend 
of  the  United 
r  irrigation  to     1 1 

Btateliood  of 

venue  for  the 
it  it  has  been 
IK).  Ho  ample 
►lie  confidence 
»d  2  per  cent. 

I  in  exi)ecting 
bring  about  n 

protection  of 
tes. 

ag  of  our  farm 
i  obtain  new 
ion  i8  warmly 

II  trading  and 
:;hina.  In  the 
that  Congress 
le  charge  of  u 
:ate8  Consular 
1  of  this  new 
enure  as  will 
ig  trade. 

1  and  property    ' 
<  peril. 

their  splendid 
;iation,  and  as 
paigns  of  our 
jpreciate  their 
istry. 

affairs  of  the 
in    people.     In 


TWELFTH  UEPUHLICAX  CONVENTION. 


506 


releasing  us  from  the  vexatious  conditlonii  of  a  European  alliance  for 
the  Oovernment  of  Kamoa  his  course  is  esiM^cially  to  be  commende<l. 
By  securing  to  our  undivided  ctiutrol  the  most  important  island  of  the 
Hamoan  group  and  the  best  harbor  in  the  Houthern  I'aciHc,  every 
American  interest  hafc  been  safeguarded.  We  approve  the  annexution 
of  the  Hawaiian  Islands  to  the  United  States. 

We  commend  the  part  taken  by  our  government  in  the  l*ea<'0 
Conference  at  The  Hague. 

We  assert  our  steadfast  adherence  to  the  |M)licy  announ<-e<l  in  the 
Monroe  Doctrine.  The  provisions  of  The  Hague  Convention  were 
wisely  regarded  when  President  McKinley  tendered  lis  friendly 
offices  in  the  interest  of  peace  between  Great  Uritain  and  the  South 
African  Republics. 

While  the  American  Government  must  ctrntinue  the  policy  pre- 
scribed by  Washington,  affirmed  by  every  8U<*cee<ling  I'rcHldent.  and 
imposed  upon  us  by  The  Hague  treaty,  of  non-intervention  in  Euro- 
pean controversies,  the  American  people  earnestly  luqie  that  a  way 
may  soon  be  found,  honorable  alike  to  both  cont(>nding  parties,  to 
terminate  the  strife  between  them. 

In  accepting,  by  the  treaty  of  Paris,  the  just  responsibility  of  our 
victories  in  the  Spanish  war,  the  President  and  the  Senate  won  the 
undoubted  approval  of  the  American  people.  No  other  course  was 
possible  than  to  destroy  Spain's  sovereignty  throughout  the  Western 
Indies  and  in  the  Philippine  Islands.  The  i-ourse  creat«>d  our  respon 
sibility  before  the  world,  and  with  tlie  unorganized  population  whiHu 
our  intervention  had  freed  from  Spain,  to  provide  for  the  mainte- 
nance of  law  and  order,  and  for  the  establishment  of  good  government 
and  for  the  perfonnance  of  international  obligations.  Our  authority 
could  not  be  less  than  our  responsibility,  and  wherever  sovereign 
rights  were  extended  it  became  the  high  duty  of  the  government  to 
maintain  its  authority,  to  put  down  armed  insurrection,  and  to  confer 
the  blessings  of  liberty  and  civilization  u)N>n  all  the  rescued  people. 
The  largest  measure  of  self-government  consistent  with  their  welfare 
»nd  our  duties  shall  be  secured  to  them  by  law. 

To  Cuba,  independence  and  self-government  were  assured  in  the 
same  voice  by  which  war  was  declared,  and  to  the  letter  this  pledge 
shall  be  performed. 

The  Republican  party,  upon  its  history  and  upon  this  declaration 
of  its  principles  and  policies,  confidently  invokes  the  considerate  and 
approving  judgment  of  the  American  people. 

Although  the  renomjnation  of  President  McKinley  was  predeter- 
mined, and  its  effect  on  the  Convention  to  some  extent  discounted, 
yet  the  event  added  much  of  interest  and  enthusiasm  to  the  third 
day's  proceedings.  The  nominating  speech  by  Senator  Foraker,  of 
Ohio,  was  given  wHh  a  vigor,  eloquence  and  magnetism  characteristic 


.^fSMimunsmm 


mmumtmrnmmimtm,' 


IIIHTORY  OF  THK  HKinillLK'AN  I'AKTV. 


of  the  man.  HIh  revi<>w  of  the  luliioveiiientH  of  Miif  M<Kiiil(>y  Admin- 
istration  wam  brilliHiit  and  epiKi-Huiniatir.  When  li«*  rt'fcm'd  to  tht> 
pasMage  of  t)i(>  financial  legislation  during  tlie  laHt  leMsion  of  ('ongreM, 
upon  thp  rtM-oninu'ndatiou  of  tli#»  I'reiildent,  the  <'onv(>nti<tn  chitTcd 
the  wntinient  en(himiaiiticall.y.  His  reference  to  the  great  leader  of 
the  part.v,  the  HiicceHHeH  already  achieved  by  him  and  the  grave 
re8pon8ibiliti<'H  now  being  carried  forward  by  him,  caused  frequent 
and  long-conlinued  applause.  Uut  it  remained  for  his  closing  sen- 
tence, iui-  the  first  time  mentioning  William  McKinley  by  name  as  the 
nominee,  to  electrify  the  great  multitude.  Kveryone  stood  and  waved 
and  yelled.  Htate  standards  were  wren<'hed  from  their  places  and 
borne  aloft  with  umbrellas,  great  plumes  of  nd,  white  and  blue,  a 
perfect  tempestuous  sea  of  color.  Henator  Ilanna  sprang  to  the  front 
of  the  stage,  a  flag  in  (»ne  hand  and  a  plume  in  the  other,  and  led  in 
the  tremendous  demonstration.  Not  content  with  their  frenzied  hur- 
rahs on  the  floor,  the  delegates  now  man^hed  in  solid  ranks  upon  the 
platform,  with  staiulards,  plumes,  banners  and  flags.  After  the 
demonstration  hti«!  continued  seven  minutes,  the  Ohio  delegation, 
where  centered  the  waves  of  sound,  moved  up  the  aisle,  while  all  the 
other  State  delegations,  bearing  aloft  their  standards,  formed  in  a 
grand  procession  about  the  ball. 

When  Governor  Roosevelt,  of  New  York,  rose  to  second  the  nom- 
ination of  McKinley  there  was  another  tremendous  demonstration,  as 
much  perhaps  for  the  speaker,  as  foi-  the  man  whom  he  supported. 
The  Governor  made  a  very  taking  speech,  uhIii^^  many  short,  terse 
sentences,  especially  in  describing  the  I)emocrati<'  attitude  toward 
public  events.  He  made  an  espe<ially  strong  appeal  to  the  Gold 
Democrats,  and  one  of  his  best  appreciated  hits  was  that  at  the  New- 
York  Ice  Trust,  as  follows:  "Until  our  opponents  have  explicitly 
and  absolutely  repudiated  the  principles  wliii  li  in  '!>6  they  professed, 
and  the  leadecs  who  embody  these  principles,  their  success  meanis 
the  undoing  of  the  country.  Nor  have  they  any  longer  even  the 
excuse  of  being  honest  in  their  folly.  They  have  raved,  they  have 
foamed  at  the  mouth  in  denunciation  of  trusts,  and  now,  in  my  own 
State,  their  foremost  party  leaders,  including  the  man  before  whont 
the  others  bow  with  bared  heads  and  trembling  knee,  have  been  dis- 
covered in  a  trust  which  really  is  of  infamous,  and,  perhaps,  of  crim- 
inal character;  a  trust  in  which  these  aj^stles  of  Democracy,  these 
prophets  of  the  new  dispensation,  have  sought  to  wring  fortunes 
from  the  dire  need  of  their  poorer  brethren."    In  conclusion.  Governor 


V.     "  '■  '^    ■■■ 

Iviiiloy  Admln- 
»»f<'rn*«l  to  tln! 
n  of  <  'ongreHM, 
•ntUm  chitTed 
reat  leader  of 
iid  the  grave 
used  frequent 
H  cloHing  seii- 
y  name  m  the 
►od  and  waved 
>ir  places  and 
e  und  blue,  a 
ig  to  the  front 
er,  and  led  in 
'  frenzied  hnr- 
itnkM  upon  the 
H.  After  the 
io  delegation, 
,  while  all  the 
,  formed  in  a 

cond  the  nom- 
onstration,  a» 
he  supported, 
y  short,  terse 
titude  toward 
to  the  Gold 
at  at  the  New 
ave  explicitly 
liey  professed. 
uc<'es8  nieanh 
iger  even  the 
ed,  they  have 
w,  in  my  own 
before  whom 
lave  been  dis- 
haps,  of  crini- 
locracy,  these 
ring  fortunes 
lion.  Governor 


^ 


TWKLFTM   UKIMIILICAN  TOW  KNTION. 


507 


Koosevelt  declared  the  Hepublican  party  and  the  American  |M'ople 
<hallenged  the  future  and  they  were  eager  for  the  labor  lahl  out  for 
I  hem  as  if  by  Providence.  The  closing  words  of  the  Governor  brought 
another  demonstration,  and  for  a  minute  it  seemed  that  the  ('on- 
vention  would  at  once  uuike  two  nominaticms  instead  of  one.  I'lumes 
went  up  und  standards  again  left  their  sockets  to  be  wave<l  (»n  high. 
.Xs  the  Governor  left  the  platform  he  waved  a  salutation  to  the 
moving  throngs  and  one  in  particular  toward  the  radiant  face  of  his 
wife,  sitting  Just  outside  the  area  of  delegates. 

The  nomination  of  McKiuley  was  further  supported  by  Henator 
John  M.  Thurston,  of  Nebraska;  J(»hn  W.  Yerkes,  of  Kentucky; 
George  Knight,  of  Illinois,  and  Governor  J.inu>s  A.  Mount,  of  Indiana 
The  roll  of  states  was  then  (aflcd,  the  vesult  being  930,  a  unanimous 
vote  for  11c.'<iuley.  v>n  ihe  Hi  moi:  i  .Mnent  there  was  another  burs! 
of  applau»f'.  with  «,  6iVy)H}'  o,  plutva  m  and  standards.  The  huge  form 
of  an  elephant  •»  i  ))nuii"'»t  vlu  iiie  hall.  Around  its  neck  were 
entwined  garlands  of  'd.t.i'e.'t>.  ijaiighter  and  applause  were  mingled 
as  the  great  embleri  v.n'-.  V.orn--  about.  Tin'  denn  oust  ration  in  honor 
of  the  Tresidt  hts  n»  uiuati'-n  ii  sted  J"»  ra'^ntes,  and  then  the  Chair- 
num  called  for  tlu'  r<^?vv^il}'tioa  oi  buBtii«:.s. 

The  mai<MM'  in  y<l\uh  ']\'  nounyn.iU>u  for  Vitt;  i^resident  came 
about  was  ..lUnethiti't  rtui4Ue  in  tin»  hii^lory  o'  'i.o.uvi'r.'lons.  Early 
in  the  year  pubiir  stnt'o fc*  turw^'d  tti^'itrd  Goveaoi  Theodore 
Roosevelt,  of  New  YorV.,  ■>«  ilu  gtrm.arii^p*:  jsiara  ?or  tlie  ptace,  but, he 
positively  forbade  ♦he  nuf*  of  )iiw  iseme,  iud  a  l.'.rgc  flru  ■r-':-  if  others 
were  mentioned  as  tiuilaiDlt  ■xMW.utf'B,  fee  fo!lt>i«.irit/;  tMiong  them: 
Secretary  of  the  Navy  John  0.  Lonic,  o"  M»»s«?t'h  fH,»tt?i;  Ex-Secretary 
of  the  Navy  Go  ncli'ia  N.  HVlm,  jvieiiteni  nt  Gove^  nvu*  Timothy  L. 
Woodruff,  and  StJile  ('hft  m.  n  P..  B,  Odell.  >ri'  :\ew  York;  Senator 
C.  W.  Fairbanks,  of  Iniviaji;  tit-nfttoi.'  VV.  n.  A-Iltucr.  Hcpresentative 
DoUiver  and  Governoi  Shaw,  olf  hywur.  (tovK'rvot  Hchofleld,  of  Wis- 
connin;  Representative  Jeter  C.  i^'tcanA,  ■•:''  N'jrth  Carolina;  Ex- 
Senator  Washburn,  of  Mionesote ;  Sena'^v  E  ().  Wolcott,  of  Colorado, 
and  Irving  M.  u'ot.,  ol  OA!>rvnia.  Oi  fiew'  Ex-Secretary  Bliss  who 
was  suppoRdl  t^s  bft  liifc  fovoriiv;  of  the  i  i  dministration,  and  Senator 
Allison  abso  utelj  iiciriied  ti>  bo  onsidered  candidates.  Lieutenant 
Governor  Woeui-^iil  ftnL  .H.  ^\.  Jdell  were,  it  was  understood  only 
tentative  *a'!i«'5ite«,  p«^  f  >rward  by  the  New  York  leaders  to  keep 
their  de^igatior.  iogether.  Some  of  the  other  candidates  were  not 
tal'n  very  seriously  and  when  the  Convention  opened  the  contest 


KtWa 


«r-i-'TBafiitg,iinriu-aBaiOTiiriiiiiiMiiiir  tta 


608 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REPTIBLICAN  PARTY. 


hjid  apparently  narrowed  down  to  Secretary  Long  and  Congresgman 
Dolliver,  with  the*  Administration  influence  in  favor  of  Long.  A 
caucus  of  the  Michigan  delegation  on  the  morning  of  the  20th  showed 
13  votes  for  Dolliver,  9  for  Long,  1  for  Roosevelt  and  1  for  Scott,  with 
four  not  voting.  But  early  in  the  Convention  T.  C.  Piatt,  of  New 
York,  and  Ex-Senator  Quay,  of  Pennsylvania,  commenced  an  agitation 
which  they  kept  up  continually  in  favor  of  Roosevelt.  The  motive 
assigned  to  Piatt  was  to  get  Roosevelt  out  of  New  York  politics, 
while  Quay  was  credited  with  the  purpose  to  annoy  President  Mc- 

Kinley  and  Chairman 
Hanna  by  sidetracking 
the  candidate  whom 
they  favored.  What- 
ever the  motive,  the 
Roosevelt  seed  which 
they  sowed  fell  upon 
congenial  8oi|,  and  soon 
began  to  bear  fruit. 
Roosevelt,  who  unques- 
tionably preferred  to 
run  for  another  term  as 
(Jovernor  of  New  York,' 
remonstrated  and  pro- 
tested, but  the  current 
continued  to  set 
strongly  in  his  favor. 
Whenever  he  appeared 
in  the  Convention  he 
was  greeted  with  ap- 
plause, and  influential 
THEODORE  B008KVELT.  ^en  of  the  party  urged 

him  to  forego  his  individual  preference.  When  the  day  for  making 
nominations  came  it  was  evident  that  the  Convention  would  not  take 
no  for  an  answer,  and  the  Governor  reluctantly  consented. 

When  the  order  of  nominations  for  Vice-President  was  reached 
Colonel  Lafe  Young,  of  Iowa,  in  behalf  o'f  the  delegation  from  that 
State,  withdrew  the  name  of  Jonathan  P.  Dolliver,  and  in  an  eloquent 
speech  nominated  Governor  Roosevelt.  The  demonstration  which 
followed  the  announcement  by  Coloiiel  Young  of  Governor  Roosevelt 
as  the  candidate  of  the  young  men  of  the  country,  who  represented 


( I 


mmmmm 


\  •  %■-. 


w^'. 


\  ■ 


fS** 


\ 


TWELFTH  KKl'UBLICAN  ( HJN  VENTION. 


509 


Congressman 

of  Long.  A 
e  20th  showed 
for  Scott,  with 
Piatt,  of  New 
1  an  agitation 
.  The  motive; 
York  politics. 
President  Me- 
nd Chairman 
f  sidetracking 
lidate  whom 
ored.     What- 

motive,  the 
t  seed  which 
ed  fell  upon 
soi|,  and  soon 
I  bear  fruit. 
,  who  unques- 
preferred  to 
lother  term  as 
of  New  York, 
ited  and  pro- 
it  the  current 
led  to  set 
In  his  favor. 

he  appeared 
onyeiition  he 
ted  with  ap- 
id  influential 
i  party  urged 
y  for  making 
ould  not  take 
d. 

was  reached 
on  from  that 
n  an  eloquent 
ration  which 
nor  Roosevelt 
i  represented 


their  desires  and  their  ambitions  and  embodied  tlieir  jjatriotism  and 
Americanism,  was  not  second  to  that  accorded  the  I'lesident's  name. 
The  vast  assemblage  sprang  to  its  feet  and  State  emblems,  pampas 
plumes,  handkerchiefs  and  liats  fairly  filled  the  air.  The  band  in 
the  main  gallery  began  to  play  "There'll  lie  a  Hot  Time  in  the  Old 
Town  Tonight,"  and  to  the  inspiring  strains  the  delegates  began 
marching  around  the  hall,  filing  past  Governor  Roosevelt  as  he  sat 
in  the  New  York  delegation  and  extending  to  hiui  their  congratula- 
tions. In  the  procession  of  standards  after  the  nomination  of 
Roosevelt  was  one  of  the  women  delegates  from  I'tah,  who  presented 
him  with  a  big  bunch  of  roses,  for  which  Governor  Roosevelt  returned 
a  profound  bow.  Several  of  the  Kansas  delegates  removed  their 
beautiful  silk  sunflower  badges  and  threw  them  upon  Governor 
Roosevelt  during  the  march  of  the  telegates.  The  demonstration 
lasted  nearly  seven  minutes,  when  the  Chairman  with  difficulty 
restored  order  and  recognized  Butler  Murray  of  Massachusetts  for 
a  speech  seconding  the  nomination  of  Roosevelt.  He  spoke  in  behalf 
of  "old  New  England,"  and  elicited  another  demonstration'  for  the 
rough  rider  candidate.  An  additional  second  was  made  by  General 
James  M.  Ashton,  pf  Washington,  when  loud  calts  arose  for  "Depew!" 
Response  was  made  by  Senator  Chauncey  M.  Depew,  of  New  York, 
who  rounded  out  the  speech-making  of  the  Convention  by  ah  eloquent 
and  witty  address.  In  the  course  of  his  remarks  he  gave  the  follow- 
ing incidents  of  Colonel  Roosevelt's  career: 
/• 

We  call  him  Teddy.  He  was  the  child  of  New  York  City,  the 
place  that  you,  gentlemen  from  the  West,  think  means  "coupons, 
clubs,  and  eternal  damnation  for  every  one."  Teddy — this  child  of 
Fifth  avenue,  he  was  the  child  of  the  clubs';  he  was  the 
child  of  the  exclusiveness  of  Harvard  College;  and  he  went 
West  and  became  a  cowboy  and  then  he  went  into  the  Navy 
Department  and  became  an  Assistant  Secretary.  He  gave  an 
order,  and  the  old  chiefs  of  bureaus  came  to  him  and  said :  "Why, 
('olonel,  there  is  no  authority  and  no  requisition  to  burn  this  pow 
der."  "Well,"  said  the  Colonel,  "we  have  got  to  get  ready  when  war 
comes,  and  powder  was  manufactured  to  be  burned."  And  the  burn 
ing  of  that  powder  sunk  Cer^era's  fleet  outside  of  Santiago's  harbor, 
and  the  fleet  in  Manila  bay. 

At  Santiago  a  modest  voice  was  lieard,  exceedingly  polite, 
addressing  a  militia  regiment,  lying  upon  the  ground,  while  Spanish 
bullets  were  flying  over  them.  This  voice  said:  "Get  one  side,  gen- 
tlemen, please;  one  side,  gentlemen,  please,  that  my  men  can  get  out." 
And  when  this  polite  map  got  his  men  out  in  the  open  where  they 


kHili 


t  -.  j^S«»i,-,  }l  -j^jf  if 


610 


HISTORY  OP  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 


could  ftce  the  bayonet,  and  face  the  bullet,  there  wan  a  transforma- 
tion, and  the  trangformation  was  that  the  dude  had  become  a  cowboy, 
the  cowboy  had  become  a  soldier,  the  soldier  had  become  a  hero,  and, 
rushing  up  the  hill,  pistol  in  hand,  the  polite  man  shouted  to  the 
militiamen,  lying  down:    "Give  them  hell,  boys!    Give  them  hell!" 

Senator  Depew  also  told,  amidst  great  laughter  and  applause,  a 
couple  of  stories,  of  which  this  is  one: 

There  was  a  lady  with  her  husband  in  Florida  last  winter,  he 
was  a  consumptive,  and  she  a  strenuous  and  tumultuous  woman.  Her 
one  remark  was,  as  they  sat  on  the  piazza:  "Stop  coughing,  John." 
John  had  a  hemorrhage.  The  doctor  said  he  must  stay  in  bed  six 
weeks.  His  tumultuous  wife  said:  "Doctor,  it  is  impossible.  We 
are  traveling  on  a  time-li~Jiited  ticket  and  we  have  got  several  more 
places  to  go  to."  So  she  carried  him  off.  The  next  station  they  got 
to  the  poor  man  died,  and  the  sympathetic  hotel  proprietor  said: 
"Poor  madam!  What  shall  we  do?"  She  said:  "Box  him  up.  I  have 
got  a  time-limited  ticket  and  several  more  places  to  go  to." 

Now,  we  buried  16  to  1  in  1896.  We  put  a  monument  over  it 
weighing  as  many  tons  as  the  Sierra  Nevadas  when  gold  was  put 
into  the  statutes  by  a  Republican  Congress  and  the  signature  of 
William  McKinley.  Colonel  Bryrn  has  been  a  body  snatcher.  He 
has  got  the  corpse  from  under  the  monument,  but  it  is  dead.  He 
has  got  it  in  its  coffin,  carrying  it  along,  as  did  the  bereaved  widow, 
because  he  says :  "I  nipst.  I  must.  I  am  wedded  to  this  body  of  sin 
and  death.  I  must.  1  must.  Because  I  have  a  time-limited  ticket 
which  expires  in  November." 

Senator  J)epew's  remarks  were  followed  by  tumultuous  applause 
and  calls  for  "Roosevelt!"  "Teddj  . '  "Roosevelt!"  the  roll  of  states 
was  called,  announcement  was  made  that  the  vote  was  unanimous, 
925  for  Roosevelt,  and  with  another  burst  of  applause  the  serious 
work  of  the  Convention  ended. 


i  a  trangforma- 
come  a  eowboy, 
tne  a  hero,  and, 
shouted  to  the 
B  them  hell!" 

ind  applause,  a 

last  winter,  he 
s  woman.  Her 
tughing,  John/' 
itay  in  bed  six 
npossible.  We 
»t  several  more 
tat  ion  they  got 
roprietor  said: 
lim  up.    I  have 

0  to." 
aument  over  it 

1  gold  was  put 
e  signature  of 

snatcher.  He 
t  is  dead.  He 
?reaved  widow, 
his  body  of  gin 
e-limited  ticket 


tuous  applause 
i  roll  of  states 
ras  unanimous, 
ise  the  serious 


I ; 


W9 


f..     V,  .  i,V.,..:  XXXIX.  . 

-  THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1900. 

Bryan's  Supremacy  in  the  Democratic  Convention— He  Is  Absolute 
Dictator  in  Respect  to  the  Platform— He  Is  the  Candidate,  Also, 
of  the  Populists  and  Hilver  Republicans— Adlai  E.  Stevenson 
and  Charles  A.  Towne  Nominated  for  Vice  President — The  Lat- 
ter Reluctantly  Withdraws— The  Letters  of  Acceptance— Ani- 
mated but  One-Sided  Campaign— The  Imperialist  Cry— Division 
of  the  Gold  Democrats — A  Decisive  Victory  for  the  Republican 
Ticket. 

The  Democratic  National  Convention  which  met  in  Kansas  City, 
July  4,  1900,  presented  the  remarkable  spectacle  of  a  great  party 
with  only  one  candidate  considered  available  for  the  Presidency,  and 
absolutely  dominated,  as  to  its  platform,  by  that  candidate.  William 
Jennings  Bryan,  of  Lincoln,  Nebraska,  had  already  been  nominated 
for  President  at  a  National  Convention  of  Populists,  held  at  Sioux 
Falls,  Iowa.  It  was  understood  that  he  was  entirely  acceptable  to 
the  Silver  Republicans  who  were  to  meet  in  Kansas  City  at  the  same 
time  that  the  Democratic  Convention  was  held,  and  a  large  number 
of  the  State  Conventions  of  the  latter  party  had  given  him  their 
indorsement.  His  nomination  by  acclamation  was  assured  before 
the  Convention  met. 

About  the  platform,  however,  there  were  two  antagonistic  opin- 
ions. The  Democratic  leaders  and  a  large  majority  of  the  delegates 
favored,  when  they  left  home,  the  singing  of  the  silver  song  in  minor 
licy.  It  was  argued  that  Bryan,  himself,  stood  sufficiently  for  the 
free  coinage  of  silver  at  the  ratio  of  16  to  1,  and  that  it  was  not 
necesssary  to  make  thlit  prominent  in  the  platform;  that  a  reasser- 
tion  of  that  doctrine  would  further  alienate  the  Gold  Democrats 
who  bolted  the  ticket  four  years  earlier  and  that  a  much  stronger 
fight  could  be  made  on  an  anti-imperialist,  anti-trust  platform.  The 
believers  in  this  theory  advocated  a  simple  reaffirmation  of  the  Chi 


IMUiiii 


tgHimmmmmmmiim 


ifi'S^#!MiaS*lsiLji±2::iifel 


'■     S-     ' 


612 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 


cago  platform  of  1896,  without  speeiflc  mention  of  free  coinage,  or 
the  16  to  1  ratio.  On  the  other  hand  it  was  argued  that  the  Popalisi 
and  Free  Bilver  Republican  alliance  turned  more  upon  this  question 
than  upon  any  other,  and  that  if  the  platform  was  not  explicit  upon 
this  subject,  there  would  be  a  loss  of  votes  from  those  allies;  that 
the  Gold  Democrats  were  traitors  anyway,  having  bolted  four  years" 
ago  and  that  the  party  ought  not  to  sacrilice  its  convictions,  beliefs 
nor  policies  in  the  hope  of  coaxing  them  back  again. 

This  difference  of  opinion  was  a  matter  of  serious  discussion  for 
some  days  before  the  Convention  met,  and  there  was  much  speculation 
as  to  what  Bryan's  wishes  in  the  premises  were.  At  last  it  was  given 
out  by  men  very  close  to  him  that  he  would  have  been  content  in  the 
first  place,  with  a  simple  reaffirmation  of  the  Chicago  platform,  but 
that  the  Easter :  Democrats,  some  of  whom  had  just  crawled  back 
into  the  party,  had  already  given  the  Silver  question  such  prominence 
in  their  discussions,  that  nothing  short  of  a  definite  declaration  on 
the  subject  would  answer.  This  was  not  accepted  as  final,  and  the 
ultimate  belief  was  that  Bryan  could  have  his  own.  way  in  the  matter, 
but  that  he  must  say  positively  what  he  wanted.  If  he  did  this  the 
Convention,  however  reluctantly,  wo.uld  accede  to  his  wishes,  and  he 
must  take  the  responsibility  for  the  results. 

Of  the  wishes  of  the  Free  Silver  Republicans  Senator  Teller,  of 
Colorado,  left  no  doubt,  and  he  was  better  entitled  to  speak  for  them 
than  anj  other  person.  He  said  the  demand  for  a  simple  reaffirma- 
tion of  the  Chicago  platform  without  other  reference  to  the  financial 
question  came  from  the  Go'd  Democrats  who  did  not  support  Bryan 
in  1890,  and  it  was  doubtful  whether  some  who  insist  upon  the  j)ursu- 
ance  of  this  course  would  support  him  in  1900.  In  many  of  the  states 
west  of  the  Alleghenies  there  were  thousands  of  voters  who  would 
support  Bryan  and  the  Democratic  party  on  account  of  their  position 
on  the  financial  question.  These  people  believed  in  the  free  coinage 
of  silver  at  the  ratio  of  16  to  1,  and  they  would  regard  a  simple  reaf- 
firmation of  the  Chicago  declaration  as  an  attempt  to  minimize  the 
Silver  question.  They  would  not  believe  that  such  an  omission  was 
insisted  upon  by  the  Gold  Standard  Democrats  for  any  other  purpose 
than  to  make  it  appear  that  the  contention  for  free  silver  coinage  at 
16  to  1  had  been  abandoned  by  the  Democratic  party. 

It  was  with  the  whole  matter,  to  a  certain  extent,  in  the  air, 
that  the  Convention  met  at  noon  on  the  4th  of  July.  The  purpose 
had  been  expressed  by  many  of  the  leaders  to  push  business  along  so 


'•   \ 


'<^, 


THE  CAMPAIGN  OP  1900. 


•ee  coinage,  or 
it  the  Popalisl 
1  this  question 
t  explicit  upon 
•He  allies;  that 
ted  four  years' 
iotions,  beliefs 

discussion  for 

ich  speculation 

ist  it  was  given 

content  in  the 

platform,  but 

crawled  back 

ich  prominence 

declaration  on 

final,  and  the 

in  the  matter, 

le  did  this  the 

wishes,  and  he 

lator  Teller,  of 
ipeak  for  them 
ople  reaflSrma- 

0  the  financial 
support  Bryan 
pon  the  pursu- 
y  of  the  states 
(rs  who  would 

their  position 
le  free  coinage 
a  simple  reaf- 

1  minimize  the 
omission  was 
other  purpose 

ver  coinage  at 

nt,  in  the  air. 

The  purpose 

liness  along  so 


that  they  could  celebrate  Independence  Day  by  nominating  Bryan  and 
adopting  the  platform.  But  no  such  blue  fire  and  sky  rocket  method 
proved  feasible,  for  the  Committee  on  Resolutions  were  in  session  the 
whole  afternoon  and  evening  without  coming  to  an  agreement.  In 
their  absence  the  Convention  did  little  except  listen  to  the  reading  of 
the  Declaration  of  Independence  and  to  a  long  and  tedious  speech 
from  its  temporary  Chairman,  (lovernor  Thomas,  of  Colorado,  and  a 
shorter  but  more  spirited  one  from  the  permanent  (Chairman,  James 
D.  Richardson,  of  Tennessee.  The  Committee  on  Resolutions  was 
very  evenly  divided  on  the  16  to  1  question,  and  it  was  given  out  at 
night  that  there  would  probably  be  two  reports.  Meantime  Bryan 
came  a  little  nearer  giving  his  ultimatum.  At  least  his  most  intimate 
friends  conveyed  the  impression  that  unless  there  was  a  specific  16  to 
1  declaration  he  would  not  accept  the  Democratic  nomination,  but 
would  run  on  a  separate  Populist  and  Free  Silver  ticket.  One  signifi- 
cant event  of  the  day  was  the  refusal  of  the  New  York  delegation  to 
put  David  Bennett  Hill  on  the  Committee  on  Resolutions,  a  position 
which  he  much  desired.  The  delegation  was  virtually  controlled  by 
Richard  Croker,  the  Tammany  Hall  Sachem,  whose  course  was  dic- 
tated partly  by  the  desire  to  humiliate  Hiil  and  partly  to  prevent 
Hill's  making  the  strong  fight  which  he  purposed  on  the  Silver 
question. 

On  the  second  day  of  the  Convention  the  Committee  on  Resolu- 
tions, by  a  vote  of  20  to  24,  agreed  upon  a  platform  and  a  member  of 
the  Committee  afterwards  told  how  that  and  various  other  events 
came  about: 

Mr.  Bryan  knew  that  the  so-called  "Conservative"  Democrats 
were  after  him.  He  feared  that  a  Convention  held  in  Chicago  or  Mil 
waukee  or  St.  Louis  or  any  City  so  far  east  could  be  packed  with 
people  opposed  to  a  redeclaration  for  16  to  1.  Also  with  people 
opposed  to  William  J.  Bryan.  He  knew  that  a  majority  of  the  dele- 
gates were  apt  to  be  against  silver,  and  that  with  congenial 
surroundings  they  might  easily  upset  Mr.  Bryan's  ambitions.  He 
would  have  preferred  Omaha  or  Denver  as  the  Convention  City,  but 
feared  that  the  selection  of  eithw  would  be  to  palpable  a  Bryan 
move  and  therefore  he  chose  Kansas  City  and  itp  discomforts.  Here 
he  knew  his  Convention  could  be  packed  only  with  people  friendly  to 
himself.  But  his  far-reaching  designs  did  not  end  with  the  selection 
of  a  Western  Convention  City.  Even  here  he  knew  the  Convention 
was  in  danger  of  capture  anci  a  great  many  carefully  planned  details 
\*ere  arranged  to  keep  the  Bryan  feeling  at  fever  pitch. 

It  was  by  Bryan's  instructions  that  July  4  was  8ele<ted  for  the 
opening  of  the  Convention,  and  he  wanted  very  much  to  he  nomiualcd 


P 


^^^ 


iWiiliiiiBtliiliiiM ,ii m  tvm» 


514 


HISTORY  OP  THE  KEIHIBLICAN  PARTY. 


on  that  ^y.  It  wub  by  Brvan's  instructions  that  the  immense  Con- 
vention Hall  was  stufftd  anr!  packed  with  people  until  even  the  seats 
and  aisles  of  the  delegates  were  invaded,  and  the  press  section  so 
jammed  and  congested  with  the  general  public  that  no  newspaper 
man  could  be  sure  of  his  seat  unless  he  hired  some  one  to  hold  it  for 
him,  and  after  he  had  it,  could  not  work  because  of  the  crowd  stand- 
ing in  his  way  in  every  direction. 

It  was  by  Bryan's  directions  that  a  great  Bryan  deiiionHtratiou 
was  sprung  in  the  Convention  the  preceding  night'  by  this  great  mob 
in  order  that  the  immense  popularity  of  Bryan  might  be  realized  bv 
those  delegates  who  were  considering  a  determined  flght  in  the  Con- 
vention against  a  radical  free  silver  plank. 

It  was  by  Bryan's  directions  that  Bryan  buttons  were  to  be  had 
for  nothing  on  every  corner,  while  the  silver  plank  of  the  platform 
was  in  doubt.  It  was  Bryan,  Bryan  on  every  hand,  and  it  was  all 
arranged  in  order  to  effect  the  result  which  the  night  before  hung  in 
the  balance. 

It  was  Bryan's  idea  to  have  a  private  wire  from  Kansas  City  to 
his  home  in  Lincoln,  and  McKinley  never  watched  the  Spanish  war 
with  more  anxiety,  or  followed  its  movements  in  his  war  room  more 
closely  than  Bryan  followed  the  Convention.  He  was  instantly 
apprised  of  everything,  and  his  lieutenants  were  constantlv  carrying 
out  bis  direct  orders. 

When  the  Committee  on  Resolutions  showed  bv  its  first  test  vote 
that  an  explicit  declaration  for  16  to  1  was  going  to  be  defeated  a 
recess  was  taken  and  Mr.  Bryan  notified.  When  the  session  was 
resumed  and  the  time  for  another  vote  approached  Senator  Jones 
stood  up,  and,  with  Bryan's  telegraphic  orders  in  his  pocket,  informed 
the  Committee  of  the  exact  situation:  "Gentlemen,"  he  said,  "you 
can  defeat  this  out-and-out  expression  for  silver  if  you  want  to,  but 
before  doing  so  it  is  my  duty  to  warn  you  of  the  consequences.  Unless 
you  reiterate  the  distinct  declaration  for  Ifi  to  1  Mr.  Bryan  cannot 
accept  your  nomination  for  President,  but  neither  can  he  decline  the 
Populist  nomination  already  received,  nor  the  Silver  Republican  nom- 
ination he  is  about  to  receive.  Those  Conventions  stand  true  blue  for 
silver.  He  must  ran  on  their  ticket.  What  the  effect  will  be  upon 
our  ticket  you  gentlemen,  who  are  to  be  responsible  for  the  action  of 
this  committee,  must  decide."  i 

Among  those  who  were  strongly  opposed  to  the  16  to  1  declara- 
tion was  Senator  Hill,  of  New  York,  who  was  willing  even  to  let 
Bryan  go,  rather  than  to  adopt  that  declaration.  It  was  understood 
that  he  and  two  or  three  others  would  make  a  flght  in  the  Convention 
against  the  platform,  but  they  did  not,  and  the  declaration,  as  agreed 
upon  by  the  Committee,  went  through  without  a  murmur.  It  opened 
with  a  reaffirmation  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence;  denounced 


^:^ 


iimenBe  Con- 
'en  the  seats 
8  section  so 
>  newspaper 
0  hold  it  for 
Lrrowd  stand- 

iiionstratiou 
Is  threat  mob 
■i  realized  bv 
t  in  the  Con- 
re  to  be  liad 
the  platform 
id  it  was  all 
ifore  hung  in 

msas  City  to 
Spanish  war 
r  room  more 
'as  instantly 
ntly  carrying 

Irst  test  vote 
>e  defeated  a 

session  was 
mator  Jones 
let,  informed 
le  said,  "you 
want  to,  but 
ices.  Unless 
iryan  cannot 
e  decline  the 
ublican  nom- 
true  blue  foi* 
will  be  upon 

he  action  of 


to  1  declara- 
even  to  let 
understood 
s  Convention 
m,  as  agreed 
It  opened 
denounced 


THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1900. 


515 


the  Porto  Bico  Law  passed  by  Congress  at  its  last  session ;  condemned 
the  Philippine  policy  of  the  Aduiinistration  and  favored  "an  immedi- 
ate declaration  of  the  Nation's  purpose  to  give  the  Filipinos,  first,  a 
stable  form  of  government;  second,  independence,  and  third, 
protection  from  outside  interference,  such  as  has  been  given  for 
nearly  a  century  to  the  Republics  of  Central  and  South  America." 
After  these  declarations  came  the  following  plank  on  imperialism: 
"The  importance  of  other  questions  now  pending  before  the  Amer'.f«n 
people  is  in  no  wise  diminished,  and  the  Democratic  party  takes  n( 
backward  step  from  its  position  on  them,  but  the  burning  issue  of 
imperialism  growing  out  of  the  Spanish  war  involves  the  very  exist- 
ence of  the  Republic  and  the  destruction  of  our  free  institutions.  We 
regard  it  as  the  paramount  issue  of  the  campaign." 

Then  came  a  declaration  that  the  Republican  party  was  insincere 
in  its  reference  to  the  Monroe  Doctrine,  a  plank  on  militarism  and  one 
on  trusts.  After  all  these  came  the  silver  plank,  as  follows:  "We 
reaffirm  and  indorse  the  principles  of  the  National  Democratic  plat- 
form adopted  at  Chicago  in  1896,  and  we  reiterate  the  demand  of  that 
platform  for  an  American  flnancial  system  made  by  the  American 
people  for  themselves,  which  shall  restore  and  maintain  a  bimetallic 
price  level,  and  as  part  of  such  system  the  immediate  restoration  of 
the  free  and  unlimited  coinage  of  silver  and  gold  at  the  present  legal 
ratio  of  16  to  1  without  waiting  for  the  aid  or  consent  of  any  other 
Nation."  Denunciation  of  the  Currency  Bill  passed  at  the  last  session 
of  Congress,  and  utterances  on  half  a  dozen  other  current  questions  of 
the  day  completed  the  document.  Three  days  after  the  Convention 
adjourned  it  occurred  to  some  of  the  leaders  that  there  should  have 
been  an  income  tax  plank,  and  so  they  added  one,  making  the  con- 
venient plea  that  the  omission  in  the  first  place  was  the  fault  of  a 
typewriter.  They  had  run  the  campaign  of  1896  on  a  platform, 
four  clauses  of  which  were  not  read  in  the  Chicago  Convention,  and 
there  was  no  reason  why  they  should  not  smuggle  into  the  campaign 
of  1900  one  declaration  which  the  Kansas  City  delegates  never  heard. 

Following  the  adoption  of  the  platform  came  the  presentation  of 
Bryan's  name  for  the  Presidential  nomination.  Up  to  this  time  the 
proceedings  in  open  Convention  had  been  tame,  except  as  Chairman 
Richardson's  spirited  address  evolved  some  enthusiasm.  But  the 
demonstrations  upon,  the  first  presentation  of  Bryan's  name,  and  upon 
its  subsequent  repetition,  were  a  flattering  evidence  of  the  hold 
which  his  strong  personality  has  upon  the  party.    His  name  was  pre- 


^LxMiKSiJMM^ 


^£M:Mmmsd;iMiS!i^£;.iM&iMtMi»^Xi 


'^^ii^L 


316 


HIHTORY  OF  THE  REI'UBLICAN  PARTY. 


Rented  \fy  W.  I).  Oldham,  of  Nebraska,  wlio  cloHed  with  a  iiersonal 
eulogy  of  the  candidate,  delivered  with  inipattsioned  fervor.  This 
was  the  signal  for  prolonged  cheers,  the  waving  of  flags  and  handker 
chiefs,  music  by  the  band,  and  a  procession  of  delegates  carrying  their 
Btate  banners  around  the  hall.  Nebraska's  nomination  was  sup- 
ported by  a  dozen  other  Stales,  and  a  roll  call  gave  him  a  unanimous 
vote. 

The  nomination  for  "^'ice-President  was  a  matter  of  u'ore  discus- 
sion. Ohar'es  A.  Town**,  who  had  already  received  the  Populist 
nomination  for  the  same  position,  was  an  active  and  anxious  candi- 
date. He  was  as  eager  to  get  the  Demo<'ratic  nomination  as  Roosevelt 
had  been  to  get  away  fron  the  Republican.  The  Silver  Republicans 
and  the  x\.merican  Monetary  Jjt.'^ue,  in  session  at  Kansas  City,  both 
expressed  a  preference  for  Town".  But  there  was  a  feeling  in  the 
Democratic  Convention  that  with  a  16  to  1  plank  in  the  platform  and 
Hryan  at  the  head  of  the  ticket,  there  was  about  all  the  free  silver 
that  the  party  could  carry.  A  candidate  was  sought  who  was  not 
specially  identified  with  that  movement,  and  Adlai  E.  Stevenson,  of 
Illinois,  Vice-President  during  Cleveland's  second  terra,  was  put 
forward.  The  most  popular  delegate  in  the  Convention  was  undoubt- 
edly Senator  Hill,  of  New  York,  although  he  was  opposed  to  the  16 
to  1  delegation,  and  was  not  at  all  enamored  of  Bryan.  Tammany 
Hall  tried  to  take  advantage  of  his  popularity  by  pushing  him  into 
this  nomination,  but  when  his  name  was  presented  Hill  took  the  plat- 
form, and  in  a  vehemjent  speech,  mingled  with  personal  appeal,  stayed 
the  tide  that  threatened  to  sweep  him  into  the  unsought  position. 
Next  to  Hill,  Stevenson  was  the  favorite  and  after  his  name  was 
presented  it  received  secondB  from  a  number  of  states.  The  roll  call 
showed  5591/2  votes  for  Stevenson,  200  for  Hill  and  89i/^  for  Towne. 
Tennessee  then  changed  her  24  votes  from  Hill  to  Stevenson,  and 
enough  other  changes  were  speedily  made  to  give  him  the  624  neces 
sary  to  a  choice.  1 

Meantime  the  Silver  Republican  Convention  had  adjourned, 
having  first  given  to  its  officers  and  the  Executive  Committee  of  the 
j)arty,  power  to  decide  upon  a  Vice-Presidential  nominee.  After  a 
conference  with  the  Democratic  National  Committee  and  a  sub-com 
mittee  of  the  Populists,  and  with  the  consent  and  advice  of  Mr. 
Towne,  they  endorsed  the  nomination  of  Stevenson.  Mr.  Towne,  after 
some  weeks  of  delay,  withdrew  from  the  Populist  ticket,  in  favor  of 
Mr.  Stevenson,  and  made  a  few  speeirhes  for  the  combination  candi 


.:■-;,  \i;W  , 


Vf"5»'51v-'- 


3a»c' 


fSS» 


th  a  iMTBontil 

fervoi*.     This 

and  liaiidker 

carrying  their 

ion   was  mu|»- 

n  unaniniouN 

'  more  discuH- 
tlie  Populifit 
mxiouM  candi- 
i  as  Roosevelt 
I*  RepnblicanH 
4a8  City,  both 
feeling  in  the 
l>latform  and 
he  free  silver 
who  was  not 
Stevenson,  of 
Tra,  was  put 
was  nndonbt 
sed  to  the  16 
n.  Tammany 
ling  him  into 
took  the  plat- 
ippeal,  stayed 
ight  position, 
lis  name  was 

The  roll  call 
J/^  for  Towne. 
;evenson,  and 
the  624  neces 

1 
d   adjourned, 
imittee  of  the 
nee.    After  a 
id  a  sub-com 
id  vice  of  Mr. 

Towne,  after 
t,  in  favor  of 
ination  candi 


THE  CAMl'AION  OF  1900. 


517 


dates.    Not  more  than  one  set  of  Electors  was  nominated  in  any 
Htate  to  represent  this  combination. 

Th«*  llrst  week  in  September,  1898,  the  Middle-ofthe-Road  Popu 
lists,  as  they  called  themselves,  that  is,  those  who  were  opposed  to 
fusion   with   any   other  party,   met   in   Cincinnati   and   nominated 
Wharton  Barker  for  President  and  Ignatius  Donnelly  for  Vice-Presi 
dent. 

The  first  National  assembly  of  the  Christian  Political  Union,  con 
vened  in  Rock  Island,  111.,  May  1.  As  a  preliminary  to  deciding 
whether  to  organize  a  political  purty,  the  Convention  discussed  the 
theme,  "The  Priuiiples  of  Christ;  Bl  f.ll  We  Apply  Them  in  Concrete 
Form  to  State  and  National  f  Jovernment  Through  a  Christian  Politi- 
cal Union  or  Party?"  The  Convention  answered  the  question  in  the 
affirmative  by  unanimous  vote.  The  name  United  Christian  party 
was  adopted  in  place  of  (Christian  Political  Union.  Dr.  Silas  C.  Swal- 
low, of  Harrisburg,  Pa.,  and  John  G.  Hooley,  of  Chicago,  were 
nominated  as  candidates  for  President  and  Vice-President  of  the 
United  States.  The  platform  adopted  declares  for:  "The  abolition  of 
laws  which  require  a  desecration  of  the  Sabbath,  authorize  unscrip 
tural  marriage  and  divorce,  and  encourage  the  sale  of  liquors  as  a 
beverage;  equal  rights  for  men  and  women;  arbitration  as  against 
war;  government  ownership  of  public  utilities;  election  of  President 
and  Vice-President  and  United  States  Senators  by  direct  vote  of  the 
people.*' 

The  Prohibition  National  Convention,  in  session  in  Chicago,  June 
28,  nominated  John  G.  Woolley,  of  Illinois,  for  President,  and  Henry 
B.  Metcalf,  of  Rhode  Island,  for  Vice-President. 

The  so-called  National  party  held  a  Convention  in  New  York, 
September  5,  with  less  than  100  delegates  present,  half  of  whom  were 
from  that  City,  and  placed  in  nomination  for  President,  Senator  Don- 
aldson Caffery,  of  Louisiana,  and  for  Vice-President,  A.  M.  Howe,  of 
Cambridge,  Mass. 

The  Union  Reform  party,  by  a  referendum  vote,  the  result  of 
which  was  announced  in  New  York,  September  5,  nominated  Seth  H. 
Ellis,  of  Ohio,  for  President,  and  Samuel  T.  Nicholson,  of  Pennsyl- 
vania, for  Vice-President. 

The  Social  I)emocrats  nominated  for  President  Eugene  V.  Debs, 
of  Indiana,  and  for  Vice-President  Job  Harriman,  of  California. 

In  this  year  of  conventions  there  was  still  another,  making  the 
eleventh,  held  by  the  so-called  Deleon  Socialists  who  nominated  for 


It 


518 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY 


PreMident,  •loHopb  F.  Maloney,  of  MassacbuHetti,  and  for  Vice-Preai- 
dent,  Valentine  Rennvill,  of  Pennsylvania. 

Home  of  thetie  scattered  ori^anizations,  however,  ceased  their 
labors,  after  going  through  the  form  of  making  nominations  and 
were  not  henrd  of  again  during  the  eampaign. 

I'residfint  McKluley,  in  his  letter  accepting  the  renomination, 
reviewed  at  length  the  affairs  of  bis  Administration,  paying  particu- 
lar attention  to  the  course  of  events  in  the  Philippines,  which  be 
recognized  as  of  grave  importance  in  the  campaign.  Upon  this 
subject  be  said,  in  part: 

There  has  been  no  time  since  the  destruction  of  the  enemy's 
fleet  when  wt:  could  or  should  have  left  the  Philippine  archipelago. 
After  the  treaty  of  peace  was  ratified  no  power  but  Congress  could 
surrender  our  sovereignty  or  alienate  a  foot  of  territory  thus  acquired. 

We  are  in  agreement  with  all  of  those  who  supported  the  war 
with  Spain,  and  also  with  those  who  counseled  the  ratification  of  the 
treaty  of  peace.  Upon  these  two  great  essential  steps  there  can  be 
no  issue,  and  out  of  these  came  all  our  responsibilities.  If  others 
would  shirk  the  obligations  imposed  by  the  war  and  the  treaty,  we 
must  decline  to  act  further  with  them,  and  here  the  issue  was  made. 
It  is  our  purpose  to  establish  in  the  Philippines  a  Government  suita- 
ble to  the  wants  and  conditions  of  the  inhabitants,  and  to  prepare 
them  for  self-government,  and  to  give  them  self-government  when 
they  are  ready  for  it  and  as  rapidly  as  they  are  ready  for  it.  Thai 
I  am  aiming  to  do  under  my  Constitutional  authority,  and  will  con- 
tinue to  do  until  Congress  shall  determine  tlie  political  status  of  the 
inhabitants  of  the  archipelago. 

Would  our  opponents  surrender  to  the  insurgents,  abandon  our 
sovereignty  or  cede  it  to  them?  If  that  be  not  their  purpose,  then  it 
should  be  promptly  disclaimed,  for  only  evil  can  result  from  the 
hopes  raised  by  our  opponents  in  the  minds  of  the  Filipinos,  that 
with  their  success  at  the  polls  in  November  there  will  be  a  withdrawal 
of  our  Army  over  the  archipelago;  the  complete  independence  of  the 
Tagalog  people  recognized  and  the  powers  of  government  over  all  the 
other  peoples  of  the  nrchijtelago  conferred  upon  the  Tagalog  leaders. 

We  are  asked  to  transfer  our  sovereignty  to  a  small  minority  in 
the  islands  without  consulting  the  majority,  and  to  abandon  the 
largest  portion  of  the  population  to  the  cruelties  of  the  guerrilla 
insurgent  band.  More  than  this,  we  are  asked  to  protect  the  minor- 
ity in  establishing  a  government,  and  to  this  end  repress  all  opposition 
to  the  majority.  We  are  required  to  set  up  a  stable  government  in 
the  interest  of  those  who  have  assailed  our  sovereignty  and  fired 
npon  our  soldiers,  and  then  maintain  it  at  any  cost  against  its  enemies 
within  and  against  those  having  ambitions  and  designs  from  without. 


Uir.  il 


'f^-  :  'ft 


f. 

or  Vlce-Presi- 

eeased  their 
linations  and 

renomination, 
lying  partivu- 
les,  which  be 
1.    Upon  thlM 

the  enemj's 
!  archipelago. 
)Qgrefl8  could 
huB  acquired. 

Tted  the  war 
Ication  of  thi> 
there  can  be 
!8.  If  others 
lie  treaty,  we 
le  waH  made, 
rnment  suita- 
d  to  prepare 
•niiient  when 
or  it.  Thai 
Knd  will  con- 
status  of  the 

abandon  our 
•pose,  then  it 
ult  from  the 
ilipinos,  that 
a  withdrawal 
idence  of  the 
t  over  all  the 
alog  leaders. 

1  minority  in 
abandon  the 
the  guerrilla 
L't  the  minor- 
lII  opposition 
►vernment  in 
ty  and  flred 
t  its  enemies 
rom  without. 


TJIK  CAMPAIGN  OF  1»00. 


SIO 


This  would  r<>(|uir«>  iiii  Army  and  Nav.v  far  largi'r  than  is  now 
ninintained  in  the  riiilippineH,  and  Hiill  more  in  excess  of  what  will 
be  neceMsarv  with  the  full  recognilion  of  our  sovereignty.  A  military 
support  of  uiilliority  not  our  own,  us  thus  proposed,  is  the  very  essence 
of  militarism,  which  our  opponents  in  their  platform  oppose,  but 
which,  by  their  poli»j,  would  of  necessity  be  established  in  its  most 
otfensive  form. 

The  President  took  no  further  part  in  the  campaign,  remaining 
most  of  the  time  i|uietly  at  home,  nuiking  no  siK}eches  and  writing  no 
politii'al  letters. 

Mr.  Bryun,  in  his  letter  of  acceptance,  again  declared  his  loyalty 
to  the  Ifi  to  1  policy  and  to  free  trade;  denounced  the  Dingley  taritT, 
the  Republican  Currency  Act,  and  the  trusts;  discussed  various 
phases  of  the  labor  question,  and  spoke  very  briefly  u]K>n  the  questions 
at  issue  in  respect  t*'  the  Philippine  Islands.  Mr.  Htcvenson's  letter 
of  acceptance  was  very  short,  and  was  devoted  lart;eiy  to  a  protest 
against  "war  of  c<u)<]ue8t"  nnd  against  Imperialism. 

Mr.  Roosevelt,  in  his  letter  of  acceptance,  discussed  the  questions 
at  issue  at  considerable  length,  and  followed  this  by  a  series  of 
campaign  tours,  surpassing  in  amount  of  travel  and  number  of 
speeches  made  anything  in  the  history  of  politics  in  this  country 
except  the  Bryan  tours  of  1896.  One  of  the  first  states  which  he 
visited  was  Michigan  where  he  opened  the  campaign  early  in  Septem- 
ber by  addressing  a  meeting  of  over  4,()0tl  people  in  Light  Guard 
Armory,  Detroit.  He  went  thence  to  Bay  City,  where  he  was  greeted 
by  an  immense  crowd,  made  up  in  part  by  excursicmists  from  the 
shore  towns  along  Lake  Huron.  A  demonstration  of  equal  magnitude 
awaited  him  at  Haginaw,  and  in  his  tour  across  the  Htate  he  addressed 
crowds  at  Owosso,  Lansing,  Jackson,  Eaton  Rapids,  Charlotte,  Hast- 
ings, Grand  Rapids,  Holland,  Allegan,  Kalamazoo,  Grand  Junction, 
Benton  Harbor,  Niles  and  some  of  the  interlying  towns.  He  con- 
tinued his  tour  to  the  far  West,  and  then  through  part  of  the  South 
and  East,  ending  up  with  a  ten  days'  campaign  in  New  York  State. 
In  all  he  visited  tweiity-fonr  States,  traveled  21,2<M)  miles  and  made 
673  speeches. 

(Candidate  Bryan  also  made  nmny  speeches  and  was  re<!eived  with 
nearly  as  great  favor  as  he  was  in  1896.  Having  secured  a  complete 
recognition  of  his  money  views  in  the  various  Conventions  that  nom- 
inated him  he  was  content  to  let  that  nmtter  take  secondary  place 
in  the  general  meetings.  In  his  speeches  he  dwelt  more  upon  the 
dangers  to  the  industries  of  this  country  fr<mi  trusts,  and  the  dangers 


t  v^ 


'^1" 


: 


mtmmmmttmmm 


«2fl 


HIHTORY  OFTHK  HEPrnLlCAN  PARTY. 


of  r('ii(nillx(><l  power  Hiid  an  iiii|M>riHliMti(-  policy.  Tli<>  latlt>r  wbh  the 
ke.v-iiote  to  niueh  of  the  Deniocratic  oralorv  throuKhoiit  the  country. 
In  tliiH  they  received  Honie  aid  and  encoiiraKonient  from  the  National 
Anti-IniperialiHtic  lieaKiie,  which  met  in  indianapoliM,  AuftuHt  IR,  and 
which  included  Home  prominent  Hepublicanit,  aM  well  um  Democrats. 
It  denounced  the  policy  of  the  AdminiHtration  and  practically 
endorMed  Itryun. 

The  elYorts  of  thene  men  were  very  largely  countera<-ted  by  the 
viewH  expro88ed  by  candid  uien  who  were  familiar  with  the  Hituation 
in  thoHe  islandH.  The  lamented  General  Lawton,  who  made  it  a 
practice  to  examine  thoroughly  every  Bubject  in  which  he  b(>cam(> 
intereHted,  went  to  the  I'hilippineH  Htrongly  prejudiced  aKaiuNt  our 
occupation  of  those  inlands,  calling  the  HtruKK'i!  tin  '^unholy"  war. 
His  observutionH  there  effected  a  complete  chancre  in  his  viewH  and  he 
wrote  to  Hon.  .lohn  Barrett,  United  Htateg  MiniBter  to  8iam: 

I  would  lo  God  tliat  the  truth  of  this  whole  Philippine  situation 
could  be  known  to  every  one  in  America  as  I  know  it.  If  the  real 
history,  inspiration,  and  conditions  of  this  iuHurrection,  and  the  influ- 
ences, local  and  external,  as  well  as  the  actual  possibilities  of  these 
islands  and  peoples  and  their  relations  to  this  great  East,  could  be 
understood  at  home,  we  should  hear  no  more  talk  of  unjust  "shooting 
of  government"  into  the  Filipinos  or  hauling  down  the  flag  in  the 
Philippines.  If  the  so-called  Anti-Imperialists  could  honestly  ascer- 
tain the  truth  on  the  ground,  and  not  in  distant  Ameri<-a,  they,  whom 
I  believe  to  be  honest  men  misinformed,  would  be  convinced  of  the 
error  of  their  statements  and  conclusions,  and  of  the  unfortunate 
effect  of  their  publications  here.  If  I  am  shot  by  a  Filipino  bullet,  it 
may  as  well  come  from  one  of  my  own  men,  because  I  know  from 
observation,  confirmed  by  captured  prisoners,  that  the  continuance 
of  fighting  is  chiefly  due  to  reports  that  are  sent  out  from  America. 


Dean  (\  Worcester,  of  Michigan  rniversity,  one  of  the  Philip- 
pine Commission,  is  another  witness  to  the  same  purport.  In  a  letter 
received  from  him,  October  25,  by  Regent  Dean,  of  the  University, 
he  said:  i 

Conditions  were  improving  here  very  rapidly  up  to  the  time 
Bryan  was  nominated  and  began  to  talk  in  public.  The  result  of  the 
announcement  of  his  policy  in  regard  to  the  Philippines  was  to  put 
a  stop  to  the  important  surrenders,  which  were  steadily  being  made 
under  the  terms  of  the  amnesty,  and  to  bring  about  renewed  hostili- 
ties through  the  worst  districts  here  in  Luzon. 

We  knoYf  absolutely,  from  captured  correspondence,  that  this 
desperate  elTort  to  keep  up  a  show  of  resistance  is  being  made  only 


'>^::?<f. 


fe  "■■ 


,ft-i'^*;> 


r.      ,  .  .  ^    ' 

atttT  waH  thi? 
tlu»  country, 
the  National 

IIRUHt  15,  HUd 
M  I  h'UiorrutH. 
1    prarticully 

■acted  by  the 
the  HJtiiation 
u  made  it  a 
h  he  became 
aKuinHt  our 
inlioly"  war. 
views  and  lie 
^iani : 

ine  situation 
If  the  real 
ind  the  intiu- 
tieg  of  these 
I8t,  could  be 
i8t  "shooting; 
^  flag  in  the 
nestly  ascer 
they,  whom 
inced  of  the 
unfortunate 
Ino  bullet,  it 
know  from 
continuance 
>m  America. 

the  Philip- 

In  a  letter 

University, 

to  the  time 
•esult  of  the 
was  to  put 
being  made 
wed  hostili- 

e,  that  this 
f  made  onlj' 


,H 


THE  CAMP  au.N  OF  1U0(». 


021 


in  the  hope  of  iuMuencing  the  elccfiim  at  home,  and  important  insurg 
ent  leaders  like  Sindico  hiiv  that,  unless  Mr.van  is  elected  or  the  war  in 
('hina  draws  troops  from  i  liese  islands,  they  will  give  up  their  uselesK 
eflforts  in  November.  I  "i^refure  do  not  look  for  any  general  improve 
ment  in  the  situation  in  ,ii  after  (he  Presidential  election;  but,  witli 
that  out  of  the  way,  1  expect  to  se*'  a  speedy  change  for  the  better. 
At  present  the  insurg<'ii<H  are  resorting  to  that  last  resort  of  a  failing 
cause,  whitlesule  assaMnination.  They  are  putting  prices  on  the  heads 
of  men  known  to  be  friendly  to  the  Americans,  and  are  resorting  to 
the  most  flendish  tortures  and  mutilations  in  order  to  influence  the 
common  people  by  fear. 

The  (JoM  Democrats  did  not  nmke  separate  nominations  In  this 
campaign      uu  did  not  cut  as  conspicuous  a  flgure  as  in  the  <;ontest 
four  years  earlier.     Their  votes  were  divided,  some  supporting  Bryan 
on  other  issues,  and  some  voting  for  McKinley.     Among  those,  who 
openly  advo<ated  MciKlnley's  election  were  two  members  of  IM-esi 
dent  Cleveland's  Cabinet:   I»ostmaster  (Jeneral  Don  M.  Dickinson,  of 
Michigan,  and  J.  Hterling  Morton,  of  Nebraska,  Hecnitary  of  Agri- 
(rulture.     James    H.    Kckles,    Comptroller    of   the    (Currency  under 
President  Cleveland,  was  also  quite  active  in  the  campaign  for  McKin- 
ley.   On  the  29th  of  October,  Ex-President  Cleveland  wrote  a  letter 
to  Don  M.  Dickinson,  in  which  he  referred  to  a  speech  made  by  him 
in  April,  1897,  saying  that  he  could  not  suppress  or  abate  from  it, 
and  would  not  if  he  could,  and  saying  also  that  he  should  not  object 
to  any  use  which  Mr.  Dickinson  might  see  ttt  to  make  of  it.     This 
was  a  speech  in  which  Cleveland  condemned  the  course  of  those  who 
were  sowing  the  seeds  of  discontent  and  cultivating  a  growth  of 
sectional  and  class  suspicion  and  distrust.    He  also  regretted  to  see 
the  remedy  for  supposed  financial  ills  proposed  in  the  free  coinage  of 
silver  with  a  depreciated  currency  and  cheap  money.    The  reference 
to  this  speech  showed  plainly  enough  that  Mr.  (31eveland's  sympathies 
in  the  pendi.ng  campaign  were  against  Mr.  Bryan  and  his  followers. 
There  were  no  October  elections  this  year  to  furnish  an  indica- 
tion of  the  drift  of  public  sentiment.      Oregon,  in  June,  gave  an 
unusually    large    Republican    majority.     Vermont    and    Maine,    in 
September,  gave  majorities  considerably  smaller  than  those  in  189fi. 
But  the  careful  canvass  made  by  the  Republican   committees   in 
various  states  indicated  a  triumph  of  very  large  proportions,  and 
their  most  hopeful  indications  and  prophecies  were  surpassed  by  the 
results.    McKinley    and    Roosevelt    carried    every    Northern  State 
except  Colorado,  Idaho,  Montana  and  Nevada,  and  in  those  the  Bryan 


MiNiiiiliai 


ti^: 


^y 


HISTORY  OP  THE  REPUBLICxiN  PARTY. 

majoritieg  were  much  less  than  they  were  in  1896.  Republican  Elec 
tors  were  also  chosen  in  Delaware,  Maryland  and  West  Virginia. 
The  total  Electoral  vote  was:  For  McKinley  and  Roosevelt,  295; 
Bryan  a-. ^  Stevenson,  152.  The  Republican  plurality  on  the  popular 
vote  waa  nearly  900,000,  being  the  largest  ever  given  to  any  candidate. 
In  Michigan  Bryan  carried  only  one  County,  and  the  highest 
Republican  Elector  ha4  105,168  plurality.  The  Republicans  also 
elected  a  solid  Congressional  delegation  as  follows:  (1)  John  B.  Cor- 
liss; (2)  Henry  C.  Smith;  (3)  Washington  Gardner;  (4)  Edward  L. 
Hamilton;  (5)  William  Alden  Smith;  (6)  Samuel  W.  Smith;  (7)  Edgar 
Weeks;  (8)  Joseph  W.  Fordney;  (9)  Roswell  P.  Bishop;  (10)  Rousseau 
O.  Crump;  (11)  Archibald  B.  Darragh;  (12)  Carlos  D.  Shelden. 


tt 


^'•^ 


^publican  Elec- 
Vest  Virginia, 
loosevelt,  293; 
on  the  popular 
any  candidate, 
id  the  highest 
[)ublicanB  also 
)  John  B.  Oor- 
(4)  Edward  L. 
lith;  (7)  Edgar 
(10)  Rousseau 
lelden. 


y% 


:     XL.      -   , 

REPUBLICAN  STATE  CONVENTIONS. 

The  Executive  Nominating  Gatherings  From  1856  to  the  Present 

Time— Tlie  Gubernatorial  Candidates  from  Bingham  to  Bliss A 

Long  Roll  of  Public  Spirited  and  Distinguished  Men— A  Number 
of  Close  and  Interesting  Contests— Ballots  for  the  Head  of  the 
Ticket  in  Detail— Names  of  the  Candidates  for  other  Offices— A 
Series  of  Splendid  Successes  Broken  by  Only  Two  Defeats- 
Treatment  of  Public  Questions  by  the  Various  Conventions- 
How  the  Magnificent  Gathering  of  1878  Met  the  Greenback 
Onslaught— The  Party's  Treatment  of  the  Temperance,  Silver 
and  Taxation  Questions—  Its  Attitude  in  19d(». 

In  the  second  and  third  chapters  ef  this  publication  an  extended 
account  is  given  of  the  various  State  gatherings  out  of  which  was 
evolved  the  Republican  party  of  Michigtn.  The  foundations  were  so 
well  laid  and  the  work  of  organizatioH  ^ms  so  well  done  that,  so  far 
as  its  State  Executive  and  Judicial  tickets  were  concerned  the  party 
moved  along  the  path  of  victory  with  no  setbacks  and  with  but  little 
friction  for  more  than  a  quarter  of  a  century.  The  names  of  the 
candidates  for  Governor  with  details  of  the  votes  cast  for  that  official 
and  for  Presidential  Electors  in  the  various  contests,  with  the  names 
of  delegates  to  Republican  National  Conventions,  and  the  names  of 
all  Electors  chosen,  are  given  under  the  appropriate  chapters  in  the 
first  volume  of  this  work;  but  brief  additioqal  details  of  the  different 
Conventions  may  be  interesting. 

The  Convention  of  1856  was  held  at  Marshall,  July  9,  and  was 
large,  earnest  and  enthusiastic.  The  newly  organized  party  had 
been  triumphant  in  1854,  and  was  confident  now.  Fremont  had  been 
nominated  for  President,  and  the  general  campaign  had  opened  with 
spirit.  Among  those  present  at  this  gathering  were  many  who  took 
part  in  the  proceedings  at  Jackson  two  years  earlier,  and  others 
who  afterwards  became  prominent  in  State  and  National  affairs. 


! 


"'  ifi  III'   iiiii   iriim'i^i 


■■•■{'•'^h 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 

Josiah^Turner,  of  Livingston,  was  i)ermanent  Chairman  of  the  Con- 
vention.  The  old  State  ticket  was  renominated,  the  National  platform 
was  endorsed,  and  an  Electoral  ticket,  headed  by  Fernando  C.  Sea- 
man, was  placed  in  the  Held.     Bingham's  majority  for  Oovernor  two 
years  earlier,  was  4,»77.    It  was  now  more  than  trebled,  being  17,317. 
The  Convention  of  1858  met  in  Detroit,  August  1,  and  was  called 
to  ordef  by  James  M.  Edmunds,  Chairman  of  the  State  Central  Com 
mittee.    Austin  Blair  was  both  Temporary  and  Permanent  Chair- 
man.   On  the  first  ballot  for  Governor,  Hezekiah  G.  Wells,  of  Kala- 
mazoo, had  69  votes,  to  56  for  Moses  Wisuer,  the  rest  scattering 
among  a  number  of  candidates.    On  the  third  ballot  Mr.  Wisner  had 
a  majority  and  was  declared  the  nominee.    As  the  old  incumbents 
had  all  served  two  terms,  there  was  a  new  list  of  candidates,  and  a 
contest  for  n.ost  of  the  offices.    Jacob  M.  Howard  was  the  only  one 
of  the  old  officers  renominated,  the  full  list  being  as  follows:    Lieu- 
tenant (Jovernor.  E.  B.  Fairfield;  Secretary  of  State,  N.  B.  Isbell; 
Treasurer,  John  McKinney;  Auditor  General,  Daniel  L.  Case;  Com- 
missioner of  the  State  Land  Office,  James  VV.  Sanborn;  Attorney 
General,  Jacob  M.  Howard;  Superintendent  of  Public  Instruction, 
John  M.  Gregory;  Member  of  the  Board  of  Education,  Witter  j! 
Baxter.    The  platform,  reported  by  H.  H.  Emmons,  was  brief  and 
confined  chietly  to  National  affairs.    In  the  election  that  followed 
Wisner's  majority  was  9,135. 

The  Convention  of  1860  was  called  to  order  in  Merrill  Hall, 
Detroit,  June  8,  by  E.  C.  Walker,  Chairman  of  the  State  Central 
Committee.  Alexander  Campbell,  of  Marquette,  was  Temporary,  and 
Robert  R.  Beecher,  of  Lenawee,  was  Permanent  Chairman.  On  the 
first  ballot  for  Governor,  Austin  Blair,  of  Jackson,  had  IO8I/2  votesj 
and  James  M.  Edmunda,  of  Detroit,  (^14.  Mr.  Edmunds'  name  was 
then  withdrawn  and  Mr.  Blair  was  nominated  by  acclamation.  The 
rest  of  the  ticket  was  as  follows:  Lieutenant  Governor,  Jaraes 
Birney:  Secretary  of  State,  James  B.  Porter;  State  Treasurer,  John 
Owen;  Auditor  General,  L.  G.  Berry;  Commissioner  of  the  State 
Land  Office,  S.  S.  Lacey:  Attorney  General,  Charles  Cpson;  Superin- 
tendent of  Public  Instruction,  JoJin  M.  Gregory;  Member  of  the  State 
Board  of  Education,  Edwin  Williis.  The  National  Convention  had 
made  a  platform  for  the  whole  country,  and  Michigan  Republicons 
accepted  it  as  their  creed.  In  the  evening  an  immense  ratification 
meeting,  attended,  it  was  said,  by  8,000  people,  was  held.  The  Rej  ub- 
licans  of  the  State  shared  in  the  enthusiasm  with  which  the  campaign 


'■r'^m^«Sf^*^W^^- 


i»£t£ 


'WKwifc^aaiihW 


--MWMMflflMHH! 


iinaWimnniMitiiii  t> 


-^> 


?Y. 


M»;-. 


REPUBLICAN  STATE  (CONVENTIONS. 


525 


an  of  the  Con- 
ional  platform 
nando  C.  Bea- 

Oovernor  two 
1,  being  17,317. 
ind  was  called 
'  Central  Com- 
inanent  Chair- 
Veils,  of  Kala- 
est  scattering 
r.  Wisner  had 
Id  incumbents 
didates,  and  a 
J  the  only  one 
ollows:    Lieu- 

N.  B.  Isbell; 
L  Case;  Com- 
)rn;  Attorney 
c  Instruction, 
on,  Witter  J. 
(vas  brief  and 
that  followed 

Merrill  Hall, 
State  Central 
imporary,  and 
lan.  On  the 
1  IO8V2  votes, 
ds'  name  was 
raation.  The 
ernor,  Jaiaes 
jasurer,  John 
of  the  State 
son;  Superin- 
r  of  the  State 
uvention  had 

Republicans 
e  ratification 

TheReiub 
the  campaign 


throughout  the  country  was  conducted,  and  gave  their  canf^idate  ,for 
Ooveirnor  20,585  majority.  It  gave  the  Republican  Presidential 
Electors  a  plurality  of  23,423,  and  a  clear  majority  of  22,213. 

The  Convention  of  1862  followed  the  example  of  185(»  in  giving  the 
<loveriy)r  a  second  term,  a  practice  which  has  since  become  almost 
invariable  with  the  party.  E.  C.  Walker  was  Temporary  and  William 
A.  Howard  Permanent  Chairman  of  the  Convention.  Mr.  Blair's 
renomination  for  Governor  was  effected  by  a  vote  of  186  out  of  a 
total  of  207.  Charles  S.  May  was  nominated  for  Lieutenant  Governor 
and  Henry  T.  Backus  for  Secretary  of  State.  The  State  Treasnrei-. 
Commissioner  of  the  State  Land  t)ftlce,  and  the  educational  oflBcers 
were  renominated.  P^mil  Anneke  was  designated  for  Auditor 
(Jeneral,  and  Albert  Williams  for  Attorney  General.  The  platform 
was  long  and  patriotic.  The  campaign  came  during  a  period  of 
depression  caused  by  the  slow  [irogress  of  the  Union  armies.  Yet 
it  was  visrorously  conducted  and  resulted  in  a  majority  of  6,614  for 
Blair.     .1.  W.  Tillman  was  Chairman  of  the  State  Central  Committee. 

The  Convention  of  1864  was  held  after  the  Democratic  National 
''onvention  bad  declared  the  war  a  failure,  and  the  Republicans  had 
renominated  Lincoln.  It  was  one  of  the  most  exciting  periods  of 
the  war,  and  the  issue  of  the  election  was  uncertain.  The  Union 
victories,  which  afterwards  gave  assurance  of  political  success,  had 
not  yet  come.  The  Convention  was  held  in  Merrill  Hall,  Detroit, 
with  John  M.  Lamb,  of  I-apeer,  as  Temporary  and  Robert  R.  Beecher, 
of  Lenawee,  Permanent  Chairman.  There  was  a  close  contest  for 
the  nomination  for  Governor  between  Henry  P.  Baldwin,  of  Detroit, 
and  Henry  H.  trapo,  of  Flint,  the  latter  winning  en  the  fourth  ballot 
by  a  vote  of  106  to  103.  Charles  S.  May  was  a  candidate  for  renom- 
inntion  for  Lieutenant  Governor.  He  led  at  the  start,  but  his  own 
county  deserted  him,  and  on  the  fourth  ballot  E.  O.  Grosvenor,  of 
Hillsdale,  received  the  nomination.  The  old  candidates  for  Secretary 
of  State,  Treasurer,  Auditor  General,  Attorney  General  and  Member 
of  the  Board  of  Education  were  renominated.  The  rest  of  the  ticket 
was  as  follows:  Commissioner  of  the  State  Land  Office,  Cyrus  Hewitt; 
Superintendent  of  Public  Instruction,  Oramel  Hosford.  William  A, 
Howard  was  umde  Chairman  of  the  State  Central  Committee,  a  posi- 
tion which  he  held  thrcmgh  two  campaigns.  The  vote  as  officially 
counted  gave  Crapo  10,443  majority,  but  the  \of<8  of  Alpena  and 
.Manjuette  Counties  were  not  returned  in  time  to  be  included  in  this 
count.     Under  a  decision  of  the  Supreme  Court  the  soldiers'  vote. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY 


taken  in  the  Held,  wag  alHo  exclnded.  The  vote  as  actually  cast  was: 
Crapo,  91,35ti;  Fenton,  74,21)3;  majority  for  Crapo,  17,063;  for  Presi- 
dent, Lincoln,  91,521;  McOlellan,  74,004.  The  Poldiere'  vote  was  9,608 
for  Crapo  and  2,992  for  Fenton. 

Before  the  Convention  of  1866  met  Johnsonisni  had  commenced 
its  work  by  sowing  discord  in  the  ranks  of  the  Republican  party; 
yet  the  Convention  was  a  strong,  if  not  very  harmonious  body.  It 
met  in  Merrill  Hall,  Detroit,  August  30,  with  Charles  S.  May  as  both 
Temporary  and  Permanent  Chairman.  On  an  informal  ballot  for 
Governor,  Henry  H.  Crapo  had  105  votes,  Henry  P.  Baldwin  52,  Wm. 
L.  Rtoughton,  of  St.  Joseph,  46,  and  scattering  3.  On  the  first  formal 
ballot  Governor  Oapo  was  renominated.  Dwight  May  was  nomin* 
ated  for  Lieutenant  Governor,  and  the  rest  of  the  ticket  was  as 
follows:  Secretary  of  State,  Oliver  L.  Spaiilding;  Treasurer,  E.  O. 
GroBvenor;  Auditor  General,  William  Humphrey;  Commissioner  of 
the  State  Land  Office.  Benjamin  I).  Pritchard;  Attorney  General, 
Willip.m  L.  Stoughton;  Superintendent  of  Public  Instruction,  Oramel 
Hosford.    Crapo's  majority  in  the  election  was  29.038. 

The  Convention  of  1868  was  held  in  Merrill  Hall.  Detroit,  July  1, 
and  was  called  to  order  by  William  A.  Howard,  (^hairman  of  the 
State  Central  Committee,  David  H  Jerome  was  Temporary  Chair- 
man and  James  Birney  Permanent.  Henry  1*.  Baldwin  was 
nominated  for  Governor,  receiving  139  votes  to  62  for  Cyrus  G.  Luce. 
Morgan  Batett  was  nominated  for  Lieutenant  Governor,  receiving  102 
votes  to  60  for  Jonathan  J.  Woodman  and  34  scattering.  Dwight 
May  was  nominated  for  Attorney  General,  and  the  rest  of  the  old 
ticket  was  renominated.  John  J.  Bagley  T^ras  chosen  Chairman  of 
the  State  Central  Committee. 

The  Convention  of  1870  met  in  Y'oung  Men's  Hall,  Detroit,  Sep- 
tember 1,  with  Lawrence  T.  Reiner,  of  St.  Clair,  for  Temporary 
Chairman,  ar.d  J.  K.  Boies,  of  Lenawee,  for  Permanent.  Governor 
Baldwin  was  renominated  by  acclamation  and  Morgan  Bates  was 
renominated  for  Lieutenant  Governor  on  the  first  ballot.  Daniel 
Striker  was  nominated  for  Secretary  of  State;  Vi<'tory  P.  Collier,  for 
Treasurer,  and  Charles  A.  Edmunds  for  Land  Commissioner,  with 
the  old  incumbents  for  Aud'tor  General,  Attorney  General,  Superin- 
tendent of  Public  Instruction  and  Members  of  the  Board  of  Education. 
Some  restiveness  had  developed  before  this  time  at  the  dominant 
influence  of  Detroit  in  the  part.>.  That  City  now  had  the  Governor, 
both  Unite<l  States  Senators,  the  Chairman  of  the  State  Central 


rv. 

iiall.v  cast  was: 
,063;  for  Presi- 
vote  was  9,608 

ad  commenced 
tublican  part.Vj 
lious  body.  It 
3,  May  as  both 
nal  ballot  for 
Idwin  52,  Wm. 
he  first  formal 
ly  was  nomin- 
ticket  was  as 
easurer,  E.  O. 
niinissioner  of 
rney  General, 
lotion,  Oramel 

►etroit,  July  1, 
lirman  of  the 
porary  Chair- 
Baldwin  was 
'yrus  G.  Luce. 

receiving  102 
•ing.  Dwight 
'8t  of  the  old 

Chairman  of 

Detroit,  Sep 
r  Temporary 
it.  Governor 
n  Bates  was 
illot.  Daniel 
?.  Collier,  for 
Bsioner.  with 
?ral,  Siiperiu- 
of  Education, 
he  dominant 
he  Governor, 
Itate  Central 


**iiwi*^ 


itf^-:' 


|?WP'yffl!*»\'.'i'|||l^L|'jiJ.jL.fii>!,iMy,^«ij,^ii),  I  -.ii'Tin  't"-'ii!;' 


KEPriBLICAN  STATE  CONVENTIONS. 


527 


Committee  and  the  party  headquarters,  and  the  last  seven  State 
Conventions  had  been  held  there.  This  restiveness  found  expression 
in  H  vote  that  the  next  State  Convention  should  be  held  at  Lansing, 
and  in  the  designation  of  Stephen  I).  Bingham,  of  the  same  City,  as 
Committee  Chairman,  a  position  which  he  filled  with  eminent  ability 
and  success  through  four  campaigns.  The  Prohibitionists  appeared 
in  the  field  with  a  separate  ticket  for  the  first  time  in  this  campaign, 
polling  2,710  votes.     Baldwin's  plurality  was  16,785. 

The  (>»nveution  of  1872  met  in  Representatives'  Hall,  July  31 
and  had  Charles  E.  Holland,  of  Houghton,  as  Temporary,  and  Sylves 
ter  Larned,  of  Detroit,  as  Permanent  Chairman.  John  J.  Bagley  was 
nominated  for  Governor  on  the  first  ballot,  having  164  votes  to  44 
for  Francis  B.  Stockbridge.  Henry  H.  Holt  was  nominated  for  Lieu- 
tenant Governor;  Daniel  B.  Briggs,  for  Superintendent  of  Public 
Instruction;  L.  H.  Clapj>,  for  Land  Commissioner  and  Byron  D.  Ball 
for  Attorney  General.  The  rest  of  the  old  ticket  was  renominated. 
The  election  was  .a  walk  over,  Bagley  having  57,088  plurality  over 
Austin  Blair,  candidate  on  the  Greeley  ticket. 

The  Convention  of  1874  was  held  at  Lansing,  August  26,  under  a 
n«w  apportionment  which  largely  increased  the  number  of  delegates. 
Byron  M.  Cutcheon  was  Temporary  Chairman  and  J.  Webster  Childs 
Permanent.  The  old  candidates  for  Governor,  Lieutenant-Governor, 
Land  Commissioner  and  Superintendent  of  Public  Instruction  were 
renominated  by  acclamation,  and  the  rest  of  the  ticket  was  made  up 
as  follows:  Treasurer,  William  B.  McCreary;  Auditor  General,  Ralph 
Ely;  Attorney  General,  A.  J.  Smith;  Member  of  the  State  Board  of 
Education,  Edgar  Rexford.  This  campaign  was  as  difficult  as  that 
of  1872  was  easy.  At  one  time  defeat  seemed  to  stare  the  Republicans 
in  the  face.  But  they  pulled  through  with  5,1169  plurality  for  the 
head  of  the  ticket,  and  with  pluralities  not  varying  widely  from  this 
for  the  rest  of  the  candidates. 

The  Convention  of  1876  was  held  at  Grand  Rapids,  August  3d, 
and  was  devoid  of  any  striking  features.  Early  in  the  season  public 
sentiment  had  <entered  upon  Ex-Speaker  Charles  M.  Croswell,  of 
Adrian,  as  the  candidate  for  Governor.  There  was  a  movement 
started  during  th*?  summer  in  favor  of  William  A.  Howard,  the  plea 
being  made  that  after  the  reverses  of  1874  the  party  needed  an  excep- 
tionally strong  candidate  in  the  field.  B«t  Mr.  Croswell  had  been 
too  long  before  the  jieoplc  to  be  sidetracked,  and  the  Howard  move- 
ment was  short  lived.    Nothing  wns  heard  of  it  after  the  delegates 


:   I 


»  •"  f+^-  '«MMiiH*^MiM 


•^^tamntamUMmmUm 


'"'k' 


■  ,tf,/,.jite^iaiftit: 


'il:'    <i 


528 


■'  -r^^:; 


HISTORY  OP  THE  RBU'UBLICAN  PARTY, 


i..,&:r 


lis,  V%%-, 

'     1 


reached  Grand  Rapids.  The  night  before  the  Convention  a  torch 
light  procession  paraded  the  streets,  which  were  illuminated  with 
colored  lights  and  fireworks.  Witter  J.  Baxter,  of  Hillsdale,  wais 
Temporary,  and  David  H.  Jerome,  of  Saginaw,  was  Permanent  Chair- 
man. Charles  M.  Croswell  was  nominated  for  Governor  by 
acclamation.  The  rest  of  the  ticket  was  as  follows :  Lieutenant  Gov- 
ernor, Alonzo  Sessions,  of  Ionia;  Secretary  of  State,  E.  G.  1>.  Holdeu, 
of  Kent;  Auditor  General,  Ralph  Ely,  of  Gratiot;  State  Treasurer, 
General  W.  B.  McCreary,  of  Genesee;  Commissioner  of  the  State  Land 
Office,  General  B.  F.  Partridge,  of  Allegan;  Attorney  (leueral.  Otto 
Kirchner,  of  Wayne;  Superintendent  of  Public  Instruction,  Horace 
A.  Tarbell,  of  Saginaw;  Member  of  the  State  Board  of  Education, 
Witter  J.  Baxter,  of  Hillsdale.  The  platform  adopted  was  short 
and  very  general  in  its  character.  This  campaign  was  the  first  in 
which  the  Greenback  party  made  any  considerable  showing,  its  vote 
for  Governor  being  8,297.    Crosswell's  plurality  was  23,434. 

In  the  campaigns  up  to  1878  the  principles  of  the  party  had  been 
well  defined  by  the  ^National  Conventions  and  the  party  in  the  States 
might  reasonably  follow  in  the  imths  thus  outlined.  But  the  year 
1878,  which  was  not  a  Presidential  year,  presented  a  new  problem  for 
consideration.  The  Greenback  party,  which  had  first  come  into  the 
field  with  a  separate  ticket  in  1876,  hardly  rose  in  that  year  above 
the  dignity  of  a  faction.  It  was  regarded  by  most  Republicans  as  an 
a-ggregation  of  visionaries,  which  need  not  be  taken  into  serious 
account  in  the  planning  of  a  campaign.  But  the  morning  after  the 
spring  elections  in  1878  the  Republican  leaders  rubbed  their  eyes  as 
if  awakening  from  a  dream.  The  little  faction  of  Greenbackers  had 
suddenly  sprang  a  form^idable  movement.  They  had  carried  a  large 
number  of  City  and  Village  elections.  Worse  than  that,  in  the  fann- 
ing districts  they  had  cut  a  wide  swath  through  many  of  the 
staunchest  Republican  counties.  Along  the  two  Southern  tiers,  and 
up  through  the  centei"  of  the  State,  they  had  carried  township  after 
township,  and  in  Boards  of  Supervisors  which  had  been  Republican 
ever  since  the  party  was  organized  it  now  figured  only  as  a  small 
minority.  In  Barry  County  the  Republican  representation  on  the 
Board  was  reduced  from  10  to  3,  in  Bay  from  16  t(»  7,  in  Branch  from 
18  to  5,  in  Calhoun  from  17  to  7,  in  Clinton  froin  11  to  7,  in  Gratiot 
from  18  to  8,  in  Ionia  from  13  to  8,  in  ^Vayue  from  23  to  14  add  in 
Kent  from  22  to  2.  The  Greenbackers  .'  id  won  nearly  all  that  the 
Republicans  had  lost,  and  some  from  the  liemocrats  besides.    They 


■.^'■^•-' 


'■.<^- 


•MMMMI 


1 


[""M:  ■     ■ 


ention  a  torch- 
luminated  with 

Hillsdale,  wais 
Tnmnent  Chair- 

Governor  by 
Jeutenant  Gov- 
:.  O.  n.  Holdeu, 
tate  Treasurer, 
the  State  Land 
'  (Jeneral,  Otto 
uction,  Horace 

of  Education, 
>ted  was  short 
as  the  first  in 
owing,  its  vote 
3,434. 

party  had  been 
y  in  the  States 

But  the  year 
!W  problem  for 
come  into  the 
lat  year  above 
ublicans  as  an 
1  into  serious 
ning  after  the 
I  their  eyes  as 
snbackers  had 
arried  a  large 
t,  in  the  farm- 
many  of   the 
ern  tiers,  and 
Dwnship  after 
;n  Republican    , 
ly  as  a  small 
tation  on  the 

Branch  from 

7,  in  Gratiot 

to  14  a^id  in 
?  all  that  the 
esides.    They 


KEIM'BLICAN  STATE  CONVENTIOXH. 


m» 


were,  ni<»rcover,  us  the  tiiue  for  the  summer  (onventions  approached 
boastful,  confident  and  defiant.  They  even  scorned  a  fusion  with  the 
Democrats,  professing  their  ability  to  <arry  the  State  alone;  or  as 
Moses  VV.  Fifcld  expressed  it  in  the  Wayne  County  (Convention,  they 
would  'sweep  Waynt  county  like  a  whirlwind,  and  elect  a  Governor 
by  the  largest  majority  tluit  Michigan  ever  gave." 

The  (}n>«^nbackers  were  not  only  confident  but  were  eager  for 
th  iontest.  They  proposed  to  nmke  it  a  talking  campaign  and  a  long 
one.  Tlieir  conventions  were  called  in  advance  of  those  of  the  other 
parties,  that  in  Wayne  County  being  May  28,  and  the  State  conven- 
tions being  lield  in  Grand  Rapids,  June  5.  There  were  two  sets  of 
delegates  and  two  State  Conventio^is,  one  the  "regulars,"  headed 
by  Moses  W.  Field,  and  the  other  the  Pomeroy"  section,  headed  in 
this  State  by  R.  E.  Hoyt,  but  after  a  little  dallying  they  came  to  an 
agreement,  nominated  Henry  S.  Smith  for  Governor,  and  adopted  a 
platfonn,  which  contained,  among  others  the  following  demands: 

1.  The  unconditional  rejieal  of  the  so-called  Resumption  Act. 

2.  The  issue  of  all  paper  money  by  the  General  Gc  ernment: 
only  such  paper  money  to  be  a  full  legal  tender  for  all  delta  public 
and  private. 

3.  Tliat  no  more  interest-bearing  bonds  of  the  Government  of 
any  kind  or  <  lass  be  issued,  and  that  all  bonds  now  outstanding  be 
paid  as  speedily  as  possible. 

5.  The  coinage  of  silver  to  be  placed  upon  the  same  footing  as 
that  of  gold. 

«.    The  repeal  of  the  National  Banking  Law. 

In  their  speeches  many  of  the  Greenbackers  went  much  further 
than  this,  advocating  the  full  flat  money  idea  and  proposing  an  issue 
of  f2,(MM>,000,C'00  in  greenbacks,  to  be  issued  "direct  to  the  people." 

While  the  Greenback  movement  was  thus  boasting  itself,  the 
Republican  leaders  were  in  a  quandary.  Owing  to  President  Hayes' 
"Civil  Service  Order  No.  1,"  a  number  of  members  of  the  State  Cen- 
tral Committee  had  resigned.  Among  these  was  the  Chairman,  „ 
Stephen  J).  Bingham,  who  had  successfully  conducted  four  cam- 
paigns, but  \*ho  was  then  Postmaster  at  Lansing.  George  H.  Hop- 
kins, of  Detroit,  had  been  appointed  to  fill  the  vacancy.  In  this  emer- 
ji^ency  he  sent  out  letters  to  leading  Republicans  throughout  the 
State,  inviting  them  to  a  conference  at  the  Russell  House  in  Detroit, 
and  in  so  doing  rendered  the  party  the  best  service  that  it  was  his 
good  fortune  to  perform  during  the  two  periods  of  his  chairmanship. 


■'■•%. 


I 


mm 


In 


% 


u, 


53U 


HISTOKY  OF  THE  HEPUUUCAN  PARTY, 


111 


About  seventy-flve  responded  and  it  wan  a  gatlieHnR  of  Htrong  men. 
The  cpisig  called  for  as  much  of  the  heroic  quality  um  did  that  which 
led  to  the  organization  of  the  i)arty  in  the  first  place;  and  the  heroic 
quality  was  Ihere.  The  main  question  was  whether  ther«  should 
be  any  concession  to  the  Greenl>a<'k  sentinumt  in  platform  or  cam- 
paign, or  whether  the  banner  of  resumption  and  of  sound  money 
should  be  held  aloft,  even  though  it  was  i-arried  to  temporary  defeat. 
Governor  Croswell  was  prt'sent,  and  it  might  be  said  that  he  was 
the  most  interested  ]mrty  there,  inasmuch  as  he  was  a  candidate 
for  re-election.  He  told  the  I'onferees  that  they  need  not  take  his 
prospects  into  account.  He  would  rather  be  defeated  on  a  sound 
money  platform  than  to  be  elected  on  one  that  involved  any  surren- 
der of  principles.  A  few  were  at  first  in  favor  of  modifying  the  party 
utterances  in  the  hoi)e  of  winning  back  some  of  the  (Greenback  Repub- 
licans, but  the  general  sense  of  the  conference  was  that  there  should 
be  no  concession  made  to  that  sentiment.  The  ultimate  decision  was 
that  an  early  convention  should  be  called  and  an  aggressive  cam- 
paign should  be  made.  It  was  fui*ther  agreed  that  ex-Henator  Chan- 
dler should  act  as  Chairman  of  the  Convention,  and  should  also  be 
Chairman  of  the  State  Central  Committee.  It  was  with  much  of  this 
same  spirit  that  the  Convention  met  in  Detroit.  June  13.  It  was  a 
superb  gathering,  bringing  together  more  of  the  strong  men  of  the 
State'  than  any  other  gathering  since  that  which  organized  the  party 
in  1854.  James  H.  Stone  was  Temporary  Chairman,  and  according  to 
the  understanding  arrived  at  by  the  Russell  House  conference,  Mr. 
Chandler  was  Permanent  Chairman.  Mr.  Chandler,  in  his  opening 
speech,  left  no  doubt  in  regard  to  his  attitude  on  the  currency  ques- 
tion, and  the  platform  was  equally  explicit.  Two  of  its  paragraphs 
were  as  follows: 

We  denounce  repudiation  in  any  form  and  repudiators  in  every 
disguise.  We  regard  the  plighted  faith  of  a  community  as  binding 
upon  all  its  members,  and  the  failure  to  fulfill  a  public  obligation  as 
a  stain  upon  both  public  and  private  honor;  and  we  insist  that  the 
debts  of  the  Nation  shall  be  paid  wit)  the  same  fairness  and  integrity 
with  which  an  honest  man  seeks  to  j  ly  his  individual  liabilities.- 

We  assert  that  no  prosperity  can  be  real  or  durable  that  is 
founded  on  a  fictitious  standard;  tiiat  the  value  of  paper  currency, 
whether  issued  by  the  Government  or  by  banks,  is  derived  from  its 
''promises  to  pay"  and  the  credit  that  promise  is  worth;  that  the  full 
benefits  of  such  a  currency  cannot  be  realized  unless  it  is  convertible 
on  demand  into  gold  and  silver;  that  a  circulation  of  paper  and  coin 


i;cr::r!irlSi<^l^imimimi''W^''-'''''-^'^ 


**(!!»■ T  -: 


'.V^-: 


,.  ^-^u 


if  8tr<>ii){  men. 
lid  that  which 
iiul  the  lieroiv 

there  should 
■form  or  cam- 
sound  money 
|)orary  defeat. 
I  that  he  was 
^  a  candidate    , 

not  take  his    i 
i  on  a  sound     \, 
d  aiiv  surren-    n 
ang  the  party    ; 
'nbacli  Repub- 

there  should 
'  decision  was 
pressive  cam- 
Senator  (/han- 
hould  also  be 
1  much  of  this 
13.  It  was  a 
g  men  of  the 
zed  the  party 

according  to 

nferenee,  Mr. 

his  opening 

iirrency  ques- 

paragraphs 

tors  in  every 
y  as  binding 
obligation  as 
sist  that  the 
and  integrity  ' 
bilities.- 
*able  that  is 
>er  currency, 
ved  from  its 
that  the  full 
convertible 
per  and  coin 


REPUBLK'AN  HTATE  (X)NVENTION8. 


531 


interchangeable  at  par  and  at  the  will  of  the  holder,  has  been  proved 
by  experience  to  be  the  best  known  to  commer<>e:  that  this  country 
is  too  great  to  submit  to  a  subordinate  jjlace  among  commercial 
nations,  and  its  people  are  too  honest  to  be  <'ontent  with  unredeemed 
and  irredeemable  promises,  and  in  the  name  of  all  the  producing 
Classen  and  of  every  honest  workingman,  we  demand  a  currency  that 
is  not  only  worth  its  face  all  over  the  Union,  but  will  command 
respect,  recognition  and  its  full  value  in  every  market  in  the  world. 

Mi<'higan  Rejiublicans  were  the  only  ones  in  the  West  that  wer» 
entirely  aggressive  in  their  flght  a«?ainst  every  form  of  financial  heresy. 
The  New  York  Times  said  editorially,  the  day  after  the  Convention: 
"The  Michigan  Republicans  have  done  well.  Their  ])latform  has 
aJout  it  the  clear  ring  of  honest  conviction,  undulled  by  any  half 
hearted  or  halting  compromise.  So  lucid  and  courageous  an  enun- 
ciation of  the  financial  creed  of  the  Republican  party  has  ct  rtainly 
not  been  made  this  year,  nor  has  the  irreconcilable  hostility  of  the 
party  to  all  forms  of  tampering  with  public  credit  and  National 
honor  been  so  resolutely  and  judiciously  stated  as  by  the  Detroit 
Convention." 

The  campaign  that  followed  was  in  keeping  with  the  platform. 
Mr.  Chandler's  Confidential  Secretary,  George  W.  Partridge,  was 
appointed  Secretary  of  the  State  Central  Committee,  He  was  admir- 
ably equipped  for  the  detailed  work  of  that  organization,  leaving  Mr. 
Chandler  free  to  take  the  stum]),  which  he  did,  with  good  results,  in 
all  the  leading  cities  of  the  State.  Many  joint  debates  were  arranged, 
among  them  a  series  between  General  Samuel  F.  Cary,  the  "father  of 
the  Greenback  party,"  and  William  Williams  of  Indiana,  which 
attracted  wide  attention.  A  number  of  distinguished  speakers  from 
outside  the  State  were  enga^^ed  for  single  meetings,  including  James 
Q.  Blaine,  James  A.  Garfield  and  Stewart  L.  Woodford.  The  restilt 
was  a  magnificent  victory,  the  Republicans  electing  their  State  ticket 
by  over  47,00(1  plurality,  with  an  entire  Congressional  delegation,  and 
large  majorities  in  both  houses  of  the  Ijegislature.  As  one  result  of 
this  victory  the  Democrats  and  "Nationals,"  as  the  Greenbackers 
then  called  themselves,  fused,  or  rather,  it  might  be  said  that  the 
Nationals  absorbed  the  Democrats,  in  the  next  spring  campaign.  But 
even  at  that,  the  splendid  organization  of  the  Republicans  enabled 
them  to  win,  electing  Supreme  Court  Justice  and  two  Regents  of  the 
University  by  majorities  ranging  from  5,381  to  6,143. 

In  1880  the  fusion  between  the  Democrats  and  Nationals  was  off 
again.     The  two  parties  nominated  separate  tickets  for  Governor, 


■vl 


B32 


HIKTORV  OFTIIr"  RKITHLICAN  I'AKTY. 


and  tliat  guvr  th<>  Ui'publicaiiH  aHHiinince  of  an  catt.v  caiupaiKii.  At 
thj'ir  <N)nven<HU)  there  wan  a  v»*rv  pretty  ra<'e  for  the  (j^ubernatorial 
nomination  between  David  H.  .Jerome,  Tliomat*  W.  I'alnier,  Rice  A. 
Itt'al,  Jolin  T.  Rieli  and  FraneiH  H.  Stoekbridge.  The  eonteHt  wan 
eloHe  and  the  <-anvaRNinf;  a<'tive,  but  entirely  g<»od  natnred.  The  ('<»n- 
vention  waH  held  at  JackMon,  Au^iiHt  5,  with  Rohw<>II  d.  Horr  an 
Temporary  rhairnmn,  and  Colonel  licnry  M.  iMitlleld  aH  I'ermanenI 
Chairman.  A  lon^  time  waH  taken  a'mU  the  variouM  nominatin^j;  and 
Hecondinj^  HpeeeheB.  and  the  firHt  ballot,  when,  at  last  it  whh  reached, 
g«,ve  the  following  very  even  reHult: 

John  T.  Rich 115 

'<         Rice  A.  Real  107    • 

w    ThonuiB  \\.  Palmer 105 

Francis  R.  Stockbridge 103 

David  H.  Jerome 102 

Charles  T.  Gorhatn 16 

K.  G.  1).  Holden 1       '-' 

The  Hecond  ballot  wan  about  the  Hame.  Stockbridge  began  to  fall 
off  on  the  third  ballot,  Pnlnu'r  on  the  sixth,  and  Real  on  the  eighth, 
leaving  the  contest  virtually  between  Rich  and  Jerome.  It  termin- 
ated on  the  tenth,  when  Jerome  had  IMS,  Rich  238  and  Heal  4.  The 
candidates  w.'ie  all  on  tl.e  ground,  and  as  they  were  called  out,  one 
after  the  other,  they  gaA'e  very  good  examples  of  varied  convention 
oratory.  Senator  Palmer  especially  captivated  the  audience  with  a 
witty  and  philoso[>hic  speech,  commencing  with  "One  by  one  the 
martyrs  come  before  you."  It  was  remarked  by  many  that  if  he  had 
been  afforded  a  chan<'e  to  make  such  a  si)ee<-li  early  in  the  Conven- 
tion he  would  have  been  nominated.  The  ticket  was  tilled  out  with 
Moreau  S.  Crosby,  for  Lieutenant  (Jovernor;  Secretary  of  State, 
William  Jenney;  Treasurer,  Renjamin  1>.  Pritchard;  Auditor  Gen- 
eral, W.  I.  Latimer;  Land  Commielsioner,  James  Neasmith;  Attorney 
Gen3ral.  Jacob  J.  Van  Riper;  Sui)erintendent  of  Public  Instruction, 
Cornelius  A.  Ctower;  Member  of  the  State  Roard  of  Edncalion,  Kdgar 
Rexford.  H.  P.  Raldwin  was  (^hairman  of  the  State  Central  Com- 
mittee, and  W.  R.  Rates  was  Secretary.  The  campaign  was  well  con- 
ducted, and  the  opposition  was  divided.  A  handsome  plurality  for 
the  whole  ticket  was  the  result,  that  for  Jerome  being  41,273. 

Hefore  the  campaign  of  1882  opened  the  temperance  qut»stion 
had  become  a  disturbing  factor  in  Republican  politics.  There  was 
a  very  strong  demand  for  the  submission  of  a  I'rohibitory  Amend- 


'n 


Y. 


KEPIJHLH'AN  HTATK  CONVKNTIONK. 


'>:{:{ 


unipuiKn.  At 
ffiibernutorial 
Inier,  Rice  A. 
•  conteHt  WHH 
•ed.  The  Con- 
II  (}.  Hon'  iiH 
UH  IVriimiieiil 
)iiiinatiufi:  and 
WHH  reached, 

...  107    • 

. ..  105 

. ..  103 

. ..  102 
...     16 


I'  bejjaii  to  fall 

an  the  eighth, 

e.     It  termin- 

Heal  4.     The 

ailed  out,  one 

?d  convention 

lience  with  a 

by  one  the 

hat  if  he  had 

the  Conven- 

lled  out  with 

ivy  of  State, 

Vuditor  Oen- 

itli;  Attorney 

luHtniction, 

aiion,  FMgar 

'entral  Ooni- 

wa»  well  <'on- 

plurality  for 

,273. 

nee  question 
There  was 
tory  Auiend- 


HLent  to  the  ('ouHtitudou  and  the  lic]»ublicanH  in  the  hiHt  Le((iBlature 
wer«    committed    aliiioHt    unaniiriouHly    t(*   that.      Ooveruor   Jerome, 
althou}{h  not  at  all  ohtruHive  in  <'X|>reHMinK  Imh  o|(ini(»n  on  the  Hub 
ject,  waH  known  to  be  oppoHed  to  the  aiiicndment.  and  even  to  the 

HubmiHsion  of  it.     HIh  adminiHtratiou  had  I ii  dean  and  able,  but 

he  had  made  H<tme  enemicH  by  IiIh  auHteiit,\  of  numner,  and  there 
were  ||;iave  doubtH  anion^  obHervin^  I{ei>ubli('anH  of  IiIh  ability  to 
carry  the  Htate  again.  When  the  <'oiivention  im-i  in  Kalaniiuoo, 
AugUHt  30,  lhS:i,  tliere  wan  a  decide<l  in<-lination  to  depart  from  the 
two-term,  rule  (»f  the  party  and  to  nominate  Home  oilier  man.  The 
preference  turned  toward  ThonuiH  W.  I'almer,  and  when  li  mitively 
refiiHed  the  uhc  of  IiIh  name,  there  waH  a  diHpoHitioii  aniouK  Home  to 
place  him  in  the  tlMd,  even  againnt  IiIh  prot«'Ht.  TIiIh  movement  whh 
finally  HuppreHHed,  i  hough  nearly  one  hundred  delegaten  Htill  inHititeti 
up<m  voting  for  him.  .1.  W.  French  wan  temporary  Chairman  of  the 
Convention  and  ThonuiH  W.  i'aimer  Permanent  Chairnum.  The  ))lat- 
forni,  \)'hich  waH  long,  heartily  indorned  Governor  Jerome's  adniiu- 
iBtration,  gave  attention  t<»  a  numliifr  of  State  and  National  affairM, 
and  had  the  following  upon  the  pndiibition  <]ueHtion: 

it  Ih  a  fundamental  right  «»f  the  people  to  alter,  from  time  to 
time,  tile  organic  law  of  the  State,  an  new  circuniHVanceH  or  growing 
evils  may  retjuire,  laying  itH  foundatiouH  on  hucIi  principles  and 
organising  its  powers  in  such  a  form  as  to  them  shall  seem  most 
likely  to  efl'ect  their  safety  and  happiness.  The  evils  of  intemper 
ance  have  beiome  so  great  that,  in  the  name  of  patriotism,  most 
efficient  measures  ought  to  be  taken  to  reduce  those  evils  to  a  mini- 
mum, and  as  members  of  no  political  pairty  are  wholly  agreed  as  to 
whether  this  can  be  best  be  done  by  prohibition  or  regulation  of  the 
traffic  in  intoxicating  liquors;  and  as  the  peojile  are  and  ought  to  be 
the  final  arbitrators  of  this  question;  and  as  more  than  a  hundred 
thousand  among  the  moral  and  intelligent  people  of  the  State  have 
aslied  by  petition  that  that  (|uestion  be  put  to  the  i)eople  by  sub- 
mission to  them  of  a  prohibitory  (Constitutional  Amendment;  we 
declare  that  we  believe  it  would  be  wise  and  patriotic  for  the  next 
Legislature  to  submit  such  amendment  to  the  direct  vote  of  the 
Iieople,  and  we  denuind  tliat  it  be  so  subntitted. 

Wlien  the  time  came  for  nominations,  Governor  Jerome's  name 
was  presenti»d  by  Captain  E.  P.  Allen,  of  Washtenaw,  and  supported 
by  half  a  dozen  other  counties.     The  vote  stood  as  follows: 

David  H.  Jerome 561 

Thomas   VV.    Palmer 07 

Franiis  B.  Stockbridge 14 

Henjamin  F.  Pritchard 10 

Scattering 10       -^ 


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Till-  ticket  wiiH  coiiiph'U  .i  ai*  followM:  liicntciiaiit  Governor. 
Morcaii  H.  t'roHbv.  of  K«Mit;  Sccretai-.v  of  Htate,  llariy  A.  Conanf,  of 
Moiiroo;  TivaHiirtT,  Kdward  II.  Butler,  of  Wa.vne;  Auditor  Oeneral, 
William  ('.  HteveuH,  «*f  Iohco;  liaiid  ('ouiniiHHioner,  Minor  H.  Newell, 
of  tJeneKee;  Attorney  (leneral,  Jacob  J.  Van  Riper,  of  HerrJcn;  HuiH?r 
intendent  of  I'uhlic  luHt ruction,  Varnuni  It.  ('o<-liran,  of  Ai.'.rquette; 
Member  of  the  Htate  Hoard  of  Education,  Hela  W.  Jenkn,  of  St.  Clair. 

The  DeniocratH  and  Nationals  nominated  a  FuHion  ticket,  headed 
b}'  JoHiah  \V.  Ke^ole,  u  fornuM'  Uepublican  Mendier  of  CongresiUs  and 
iifterwanlH  one  of  the  .  .iderH  in  the  Clreenback  movement.  They  w.iA^ 
the  contettt  a  bitterly  j-  rHonal  one  jigaiuHt  (lovernor  Jerome,  a^  ; 
were  aided  by  Boni«  KepublicanH.  The  Htraight  [Prohibition  vote, 
which  waH  dr-iwn  chieHy  from  the  Ue)Mil>lican8,  alHo  increuHed  from 
1,114  in  IHMt)  I  :  5,864  in  thlH  campaign.  Tnder  theHc  t-oiiibined  intia- 
ences  Oover^Mu-  Jerome  wuh  defeated  by  4,572  voten.  The  rest  of  the 
Republican  ucket  was  elected  by  pluralitien  ranging  from  7,772  to 
14,237. 

In  spUe  of  tlie  defeat  of  a  part  of  the  ticket  in  the  taW  >f  1882, 
and  of  tht'  whole  tic!  >  '  in  the  Hpring  of  IHHIJ,  the  Republicans  '•»)me 
together  at  Detroit,  '-.unjust  1J{,  1884,  in  one  of  the  largest  and  moa' 
enthusiaBtic  gatherings  ever  held  in  the  Htatc.  Early  in  the  Heawor^ 
Cyrup  G.  Luce  was  counted  on  generally  as  the  noniint:>  for  liovernor, 
bat  iJVifuer  late  in  the  canvaas  General  R.  A.  Alger  entered  the  field 
Geaer^ul  Al^er  was  comparatively  new  in  |)olitics,  but  put  up  a  cam- 
pa*^.*  that  had  enough  of  the  cavalry  dnoh  in  it  to  soon  make  him  an 
imponaut  ).;<  tor  in  the  contest.  When  the  Convention  met  it  was, 
by  no  i;\eon8.  anybody's  fight,  but  by  the  time  the  preliminaries  were 
oven,  t'?e  r.'esidentia!  Electors  were  named,  the  platform  adopted 
an'*  !  he  nominating  speeches  made,  it  was  clear  that  General  Alger 
'  fiH  in  the  lead.  It  required  only  one  ballot  to  settle  the  matter, 
Alger  having  371  votes  and  Luce  243.  Mr.  Luce  was  then  nominated 
for  Lieutenant  Governor  by  acclamation,  but  declined,  and  the  ticket 
was  completed  as  follows:  Lieutenant  Governor,  Archibald  Buttars, 
of  Charlevoix;  Secretary  of  State,  Harry  A.  Conant,  of  Monroe;  State 
Treasurer,  Edward  H.  Butler,  of  Wayne;  Auditor  General,  W^illian* 
C.  Stevens,  of  Washtenaw;  I^and  (Commissioner,  Minor  S.  Newell,  of 
Genesee;  Superintendent  of  Public  Instruction,  Hersehel  R.  Gass,  of 
Hillsdale;  Attorney  General,  Moses  Taggart,  of  Kent;  Member  of  the 
State  Board  of  Education,  James  F.  Ballou,  of  Allegan.  Jay  A.  Hub- 
bell,  of  Houghton,  was  Temporary  Chairman  of  the  Convention,  and 
Edward  B.  Lacey,  of  Eaton,  was  Permanent  Chairman. 


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t«'iinnt  Oovernor. 
rry  A.  Conunf,  of 
Auditor  OtMieral, 
Minor  H.  N»*w('ll, 
if  Herifi'ii;  Kiiimm- 
in,  of  Ai..r«nH«fte, 
I'nlcH,  of  St.  Cluir. 
on  tickot,  headed 
of  CongresM,  and 
iiient.  They  wuid^ 
nor  Jerome,  aiU 
Prohibition  veto, 
i>  Increased  from 
I'  c-oikibined  infiu- 
The  rest  of  the 
ig  froM  7,772  to 

the  /«;i  .)f  1882, 
epublicanH  fftme 
urgent  and  moiB< 
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t*'  for  iixivernor, 
iitered  the  field 
It  put  up  a  cam- 
on  make  him  an 
tion  met  it  wag, 
ilimJnarieB  were 
atform  adopted 
t  General  Alger 
ttle  the  matter, 
then  nominated 
1,  and  the  ticket 
hibald  Buttars, 
f  Monroe;  State 
eneral,  William 
jr  8.  Newell,  of 
hel  R.  GasB,  of 
Member  of  the 
a.  Jay  A.  Hub- 
convention,  and 


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CIHM/ICMH 
Collection  de 
microfiches. 


Canadian  Institute  for  Historical  Microreproductions  /  Institut  Canadian  de  microreproductions  historiques 


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REPUBLICAN  STATE  CONVEXTIOXS. 


r^'M 


i 


as  introduced,  and  the  next  Legislature  passed  such  an  Act  as  is  liere 
indicated.  But  by  this  time  the  Prohibition  wave  liad  begun  to 
recede,  and  only  a  few  counties  availed  themselves  of  the  law.  The 
straight  Prohibition  vote  also  began  to  fall  off,  and  the  Temperance 
(juestion,  except  so  far  as  it  affected  the  vote  for  (Governor  in  1890, 
ceased  to  have  very  great  influence  upon  Michigan  elections. 

The  first  day  and  evening  of  the  Convention  which  met  August  S, 
1888,  constituted  more  of  a  ratification  meeting  for  the  I'resideutial 
nominations  than  a  meeting  for  the  pushing  of  business,  though  the 
District  caucuses  completed  their  work.  Major  Charles  W.  VVatkins, 
of  Kent,  was  Temporary  Chairman  and  George  A.  Farr,  of  Ottawa, 
was  Permanent  Chairman.  The  Governor,  Ijieutenant  Governor, 
Secretary  of  State,  Treasurer,  Auditor  General,  Land  Commissioner 
and  Superintendent  of  Public  Instruction  were  all  renominated. 
Stephen  V.  R.  Trowbridge,  of  Ionia,  was  nominated  for  Attiirney  Gen- 
eral, and  Perry  P.  Powers,  of  Wexford,  for  Member  of  the  State 
Board  of  Education.  In  this  campaign  the  Republicans,  both  in  State 
and  Nation,  were  confident  from  the  start.  The  Cleveland  Adminis- 
tration had  given  great  dissatisfaction,  while  the  Republican 
candidates  were  entirely  acceptable  to  the  party.  The  result  was  a 
fair  plurality  for  the  whole  Republican  ticket,  both  Electoral  and 
State,  that  for  Governor  Luce  being  17,145. 

The  Convention  of  1890  met  in  Detroit,  August  27,  and  was 
called  to  order  by  Major  George  H.  Hopkins,  Chairman  of  the  old 
State  Central  Committee.  Judge  P.  T.  Van  Zile  was  Temporary  Chair- 
man, and  Austin  Blair  was  Permanent  Chairman.  It  had  been 
generally  expected  that  John  T.  Rich,  of  Lapeer,  would  receive  the 
nomination  for  Governor,  but  James  M.  Turner,  of  Lansing,  made  a 
sharp  six  weeks'  canvass,  and  took  the  nomination  by  499  votes  to  455 
for  Mr.  Rich.  The  rest  of  the  ticket  was:  Lieutenant  Governor. 
William  S.  Linton,  of  Saginaw;  Secretary  of  State,  Washington 
Gardner,  of  Calhoun;  State  Treasurer,  Joseph  B.  Moore,  of  Wayne; 
Auditor  General,  Theron  P.  Giddings,  of  Kalamazoo;  Attorney  Gen- 
eral, Benjamin  W.  Huston,  of  Tuscoia;  Commissioner  of  State  Land 
Office,  John  G.  Berry;  Superintendent  of  Public  Instruction,  Orr 
Schurtz;  Member  of  the  State  Board  of  Education,  James  M.  Ballon. 
James  McMillan  was  appointed  Chairman  of  the  State  Central  Com 
mittee,  of  which  W.  R.  Bates  was  Secretary.  The  platform  was  very 
short,  and  the  temperance  plank  in  it  was  narrowed  down  to  this: 
"We    reaffirm    the    position    of    the    Republican    party    heretofore 


■-  'te'. 


rwiw^T'       ''  '  '         ^^ ' 


^r-r 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 


r 


expressed  in  its  State  platforms  of  1886  and  1888  upon  the  Temper- 
ance question."  Previous  to  the  nomination  Mr.  Turner  had  not 
been  conspicuous  in  politics.  The  mass  of  the  Republicans  linew  but 
little  of  him,  but  their  oppoi^nts  took  pains  that  they  should  speedily 
And  out  a  great  deal  too  much.  His  record  did  not  prove  satisfactory 
to  the  temperance  people,  and  in  some  other  respec-ts  the  campaign 
became  a  defensive  one.  The  Prohibition  vote  went  up  to  28,681,  the 
largest  ever  polled,  and  most  of  the  third  party  vote,  which  at  this 
time  went  under  the  names  of  Patrons  of  Industry,  was  cast  for  the 
Democratic  ticket.  On  the  strength  of  this  A'ote  the  Democratic  can- 
didate for  Ooverno;-  was  elected  by  11,520  plurality,  and  the  other 
candidaies  on  the  ticket  by  pluralities  ranging  from  887  on  Treasurer 
to  3,636  on  Member  of  the  Uoard  of  Education.  The  Democrats  had 
a  clear  majority  in  the  House  of  Representatives.  In  the  Senate,  at 
the  opening  of  the  session,  there  were  14  Republicans,  14  Democrats 
and  4  who  were  elected  as  Patrons  of  Industry.  Of  the  latter  one 
generally  voted  with  the  Democrats  and  the  other  three  maintained 
an  independent  position.  In  order  to  secure  control  of  the  Senate 
the  Democrats  took  advantage  of  the  absence  of  eight  Republicans 
at  the  State  Convention  in  February,  to  unseat  two  of  the  Republican 
Senators,  and  seat  Democrats  in  their  places.  A  promise  had  been 
given  by  the  Democratic  leaders  that  no  matters  political  should  be 
brought  up  during  the  absence  of  the  Republicans  at  Convention,  but 
the  majority  claimed  that  this  promise  was  not  binding  upon  them. 
Aside  from  this  breaking  of  a  pledge  the  proceedings  in  the  unseating 
movement  were  in  violation  of  half  a  dozen  rules  of  parliamentary 
procedure.  In  both  cases  do«'uments  were  presented  to  the  Senate 
as  reports  of  committees  which  the  committees  had  never  seen  nor 
authorized ;  in  some  part  of  the  proceedings  in  each  case  the  minority 
were  denied  recognition  by  the  presiding  officer;  in  the  last  case 
Senators  were  recorded  as  present  and  voting  when  they  were  not  in 
the  Senate  Chamber,  and  the  Journal  was  afterward  falsifled  in  order 
to  sustain  the  bogus  vote;  throughout  the  whole  proceedings  an 
officer  of  the  Democratic  State  Central  Committee,  but  not  a  member 
of  the  Senate,  stood  at  the  elbow  of  the  presiding  officer  and  prompted 
his  rulings.  The  next  day  an  attempt  was  made  to  deprive  the  minor- 
ity of  the  right  of  protest  guaranteed  by  the  (Constitution  to  every 
Senator,  and  the  Senate  refused  the  request  made  by  six  of  the  Sena- 
tors that  their  names  be  stricken  off  the  Journal  where  they 
erroneously  appeared  as  voting  in  one  of  the  cases.    Finally  the  two 


v^V 


■■.  'f. 


T|i 


rY. 

>n  the  Temper- 

urner  had  not 

icans  knew  bur 

nhould  speedily 

ve  satisfactorv 

I  the  campaign 

p  to  28,681,  the 

which  at  this 

as  cast  for  the 

•emocratic  can- 

and  the  other 

7  on  Treasurer 

Democrats  had 

the  Senate,  at 

14  Democrats 

the  latter  one 

•ee  maintained 

of  the  Senate 

it  Republicans 

he  Republican 

aiise  had  been 

ii'pA  should  be 

onvention,  but 

ig  upon  them. 

the  unseating 

parliamentary 

to  the  Senate 

ever  seen  nor 

i  the  minority 

the  la«t  case 

y  were  not  in 

iifled  in  order 

oeeedings  an 

lot  a  uiember 

ind  prompted 

ve  the  minor- 

tion  to  every 

of  the  Sena- 

where   they 

mlly  the  two 


RKIMHLICAN  8TATK  CONVENTIONS. 


5.S«) 


Senators  who  had  been  fraudulently  declared  entitled  to  seats  were 
surreptitiously  sworn  in  early  in  the  morniui;,  and  the  same  day 
they  voted  on  questions  relating  directly  to  their  own  cases. 

With  the  majority  thus  obtained  the  Democrats  passed  an  appor- 
tionment Bill  that- was  declared  unconstitutional,  and  other  exti-eme 
partisan  measures.  The  record,  taken  as  a  whole,  waH  so  unsavory 
that  the  people  wanted  no  more  of  the  party.  The  spring  election 
went  Republican  again,  and  the  State  kept  going  Republican  by 
majorities  which  in  six  out  of  the  next  eight  years  were  larger  than 
ever  before.  From  1852  to  the  present  time  the  State  has  had  only 
**'«ne  Democratic  Legislature,  and  one  branch  of  that  was  made  so  by 
■;  fraud. 

With  the  rtmvention  of  1892  conunenced  Uazen  S.  Pingree'« 
meteoric  career  in  State  politics,  though  it  did  not  reach  its  zenith 
till  four  years  later.  The  Mayor's  political  and  administrative  sue 
cesses  in  Detroit  had  been  such  as  to  warrant  the  expectation  of  a 
notable  career  in  a  wider  field,  and  with  the  solid  backing  of  Wayne 
County  he  appeared  as  a  candidate  for  Governor  at  the  (Convention 
which  commenced  its  sessions  at  Saginaw,  July  20.  He  was  too 
late,  however,  (or  that  campaign,  as  John  T.  Rich  was  decidedly  in 
the  lead.  The  only  ballot  taken  at  the  Convention  gave  Rich  5791/2, 
Pingree  2101/2,  Jp.mes  O'Donnell  5,  and  Washington  Gardner  1.  The 
ticket  was  completed  by  the  nomination  of  J.  Wight  Giddings,  of 
Wexford,  for  Lieutenant  Governor;  John  W.  Jochim,  of  Marquette, 
for  Secretary  of  State;  Joseph  F.  Hambitzer,  of  Houghton,  for  Treas- 
urer; Stanley  W.  Turner,  of  Roscommon,  Auditor  General;  Gerrit 
J.  Diekema,  of  Ottawa,  Attorney  General;  H.  R.  Pattengill,  of  Ingham, 
Superintendent  of  Public  Instruction;  E.  A.  Wilson,  of  Van  Buren, 
Mennber  of  the  Board  of  Education.  Mark  S,  Brewer  was  both  Tem- 
porary and  Permanent  Chairman,  and  James  McMillan  was  Chairman 
of  the  State  Central  Committee.  In  the  election  Rich's  plurality 
was  16,090. 

In  1894  Mr.  Rich  was  a  candidate  for  renomination,  and  Mayor 
Pingree  again  appeared  in  the  field  against  him.  The  Convention 
was  held  at  Grand  Rapids,  July  31,  with  Philip  T.  Colgrove  as  Tem- 
-  porary  and  Permanent  Chairman.  Mr.  Pingree  had  the  Wayne 
delegation  of  106  votes  entirely  devoted  to  him,  but  did  not  make  as 
much  headway  in  other  coanties  as  he  had  anticipated,  and  the  night 
before  the  Convention  it  was  decided  that  his  name  should  not  be 
presented,  and  that  the  Wayne  delegation  should  vote  blank.    This 


m 

■'''■'•vi 


I 


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m»mm\i9'\m^m\'V.fl'm"y%  '' 


~jM    >  lyii^iLPi,  ji"iMij.iiiy.j;jjjip.j^.ii|i!H')Mi,  i;,ii.iw.«Mi«.  r. 


I 


._.A  .  _^_     L  . 


540  HISTORY  OP  THE  REPUHLIOAN  PARTY. 

plan,  which  brought  no  end  of  lidiiule  upon  the  delegation,  wa« 
carried  out  the  next  day,  15  members  from  other  counties  joining  in 
it.  Tlie  one  ballot  taken  for  Governor  gave  Ri»h  7W,  Aaron  T.  BHbh 
98,  Blank  121.  The  ticket  was  filled  out  with  the  following:  Lieu- 
tenant Governor,  Alfred  Milnes,  of  Branch;  Secretary  of  State, 
Washington  (iardner,  of  Calhoun;  State  Treasurer,  James  M.  Wilkin- 
son, of  Marquette;  Auditor  General,  Stanley  W.  Turner,  of 
Roscommon;  Attorney  General,  Fred  A.  Maynard,  of  Kent;  Land 
Commissioner,  William  A.  French,  of  Presque  Isle;  Superintendent 
of  Public  Instruction,  H.  R.  Pattengill,  of  Ingham;  Member  of  the 
State  Board  of  Education,  Perry  F.  Powers,  of  Wexford.  The  Silver 
question  appeared  in  this  Convention  in  a  mild  resolution,  which  was 
reported  as  follows:  "We  pledge  the  Republican  party  of  Michigan 
to  use  every  effort  in  its  power  to  restore  silver  to  its  historic  posi- 
tion in  the  United  States  as  a  money  metal."  This,  after  a  long 
debate,  was  adopted.  James  McMillan  was  again  Chairman  of  the 
State  Central  Committee.  The  campaign  resulted  in  a  tidal  wave 
plurality  of  106,392  for  Rich,  on  a  total  vote  of  416,838. 

There  were  those  who  said  that  the  fiasco  of  Mayor  Pingree's 
candidacy  in  1894  would  end  his  career  in  that  capacity,  but  he  had 
altogether  too  much  vitality  and  virility  to  be  kept  down  by  one  bad 
break  of  his  indiscreet  supporters.  At  the  Convention  which  com 
menced  its  sessions  in  Grand  Rapids,  August  5,  1896,  and  over  which 
J.  Wight  Giddings  presided,  he  was  the  leading  candidate  from  the 
start,  and  won  the  nomination  on  the  fourth  ballot,  and  that  in  spite 
of  the  fact  that  the  party  was  on  a  gold  platform,  and  that  he  had 
decided  leanings  toward  free  silver.     The  four  ballots  taken  had  the 

following  result : 

12  3  4 

Hazen  S.  Pingree,  of  Wayne 339  358  405  449 

Aaron  T.  Bliss,  of  Saginaw 286  297  308  293 

James  O'Donnell,  of  Jackson 83  78  89  79 

David  D.  Aitken,  of  Genesee 56  43  17  17 

A.  O.  Wheeler,  of  Manistee 47  34  14  .... 

Harry  A.  Conant,  of  Monroe 22  17  5  2 

Whole  number  of  votes 833      827      8:^8      840 

Necessary  to  a  choice 417      414      420      421 

The  ticket  was  completed  with  the  following  candidates:  Lieu- 
tenant Governor,  Thomas  B.  Dunstan,  of  Houghton;  Secretary  of 
State,  Washingt(m  Gardner,  of  Calhoun;  State  Treasurer,  George  A. 


■^JriBltMli 


I.A      .     .,.     M.A... 


•.   .v^ 


1 


llegation,  was 
lies  joining  in 
jaron  T.  mim 
)wing: 
(ir.v  of  State, 
les  M.  Wilkin- 
Tnrner,  of 
Kent;  Land 
iiperintendent 
ember  of  the 
1.  The  Silver 
>n,  whith  was 
V  of  Michigan 
historic  posl- 
after  a  long 
lirnian  of  the 
a  tidal  waA'o 

i.vor  Pingree's 
.V,  but  he  had 
vn  by  one  bad 
>n  which  com 
nd  over  which 
date  from  the 
1  that  in  spite 
i  that  he  had 
taken  had  the 


3 

105 

i08 

8« 

17 

14 

5 


4 

449 

293 

79 

17 


«38       K4(> 
t2(>       421 

dates :    Lieu- 
Secretary  of 
n;  George  A. 


REPIHLICAN  STATE  CONVENTIONS. 


541 


Steel,  of  Clinton;  Auditor  (ieneral,  Koscoe  I).  l>ix,  of  Berrien;  Attor- 
ney (leneral,  Fred  A,  Maynard.  of  Kent:  l^and  Commissioner, 
William  A.  French,  of  Presque  Isle;  Superintendent  of  Public  Instruc- 
tion, Jas(m  E.  Hammond,  of  Hillsdale;  Member  of  the  State  Hoard  of 
Education,  James  W.  Simmons,  of  Shiawasst'e. 

Mr.  Pingree's  nomination  was  received  with  an  enthusiasm  that 
had  not  been  seen  in  a  Michigan  State  <'«>nvention  before  for  many 
years,  and  his  speech,  when  he  came  before  the  Convention,  was 
received  with  almost  equal  favor.  The  campaign  that  followed  had 
some  curious  phases.  At  the  spring  Convention  for  choosing  dele- 
gates to  the  National  Convention,  Dexter  M.  Ferry  was  elected 
Chairman  of  the  State  Central  t'ommittee.  He  was  strongly  in 
favor  of  a  currency  based  on  the  gold  standard  and  believed  in  making 
the  campaign  light  mainly  on  that  issue.  Mr.  Pingree  did  not  wish 
that  question  to  be  made  prominent.  Besides  that  he  classed  Mr. 
Ferry  among  his  political  ent'mies  on  other  grounds.  The  oxitcome 
of  it  was  that  the  State  Central  Committee  condu«'ted  the  National 
and  (Congressional  <-ampaign  on  the  gold  <'urren«'y  and  protective 
tariff  issues,  and  Mr.  Pingree  and  his  friends  carried  on  the  State 
campaign  mainly  on  his  personal  record  and  on  State  issues.  The 
opposition  had  a  State  {"icket  in  the  Held  composed  of  Democrats, 
Populists  and  Silver  Republicans.  The  result  was  a  personal  triumph 
for  Mr.  Pingree,  who  had  a  plurality  of  83,409  on  a  total  vote  of 
547.802.  McKinley's  plurality  was  57,078.  That  of  State  officers 
other  than  Governor  ranged  from  50,445  to  62,394. 

Governor  Pingree,  during  his  lirst  term,  may  be  said  to  have 
created  a  new  issue  in  State  politics,  that  of  equal  taxation  of  all 
property,  including  that  of  railroad  companies,  exi>ress  companies, 
telegraph  companies  and  telephone  companies.  A  bill,  known  as  the 
Atkinson  Bill,  intended  to  secure  the  taxation  of  corporations  of  the 
classes  mentioned,  passed  the  Legislature  and  was  signed  by  him, 
but  the  Supreme  Court,  in  a  decision  on  another  matter,  declared,  by 
implication,  that  the  Act  was  unconstitutional.  That  left  the  sub- 
mission of  a  Constitutional  Amendment  as  the  only  way  in  which  the 
purpose  could  be  accomplished,  and  to  that  end  the  Governor  directed 
his  most  strenuous  efforts,  finally  succeeding  at  a  special  session  of 
the  Legislature,  held  in  October,  1900. 

The  1898  Convention  met  in  Detroit.  September  21,  with  Grant 
Fellows  as  Temporary,  and  E.  O.  Grosvenor  as  Permanent  Chairman. 
<TOveruor  Pingree  was  renominated  by  acclamation  with  a  Lieuten- 


fKV»imii»immtmmiimmmms»s^msmfi'sammimMm 


II  ]i>ii«iHiiiiuHmttMnntMnMR»»fir#:'T^^&>'--- 


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1' 

! 


542 


HISTORY  OF  THE  KEPIIKLK^AN  PAllTY. 


ant  GoveriKir  practiiall.y  of  his  own  gelectioii.  Among  the  reHolntions 
adopted  was  one  ooinuiending  (Governor  Pingree's  patriotism  and 
energy  in  liis  efforts  to  equip  and  send  to  the  front  Michigan's  volun 
teers;  and  especially  commending  his  unselfish  and  fatherly  devotion 
to  the  interests  of  the  sick  and  dyinjr  soldiers  of  Michigan  and  the 
bereaved  families  of  the  dead,  Anollier  was  as  fcdlows:  "We  com- 
mend the  present  State  Administration  for  its  earnest  efforts  in 
favor  of  tlie  equal  and  just  taxation  of  the  property  of  railroad,  tele- 
graph, t(  lephone  and  expr<>ss  companies.  We  favor  the  immediate 
repeal  of  the  tax  upon  the  gross  earnings  of  railroad  companies  and 
favor  a  tax  to  be  levied  upon  the  true  value  of  railroad,  telegraph, 
lelephone  and  express  companies'  property,  this  value  to  be  deter- 
mined by  a  State  board.  The  taxes  collected  therefrom  shall  be  paid 
into  the  Primary  School  Fund,  We  endorse  the  principles  of  the 
Atkinscm  Bill  and  pledge  the  support  of  the  Republican  party 
thereto," 

The  ticket  was  completed  with  the  following  candidates:  Lieu- 
tenant Governor,  Orrin  W,  Robinson,  of  Houghton;  Secretary  of 
State,  Justus  S.  Stearns,  of  Mason;  Auditor  General,  Roscoe  D.  Dix, 
of  Berrien;  Attorney  General,  Horace  M,  Oren,  of  Chippewa;  State 
Treasurer,  George  A.  Steel,  of  Clinton;  Land  Commissioner,  William 
A.  French,  of  Presque  Isle;  Superintendent  of  Public  Instruction, 
Jason  E.  Hammond,  of  Hillsdale;  Regents  of  the  University,  Eli  R. 
Sutton,  of  Wayne,  and  J,  Byron  Judkins,  of  Kent;  Members  of  the 
State  Board  of  Education,  E,  F.  Johnson,  of  Washtenaw,  and  F,  A. 
Piatt,  of  Genesee,  Gen,  A.  F,  Marsh,  of  Allegan,  was  made  Chair- 
man of  the  State  Central  Committee,  a  majority  of  which  was  friendly 
to  the  Governor,  The  campaign  was  fought  largely  on  the  taxation 
issue,  and  the  election  gave  Pingree  a  plurality  of  75,o<)7,  on  a  total 
vote  of  412,104, 

The  State  Convention  for  1900  met  at  Grand  Rapids,  June  27, 
with  Daniel  P.  Markey,  of  Port  Huron,  in  the  chair,  both  as  Tempor- 
ary and  Permanent  Presiding  Offi<>er,  There  were  three  active 
candidates  for  the  nomination  for  Governor,  the  friends  of  each 
claiming  that  their  favorite  had  the  lead.  There  were  also  three 
others  with  a  smaller  following,  but  each  hoping  that  in  case  of  a 
deadlock  among  the  favorites  he  might  inherit  the  strength  of  one  of 
them.  The  candidates,  in  the  order  in  which  they  stood  on  the  first 
ballot,  were:  Aaron  T.  Bliss,  of  Saginaw;  Dexter  M.  Ferry,  of  Wayne; 
Justus  S.  Stearns,  of  Mason;  Chase  S.  Osborn,  of  Chippewa;  James 


'A 


1 


lie  reHolntiong 
Atriotism  and 
lii^nn'B  voluii 
UM'l.v  devotion 
iiKun  und  the 
s:  "We  com- 
?8t  efforts  in 
railroad,  tele- 
he  immediate 
ompanieB  and 
a.d,  telegraph, 
(  to  be  deter- 
flhall  be  paid 
leiples  of  the 
iblican    party 

tidates:  Lieu- 
Secretary  of 
oscoe  D.  Dix, 
ppewa;  State 
oner,  William 
?  Instruction, 
ersity,  Eli  B. 
'mbers  of  the 
iw,  and  P,  A. 
I  made  Chair- 
<i  was  friendly 
I  the  taxation 
!>7,  on  a  total 

tids,  June  27, 
:h  as  Tempor- 
three  active 
ends  of  each 
e  also  three 
:  in  case  of  a 
igth  of  one  of 
d  on  the  first 
I'y,  of  Wayne; 
►pewa;  James 


REIMBUCAN  STATE  CONVKNTIONH.  Ml\ 

O'Donnell,  of  Jackson;  Mllo  I).  <'ampbell.  of  Hranch.     It  to«»k  nine 
teen  ballots  to  nominate,  the  following  being  the  figures: 

„ALU>TK'  I  ^1  J  I  I 

pq  ^  00  O  O  y 

First 255)  251  215  01  42  IS 

Second 273  259  201>  52  35  13 

Third 279  271  210  33  35  13 

Fourth 277  272  211  33  34  13 

Fifth 278  274  209  33  33  13 

Sixth 280  279  210  34  25  13 

Seventh 270  28.'$  210  34  23  13 

Eighth 273  290  20C  34  24  13 

Ninth 280  294  198  30  20  13 

Tenth 280  290  200  27  25  13 

.      Eleventh 279  283  202  35  28  13 

Twelfth 281  282  200  29  29  14 

Thirteenth 290  275  203  29  30  13 

Fourteenth 290  203  200  28  39  13 

Fifteenth 283  201  203  28  53  13 

Sixteenth  ..'. 293  231  195  29  GO  13 

Seventeenth 299  249  191  20  03  13 

Eighteenth 320  90  181  31  194  13 

Nineteenth 595  95  7  9  135  .. 

Total  number  of  votes  in  the  < Jonveution 841 

Necessary  to  a  choice 421 

The  remainder  of  the  ticket  was  as  follows:  Lieutenant  Gov- 
ernor, O.  W.  Robinson,  of  Houghton;  Auditor  General,  Perry  P. 
Powers,  of  Wexford;  Secretary  of  State,  Fred  M.  Warner,  of  Oakland; 
State  Treasurer,  Daniel  McCoy,  of  Kent;  Commissioner  of  State 
Land  Office,  E.  A.  Wildey,  of  Va:;  Kuren;  Attorney  General,  Horace 
M.  Oren,  of  Chippewa;  Superintv.t>'?nt  of  Public  Instruction,  Delos 
Fall,  of  Calhoun;  Member  of  the  8ti.te  Board  of  Education,  James  H. 
Thompson,  of  Osceola. 

The  platform,  which  was  short,  declared  "allegiance  to  the  gold 
standard,  believing  that  the  free  and  unlimited  coinage  of  silver  by 
this  Nation  alone  would  bring  about  untold  disasters."  It  also  had 
the  following  upon  the- tax  question  which  Governor  Pingree  had 
brought  so  much  to  the  front:  "The  Republican  Party  renews  its 
allegiance  to  the  principle  of  e«iual  and  uniform  taxation.  All  prop- 
erty owners    in    the    State,  whether    individuals,    co-partners,  or 


4 


; 


■;  ; 


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"r  '  '»'i.»vini|iniiyMiii 


HMIMh 


nijiuiiijaiMai'ffll,iii 


Mjiihwj^'iifeimuimkti'aiWHtftfwiiiiaBi^tww 


^^' 


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jir"^^'  "  '"  ."■..[ 


544 


HIHTOUY  OF  THK  KEl'UHLICAN  I'AUTY 


<'6r]H»iati(>tiH,  iilionld  contribiitH  tlit^ir  Jimt  itlinre  to  the  piihlic  burden 
nnd  expenw;  und  we  deiiuind  that  every  dolhir  of  wealth  Mhull  he 
taxHl  e<]iialiy  with  every  other.  We  favor  the  prompt  repeal  of  all 
special  railroad  eharterH  Krantiiif;  to  any  lailroad  in  the  State  Hpecial 
privilejifeH.  We  believe  that  all  the  railroadH  of  the  State  tthonld  do 
biiHineHH  tinder  the  same  general  lawH." 

Hou.  (}errit  J.  Diekenia,  of  Holland,  Ottawa  County,  waM  ehoHen 
rhairnian  of  the  State  <Vntnil  Coniniittee,  and  1).  E.  Alward,  of  Clare, 
was  again  chogen  Secretary  UoomH  for  headquartern  were  secureil 
in  Detroit.  The  diHtribution  of  docunientH  coniuieuced  about  August 
10th,  and  the  speaking  campaign  a  month  later.  The  National  and 
State  Central  Committees  together  sent  out  105  H]»eakerH  who  held 
1,024  political  meetings  in  Michigan,  and  there  was  a  large  distribu- 
tion of  documents.  The  Pemocrats  nominated  William  C.  Maybury, 
an  exceptionally  strong  candidate,  f(u*  Governor.  He  made  a  |)er- 
gonal  canvass  and  ke)it  the  Ke]iublican  plurality  on  that  oftlce  down 
to  about  SO,(IOO.  On  the  other  State  offleers  the  [pluralities  were  in 
the  neighborhood  of  OS.OOO  and  on  Tresident  it  was  105,1()8.  The 
defeat  of  the  Democrats  wys  so  sweeping  that  prominent  uumi  of  their 
parly  began,  forthwith,  to  discui^s  plans  for  a  reorganisation,  with 
new  leaders  and  a  new  de<'laration  of  principles,  before  venturing 
upon  another  campaign. 

END  OF  THE  FIRST  VOLUME. 


-i)  './-Ujiu^.-ijiiiiei 


L'AUTY. 

:<)  th(>  piililic  burden 
of  wt'iilth  Mhull  b(* 
ii'onipt  r«'iM»al  of  till 
1  in  the  State  Hpecial 
tile  Ktate  ttlioiild  do 

Connt.v,  wan  rlumen 
E.  A 1  ward,  of  Clare. 
artei'H  were  8e«'ure<l 
enced  about  August 
The  National  and 
I  H])enkefH  who  held 
^aH  a  large  diHtribu- 
Villiani  ('.  Maybury, 
r.  He  made  a  per- 
on  that  ottlce  down 
'  pluralities  were  in 
I  waH  lOH.KJS.  The 
tniineut  men  of  their 
•eorganiscation,  with 
»8,  before  venturing 


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